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LIFE AND TIMES 



THE ^ ^ 



OF 



NELSON DINGLEY, Jr. 

BY HIS SON 

EDWARD NELSON DINGLEY 



ILLUSTRATED 



PUBLISHED BT SUBSCRIPTION 



KALAMAZOO, MICHIGAN 

IHLING BROS. & EVERARD 
1902 



THr '..rBRARY OF 
CONGRESS, 

AliG, 19 1902 

D. i'.SS"fit XXo. No. 

3 ^ <\ o b 

COPY 8. 



Copyright, 1902. 
BY EDWARD NELSON DINGLEY. 



CONTENTS. 



CHAPTER I. Page. 

Birth— Childhood— Attending: School— Early Interest in Politics and 
Temperance — Teaching School. 1 

CHAPTER II. 

At Waterville Academy— Debating Society— Early Political Activity- 
Entered Waterville College 15 

CHAPTER III. 

A Freshman— Interest in Religion— A Local Political Leader— Twenty- 
one Years of Age— Left "Waterville College— Entered Dartmouth College— 
A Leader in College— First Newspaper Work— Graduated From College. 22 

CHAPTER IV. 

Studying Law— Editor of Lewiston Journal— First Speech— First and 
Only Law Case — A Western Trip — Marriage — Purchased Half Interest In 
and Later all of Lewiston Journal — Activity in Politics — On the Stump. S5 

CHAPTER V. 

The Civil War— The Daily Journal Launched— Elected State Repre- 
sentative — Re-elected — Chosen Speaker of the House. 56 

CHAPTER VI. 

The Kingfield Riot— Re-elected State Representative— Visits the Army 
at the Front— Re-elected Speaker of the House— On the Stump for Lin- 
coln and Johnson — Re-elected State Representative — Leader of the House — 
Candidate for Congress — Interview with Grant. TO 

CHAPTER VII. 

Re-elected State Representative— Again a Candidate for Congress — 
Active in the Lecture Field— Death of His Mother — On the Stump — Elected 
State Representative for the Sixth Time. 87 

CHAPTER VIII. 

Elected Governor Two Terms Successively- Laws Taxing Railroads — 
Amending State Constitution. 101 

CHAPTER IX. 

Member of the Brooklyn Council in Beecher Case— Head of Maine 
Delegation to Republican National Convention — Advocate of Temperance 
and Prohibition. 122 

CHAPTER X. 

Fighting Greenbackism— Fusion Victory— A Trip Abroad In Search of 
Health. 1S4 

CHAPTER XI. 

Attempt to Count Out Republican Officials— Excitement at Augusta — 
Indignation Meetings — The State Under Martial Law — Two Legislatures — 
Decision of Court. MS 



/ Page 

J CHAPTER XII. 

Active in Politics and Editorial work— Urged Blaine to Enter Gar- 
field's Cabinet— Supported Frye for United States Senator— Elected to 
Lower House of Congress ISO 

CHAPTER XIII. 

In tlie Forty-Seventh Congress — Interest in Shipping, Currency, Bank- 
ing and Tariff — Member of Shipping Commission. 198 

CHAPTER XIV. 

In the Forty-Eighth Congress— The Shipping Bill— The Tariff Bill— At 
Republican National Convention— Promoted Blaine's Nomination — 
— Western Stumping Tour — Sorrow Over Blaine's Defeat. 231 

CHAPTER XV. 

In the Forty-Ninth Congress — Legislative Reunion at Augusta— Ship- 
ping Bill— The Fisheries — Opposed Morrison Tariff Bill — Active in Temper- 
ance Movements. 261 

CHAPTER XVI. 

In the Fiftieth Congress— The Fisheries Treaty— Opposed the Mills 
Tariff Bill— On the Stump — Centennial Address at His Birthplace, Dur- 
ham, Maine. 286 

CHAPTER XVII. 

In the Fifty-First Congress — Excitement Over Counting a Quorum — 
Active in Framing Tariff Bill — Opposition to Free Silver. 315 

CHAPTER XVIII. 

In the Fifty- Second Congress — Regret Over Blaine's Failure to Secure 
Presidential Nomination— Defends McKinley Tariff — Prophesies McKin- 
Icy's Nomination for President — Sorrow Over Death of Blaine — Travels in 
Europe. 340 

CHAPTER XIX. 

In Fifty-Third Tongress- Put Forward to Stem the Tide of Free Silver 
— Leads Opposition to Wilson Tariff — Given Degree of LL. D. by Dart- 
mouth College — Author of an Historical Document. 364 

CHAPTER XX. 

In Fifty-Fourth Congress— The Bayard Episode— Made Chairman of 
the Ways and Means Committee — Leader on the Floor of the House — Ar- 
resting the National Deficit— Fighting the Free Silver Amendment to Bond 
Bill— Steering the Cuban Resolution — His Comment on William McKin- 
ley's Nomination for President — A Western Stumping Tour— Summoned to 
Canton, Ohio. 388 

CHAPTER XXL 

Tendered Portfolio of Secretary of the Treasury— Declined the 
Honor— Preparation of the Dingley Tariff Bill Begun— His Arduous Work 
on the Committee— Extra Session of Congress— The Dingley Tariff Bill in 
House — Opened the Debate — Passed the House. 410 

CHAPTER XXII. 

Dingley Tariff Bill Amended in the Senate— In Conference— Senate 
Yielded on All Important Points— Conference Agreement Reported and 
Adopted— President McKinley Signed the Bill and it Became a Law— Con- 
gratulations— Death of Mr. Dingley's Father— Dingley Tariff Law Well 
Received— Addressed Home Market Club, Boston. 

CHAPTER XXin. 

Restored Public Confidence- Fighting Free Silver Coinage— His Appeal 
to the House to Stand by the Nation's Honor— Excitement Over Blowing 



430 



Page 

Up of the War Ship Maine— Reported Bill "For National Defense"— Con- 
ference with the President Over Probable War— Assisted President Mc- 
Kinlev in Checking the War Cry— War Declared— Master of the House- 
Preparation of War Revenue Bill Begun— His Skill in Piloting the Bill- 
Final Triumph Over Opposition— A Vindication. 448 

CHAPTER XXIV. 

The Joint High Commission— Received an Ovation the Opening Day of 
Congress— He Forecasts the Policy of Expansion— His Last Address- 
Taken 111— A Nation's Anxiety— Heroic Struggle for Life— His Death- 
Universal Sorrow— An Imposing Funeral— Tributes of Praise— At Rest. 469 



LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. 

Nelson Dingley, Jr. — Frontispiece. 

William McKinley, Jr. 

Thomas B. Reed. 

Lyman J. Gage. 

John D. Long. 

Watervllle Academy— Prof. J. H. Hanson— Waterville College, Maine. 

Dartmouth College, Hanover, New Hampshire. 

Letter of recommendation from Edwin D. Sanborn. 

Nelson Dingley Jr., 1855— A student at Dartmouth College. 

Lot M. Morrill — Samuel Wells — Abner Coburn. 

Samuel Cony — Israel Washburn — Hannibal Hamlin— Sidney Perham. 

Nelson Dingley, Jr., 1874-5, Governor of Maine. 

Maine State Capitol — Residence of James G. Blaine, Augusta, Maine. 

Joshua L. Chamberlain— Daniel F. Davis— Alonzo Carcelon— Selden Connor— 
H. M. Plaisted. 

Forged election returns. 

Nelson Dingley, Jr. — 1882. Member of Congress. 

Hamilton House, Washington, D. C— Summer Home, Squirrel Island, Maine 
— Lewiston, Maine, home, while Governor— Lewiston, Maine, home while member 
of Congress. 

U. S. Grant— W. S. Rosecrans— N. P. Banks— Joseph Wheeler. 

James A. Garfield— Chester A. Arthur— Roscoe Conkling— J. Warren Kelfer. 

W. H. Morrison— Abram S. Hewitt— Hilary A. Herbert— Wm. M. Springer. 

R. B. Hayes— W. W. Phelps— W. S. Holman— John A. Kasson. 

J. G. Carlisle— Chas. H. Crisp— Joseph McKenna— Benjamin Butterworth. 

Grover Cleveland— W. L. Wilson— J. D. Richardson— J. C. S. Blackburn. 



Wm. McKinley— Chas. H. Grosvenor— J. B. Henderson— J. G. Cannon. 

H. C. Lodge— R. R. Hitt— J. C. Burrows— Benton McMilljn. 

John D. Long— A. J. Hopkins— John Dalzell— Amos J. Cummings. 

W. J. Bryan— Jerry Simpson— W. P. Hepburn— C. A. Russell. 

D. B. Henderson— S. B. Payne— J. A. Tawney— J. P. Dolliver. 

Letter to President McKinley declining position of Secretary of Treasury. 

Maine's Big Six— Wm. P. Frye— Eugene Hale— Nelson Dingley, Jr.— Thomas 
B. Reed— Charles A. Boutelle— Seth L. Milliken. 

National House of Representatives. 

Room of Committee on Ways and Means. 

Nelson Dingley Jr.. Chairman of Committee on Ways and Means. 

International Commission, Quebec, August, 1898. 

Steamer "Governor Dingley," Portland Steamship Company. 

Roberti Dinglei— R. Dingley, Esq.— Tomb of Francis Dingley. 

Tomb of Francis Dingley and his wife. 

Crest of Francis Dingley. 

Residence of Rev. Samuel Dingley— Brass of Margaret Dingley— Charlton 
Manor. 

Dingley Homestead, Durham, Maine— Mr. Dingley's mother— Mr. Dingley's 
father— Lambert Homestead, Durham, Maine where Nelson Dingley, Jr., was 
born. 

Mrs. Salome Dingley, Wife of Nelson Dingley, Jr. 

Frank L. Dingley. Brother of Nelson Dingley, Jr. 

Garcelon's Ferry, Androscoggin' River— Resting Place of Nelson Dingley, 
Jr., Auburn. Maine— Old Dingley Burying Ground. Durham, Maine. 



AUTHOR'S PREFACE. 



To my dear mother, the devoted and loving wife of Nelson 
Dingley, Jr., and to my wife who has given me encouragement and 
inspiration, this volume is affectionately dedicated. In com- 
piling and preparing this work for the family, relatives and friends 
of Mr. Dingley, and for all others who may be interested in read- 
ing the story of his singularly pure, upright, useful and christian 
life, I have endeavored to confine myself to a simple statement of 
facts, which was the chief characteristic of Mr. Dingley's career. 
His editorials, speeches and addresses were models of simplicity. 
He never sacrificed logic and force for needless phraseology. I 
have also endeavored to bring out what I deemed the salient points 
of his life — his industry, perseverence, studious habits, rare mod- 
esty and christian character. His earthly life was a well rounded 
career — consistent, wholesome, calm and forcible. It was a lofty 
example of devotion, unselfishness and earnestness. As a husband 
and father he was all that mortal can hope to attain. As a public 
man he was filled with a spirit of patrotism, honesty and sincerity. 
He was an ideal christian statesman ; and his work is a monument 
more enduring than marble. He is enshrined in the hearts and the 
minds of a loving people. His career was like the building of a 
splendid structure — a process of slow but substantial growth and 
development. 

I wish to thank all to whom I am indebted in the preparation of 
these volumes, and I also wish to acknowledge that I have freely 
drawn upon published books and documents for suggestions. If 
this story of "The Life and Times of Nelson Dingley Jr.," is an in- 



spiration to any of these kind friends, they may be comforted with 
the thought that they contributed to it. 

The story of this remarkable hfe may be a help to those who 
are almost persuaded that it is impossible in these strenu- 
ous days to enter a career of public service without surrendering 
principle, honesty and sincerity. Mr. Dingley's public life proves 
that a man can be honest and at the same time a politician — a de- 
vout christian and at the same time a practical statesman. If it is 
true that none but the unscrupulous succeed in public life, then 
there is indeed danger to our Republic. But the public life of Mr. 
Dingley, pure and spotless, proves the contrary. The noble and 
christian people who are in a majority, are ready and anxious to 
crown him who, by his conduct, precept and example, led the way 
to a higher and nobler citizenship, a loftier conception of life itself. 

The world was made better by the life of Nelson Dingley Jr., 
and his deeds live after him. 

I trust that this volume will prompt a further study of the pub- 
lic life of Mr. Dingley, for the more minutely it is examined the 
larger and more substantial it grows. Time alone will reveal the 
fullness and grandeur of his life and his great service to his country 
and to mankind. As Stanton said of Lincoln — "He belongs to the 
ages." 

E. N. D. 




* * * We mot for the first time in the Forty-seventy Con- 
gress. He took a iirominent place almost from tlie start which lie 
strengthened with e\ery session of Congress. He was a leader of 
the House e\en Ijefore he became Chairman of Ways and Means. 
He was a wonderful encyclopedia of facts. His success can be 
largely attributed to his thorough knowledge of the important 
subjects of national legislation. He never advocated a cause 
without strengthening it; he never discussed a public (juestion 
without illuminating it. He enjoyed in the highest degree the con- 
fidence of his party associates and his integrity was always accepted 
even by those who differed from him. He spoke to his sul)ject, and 



addressed his arguments to the members whose judgment he 
souglit to influence. He never spoke for applause. 

He was efficient. He had a habit of passing his bills ; and while 
I have made no examination of it, I cannot be far wrong when I 
state that during his term of service, he placed upon the statute 
books more im])ortant laws than prol)al)ly anv of his contempor- 



aries. 



^^°^ 





The eminent and conspicuous fitness of Go\'ernor Ding-ley for 
tlie great position he held at the time of his death was strikingly- 
shown by the complete accjuiescence with which his appointment 
was received by his colleagues and by the people of the country. 

At the time he was made Chairman of Ways aiid Means, Maine 
had already the S]:)eakership, the Chairmanship of the Na\'al Com- 
mittee and that of Public Buildings with just four members for her 
representation. Had the appointment been an ordinary one, much 
adverse criticism would have been deserved and encountered ; but 
the feeling was so strong that the fitting thing had been done that 
nothing but high praise was nianifest. 



This new position was under the circumstances of that time the 
most laborious and in many ways the most important in the gift of 
the Government. 

Go\ernor Dingley brought to his new task tlie powers of a sin- 
gularly keen intellect well trained as to details as well as a remark- 
able capacity for long sustained labor. Whatever he undertook to 
know he mastered to the minutest particulars. It was a satisfac- 
tion in pri\ate con\-ersation as well as in public speech to hear him 
explain an in\ol\ed and difficult question. It was so evident from 
the very beginning that he had worked over the whole subject that 
you very readily trusted his knowledge for the matters you did not 
yourself know. 

While he had few of the graces of oratory, no dominating voice, 
he had very soon after his arrival in Washington the attention of a 
constantly increasing number of the members of the House until at 
last he attained the rare distinction of being always listened to be- 
cause he always had something to say that all wanted to hear. 

It is difficult for me in so short a space to express suitable ap- 
preciation of the services Governor Dingley rendered his country. 
Fortunately all know them and any short review could only be a 
reminder and not a statement 

As an adviser in times of stress his wisdom and experience were 
of great value, all the greater because he was invariably cool and 
collected, seldom or never disturbed, able at all times to see ques- 
tions from all standpoints and ne\er deluded by his own wishes and 
hopes. 

Without detracting in any way from the claims of the eminent 
man who participated in the making of the last Tariff Act it is little 
enough to say that that act owes its most important features in 
scope and plan to the skill and wisdom of Goxernor Dingley, and 
its details in large measure to his untiring labor. 

That the loss of Governor Dingley was a great national mis- 
fortune, the people of this country have so fully and amply testi- 
fied that all anv one of us can add seems superlluous. 




/ 



AO<s^^:pt^ 




My acquaintance witli Xelson Dingley was only for a small part 
of the long time he gave to the pulilic service, but he being Chair- 
man of the Committee on \\'ays and Means, as Secretary <-if the 
Treasury 1 hatl aliumlant opportunity to know him and to learn his 
worth. He was singularly gifted in having a broad and compre- 
hensi\'e grasp of jniblic questions, particularlv those having rela- 
tion to the Treasury Dejiartment. There was no part of the great 
field covered by it with which he was not readily familiar. He was 
especially informed <<u all subjects affecting national taxation, the 
public debt, and coinage, banking and currency. He was an ideal 
man for Chairman of the important committee over whicli he pre- 



sided. The tariff law which bears liis name, and the war revenue 
legislation of 1898, to each of which he gave conspicuously intelli- 
gent direction, have met all expectations. The former measure 
was the first legislative move leading to the season of high prosper- 
ity which made the closing years of the century happy ones for 
the American people. No small part of these great blessings may 
be credited to the devoted service of Mr. Dingley. The state of 
the Treasury on the incoming of the administration of President 
McKinley imperatively demanded a change in the revenue laws, 
lu less that five months the Dingley Bill became effective as a law. 
No other tariff measure was ever passed so speedily, and none has 
ever responded to the public needs so adequately and completely. 
In thirty-five months of its operation it produced a surplus of $45,- 
000,000. The restoration of public credit thus affected was the 
foundation upon which was subsequently reared those reforms 
which have secured to us the happy conditions of the present time. 
Mr. Dingley's untimely death furnishes one of those sad instances 
where a faithful public servant did not live to see the full fruition 
of his hopes and eft'orts, but if it be true that, 

"To live in hearts we leave behind 
Is not to die," 
it is also true that we survive in the deeds we have done. They are 
imperishable and in this sense the one who has gone lives on amid 
the things he accomplished when he was among us. 





* * * My memory goes back to the time when lie entered 
puljlic life and when, having made himself known all o\er the State 
as the editor of the Lewiston Journal entered the State Legisla- 
ture, was Speaker of its House of Representatives and afterwards 
became Governor of the State of ]\laine. Had he taken no further 
.step in the public service he would still be remembered as one of 
its most distinguished citizens. But his long career in the National 
House of Representati\es made him a national figure. I do not 
belie\e he was ever excelled in industry and in the mastery of all 
subjects ])ertaining to the legislation of his country. He always 
seemed to be an encyclopedia. With none of the arts of an orator, 



yet such was his thorougli knowledsie of every subject he discussed 
and the conhdence he liad inspired tliat no man on tlie door of Con- 
gress was hstened to witii more attention. As Chairman of tlie 
great Committee on Ways and IMeans, in wiiich position he died, 
his name of course is associated with the present operating reve- 
nue measure, tlie results of which are a full treasury, the unlimited 
credit of the United States, and the hounding j^-osperity of the in- 
clustries and business of the country. It is with the highest respect 
that I beg to add the tribute of my word to his memory. 




THE LIFE AND TIMES 



OF 



NELSON DINGLEY, Jr. 



CHAPTER I. 
1832— 1850. 

It was a cold night in mid-winter. The moon looked down on 
a snow-covered landscape. The horses' hoofs crunched the frost- 
bitten ground, while the smoke from the farm-house chimneys 
curled lazily heavenward." The river was covered with a thick coat 
of ice, and the pine trees looked like sentinels on watch. 

It was a typical winter's eve in Maine. Christmas had come 
and gone ; the New Year had been born ; but a more important 
event than all to the village of Durham, was the birth of a child 
whose life, ere its close, was to be linked with that of humanity and 
the world. 

Astrologers say that all great men are born under lucky stars, 
and that this accounts for their greatness. Reason says that the 
stars and the planets in their courses, are the lights on God's altar 
illuminating the great souls of mothers through whom the Al- 
mighty creates in his own image, and gives to the world His de- 
voted followers. 

There was no bright star in the east ; there was no pilgrimage 



2 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

of wise men ; but it was the nativity of a true son of God. Nature 
kept her secret and revealed it only when the revelation made man- 
ifest His divine plan. 

Nelson Dingley Jr. first saw the light of day in his grandfather 
Lambert's house — a one and a half story cottage farm house situ- 
ated on the road from Auburn, Maine (then Gofif's Corner) to the 
South West Bend, near the Androscoggin River. Here his mother, 
Jane Lambert, was born August 6, 1809. Here she passed her 
childhood and young womanhood. Here his mother and father 
were married in the early part of 1831, and here his parents made 
their home for nearly two years after their marriage. 

In 1852, Nelson Dingley Jr., then only twenty years of age, thus 
wrote of his birthplace: "Many a time have I gazed with raptur- 
ous pleasure on the scenes of my nativity. How oft when summer 
— queenly June sat on the throne, have I contemplated the scene 
of my birth. It was a farm house a story and a half high, painted 
white, but a few rods from the gentle Androscoggin. Peace and 
plenty reigned triumphant all around; green fields of grain waived 
their loaded stalks in the breeze, and all spake of comfort. Yes, it 
was a farmer's home — the home of my dear, dear mother — where 
she too was born and reveled in the sports of girlhood — where she 
was young and thoughtless." 

Nelson's father was away from home, engaged in peddling, a 
large part of these years, and during one of his trips he purchased 
a farm in Parkman, Piscataquis County, about a mile from the 
"Corner" so called. In January, 1833, when the thermometer was 
down to zero, the parents with their infant child in it's mother's 
arms, journeyed to Parkman, a distance of over a hundred miles, 
and there established their new home. A two horse team con- 
tained all their worldly goods. Two years the father and mother 
toiled, the former on the farm and the latter in the cottage. In 
1835, the father entered into partnership with Isaiah Vickery. 
They ran a country hotel and store combined, while the good wife 
and mother, Jane, performed successfully the arduous duties of 
mistress and landlady of the hotel. 

Here Nelson, the son, first attended school ; and in his diary ke 
records recollections of those boyhood days. While in school one 
day he accidentally pushed a slate pencil out of reach in his ear. A 
physician's services were required to remove the pencil ; and Nel- 
son beautifully records the sweet and tender ministrations of his 
mother. "He who knows not the love of a kind mother has lost 
the great link of life," he wrote. 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 3 

While attending school at Parknian he received from his mother 
the first lessons of accuracy and persistence that characterized his 
whole life. His mother always took him on her knee before he 
went to school and compelled him to recite his lesson to her over 
and over again until he had it perfect. Even in those boyhood 
days he always did things well. 

Young Nelson was not a robust child, but was by no means 
sickly. He was very much like other boys of his age and records 
in his brief autobiography that he probably often merited and 
sometimes received an application of the rod at the hands of his 
mother. 

In the year 1838, when Nelson was seven years old, his parents 
removed to Unity, Waldo County, a pretty village forty miles west 
of Parkman on the line of the Maine Central Railroad between 
Burnham and Belfast. His father conducted a general store, in 
which everything from molasses to calico was sold ; and here Nel- 
son received his first experiences in real life. 

It might appear to the casual reader of Nelson's subsequent 
career, that he was an unusually sober and serious lad ; and that he 
never indulged in the games and sports so common in the child- 
hood of every man. But this is a great mistake. From the time 
that he was seven years old when he first moved to Unity, until the 
cares of public life occupied his entire attention, Nelson shared 
actively in all games, sports and out-door events. He was fond of 
baseball, and in the pursuits of hunting and fishing, and in them all 
had the same enthusiasm and zeal that characterized him in his 
study. Here in this quiet village with its wide-spreading elms, its 
shaded streets and wholesome atmosphere his whole character was 
formed ; and it was broadened and ennobled by his constant and 
devoted communion with nature. In his diary he speaks of a 
stream "to which I often directed my steps with hook and line." 
When a student at Waterville College ^ and in a poetic frame of 
mind, he wrote the following poem on "Sand Brook" — that stream 
to which when a boy he "often directed his steps with hook and 

line :" 

"There is a place, far, far away 
More dear to me than life's bright ray. 
Where memory fond loves e'er to dwell 
And bring to mind the parting knell. 

There is a place 'mid nature's lawn 

1— August 21, 1851. 



LIFE AND TIMES OF 

By sparkling waters drawn along; 
With vale and meadows freely blessed, 
With nature's brightest flowers dressed. 

There is a place, I know it well, 
Its joys and beauties, who can tell? 
Where hopes of youth beat strong and high, 
Where life was free from many a sigh. 

That place is "Sand Brook" known to me 
By boyish sports and dreams of glee 
By playmates dear to youthful days 
Now far away from manhood's gaze. 

The pond that washed the northern bovmd. 
The stream that flowed the village round. 
Have oft been scenes of anxious looks, 
As finny tribes eyed well my hooks. 



Ah who can tell how many a time 
Those scenes of youth have come to mind; 
How oft I've sighed for their return. 
And wondered long at life's changed urn." 

The winter following his parents' removal to Unity was an ex- 
citing one. It was the year of the famous "Aroostook War." The 
immediate cause of this war was the "plundering" of timber from 
the public lands of Maine by trespassers from New Brunswick. To 
protect the public lands, the legislature appropriated $800,000 and 
ordered a draft of ten thousand men. Some of these soldiers 
passed through Unity on their way to Aroostook ; and Nelson's 
youthful eyes gazed with astonishment upon the loads of huge can- 
non-balls daily carried by; upon the companies of gaily dressed 
troops, some of which found quarters and rations at the Dingley 
home. 

In school. Nelson was not precocious, but he was even better 
than that — industrious, zealous, ricli in application, capable in con- 
tinuous study, faithful to his tasks, conscientious, indeed embodv- 
ing at that early age those characteristics which made him so useful 
in later years -to both his state and nation. The first book he ever 
owned was "Olin's Travels" — a series of vivid sketches of travel in 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 5 

the oldest of the continents. He was only a lad of ten, and yet he 
took great delight in reading and re-reading the pages of this vol- 
ume. At the age of twelve he was devouring Gibbon's History of 
Rome ; while Daniel Webster's speeches he read as other boys read 
the stories of Scott and Dickens. 

His first school teacher in Unity was Hon. R. W. Files of 
Thorndike, a state councillor in 1873 and 1874, when Nelson was 
Governor of Maine — "A severe disciplinarian who made himself 
felt in more ways than one," wrote Nelson in after years. Of this 
school period Nelson wrote in his diary: "Faint shadows flit by 
now and then of a piece of leather sewed together and stuffed with 
hair, about a foot in length, which at times performed sundry an- 
tics over the backs of delinquent youths." 

In the winter of 1840 Mr. Whitney of Thorndike was his 
teacher ; and it is said that Nelson was one of the bright boys of the 
village, largely due to the extraordinary care bestowed upon him 
by his mother. On the seventh of February, 1840, Nelson's first 
and only brother (Frank Lambert) was born. Of this event he 
wrote later in his diary : "A brother! What magic in the word — 
another link in the chain of affection that binds man to earth." 

Nelson was eight and a half years old when the whole country 
was aroused over the Presidential contest of 1840 when "Tippe- 
canoe and Tyler too" was the watchword ; and he wrote of that 
period in later years: "I recall even now (1874) an illumination in 
the village of Unity in honor of Harrison's election." 

In the autumn of 1841 he began to master the mysteries of 
grammar, and he wrote his first composition which was a repro- 
duction of a story he had read. Here it is : 
RALPH EDWARD. 

"There was a boy who lived in Connecticut. His father was 
dead and he went to school. One Saturday afternoon he went 
down to a river which was near, and he saw a boy plunge into the 
river without taking off his clothes. Soon he began to struggle. 
Edward took off his boots and hauled the boy on shore. The boy 
owned that he could not swim and promised that he would not ven- 
ture into such deep water till he had learned to swim. Edward 
went home without saying a word and went into his own little 
chamber and shed tears. His mother went and asked him what 
was the matter. He said he could not help crying when he thought 
of that drowning boy." 

It was in September 1841 that Nelson experienced his first sor- 
row, the death of his intimate playmate John Osborne Seavey, son 



6 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

of the local hotel keeper. For the first time death was brought 
near to him, and the sad incidents were indelibly engraven on his 
memory. Of this first grief he wrote: "Death was thus first 
brought near to me. The funeral services, the last look at the 
familiar face, the closmg of the cofiin lid, the procession to the 
churchyard, the funeral hymn, the last farewells — all these sad in- 
cidents are engraven on my memory, and seem as fresh after the 
lapse of more than thirty years as though it were but yesterday." 

During the next three years Nelson attended school, worked 
on his father's farm, fished and hunted and roamed in the woods 
and along the streams. Judging from the entries in his diary he 
did not disturb the fish or game to any great extent, for he was ac- 
customed to lay down his gun or his rod, stretch himself flat upon 
his back and contemplate the beauties of nature. At thirteen years 
of age, owing to his rapid growth, he became sickly; but in another 
year his constitution triumphed and health was restored. 

It was about this time that he conceived the first great impulse 
of education, which led him by twilight and candlelight to snatch 
every possible moment for books. He was an omnivorious reader. 
He made his own selections and evinced a distaste for the floating 
literature of the day and sought works of greater utihty — histories, 
biographies and books of travel. At the age of fifteen he had read 
historical works comprising the whole world. At the age of twenty 
he wrote in his diary concerning his literary selections during that 
period : "Since then, I have seen the wisdom of my choice." 

Although only fourteen years old. Nelson began to be, in a 
sense, a public man. His father was a Whig, and a Whig was a de- 
voted follower of Daniel Webster. The literature of social and po- 
litical economy was then very lean, and Nelson was obliged to en- 
ter original avenues of thought to ootain what he conceived to be 
the true basis of political economy. Calhoun, Clay and Webster 
were the only authorities and masters of American politics. With 
the speeches of Webster which he digested and assimilated, as his 
starting point, he slowly but surely evolved a practical political 
economy of his own which was of such great \-alue to him in after 
years. In 1845, he spent much time in his father's store. Every 
spare moment while waiting for customers he employed reading 
some historical work. He had a way of laying down the book 
every few moments and quizzing himself on what he had read. In 
this way he strengthened his memory and laid by a store of useful 
knowledge. 

In the winter of this year an incident in his school life happened 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 7 

that caused him great shame at the time. For turning his head 
and looking frequently at a girl on the opposite side of the school 
house who looked captivatingly towards his seat, Nelson was sent 
by the teacher to sit by her side. Of this incident he wrote later: 
"I was deeply mortified then to receive the punishment, although I 
have wondered why I did not kiss the rod." 

Nelson was early trained in habits of industry and study both by 
his father and mother. They were hard working people, devoted 
to their children and ambitious for their welfare. Of his mother. 
Nelson wrote in later years: "Having naturally marked ability 
and having received a fair education and had successful experience 
as a teacher for several years previous to her marriage, she im- 
pressed her own love of intellectual pursuits on her children ; and 
early inspired them with an ambition to excel in this direction. 
Her strong character, marked practical sense, and deep regard for 
all that is pure and noble, gave to the household an atmosphere 
which could not fail to produce a lasting impression. To her early 
and repeated inculcations is due the deep interest which I have felt 
from childhood in the cause of temperance." Of his father he 
wrote : "Ever kind and indulgent, although watchful and firm, we 
owe to him, as well as to dear Mother, that careful training which 
shielded us from the influence of temptation, made industrious and 
virtuous conduct a habit, and prepared us so well for the active 
duties of life." 

December 3, 1846, Nelson began a diary and maintained it until 
within a month of his death. He was almost fifteen years old when 
he began this record of his life, and on that day he entered a short 
sketch of the town of Unity and a statement of the local, state and 
national government. He wrote that "the most of the inliabitants 
are Democrats. They had a very hard time choosing a representa- 
tive this fall. The man set up by the Whigs was E. K. Vose of 
Knox, and by the Democrats W. Weed of Knox, and Abolitionists, 
S. G. Stevens of Unity. After trying four times the Democrats 
finally elected W. Weed of Knox. * * * 'Yhe President of this 
nation is James K. Polk, Democrat, and the Vice-President is Geo. 
M. Dallas, Democrat. This nation is now at war with Mexico. So 
far our soldiers have been victorious. They are commanded by Z. 
Taylor, an able general." 

Thus early Nelson evinced a deep interest in politics. The vil- 
lage statesmen were accustomed in those days to gather around 
the cracker barrel at his father's store in the summer evenings and 
settle great questions of Stcte. The guide through those stormy 



8 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

seas of disputation generally was this lad of fourteen or fifteen, 
who, when the discussion became hot calmly stated the facts of the 
case which were usually accepted without question. Thus the 
youthful oil was poured on the troubled waters. 

The cause of temperance was increasing very rapidly in Maine, 
and Nelson at this age took an active and prominent part. He was 
a member of the Unity Washingtonian Society, a temperance or- 
ganization that had its origin in Baltimore in 1840. It spread over 
the country and had for its chief promoters such men as John H. 
W. Hawkins, and John B. Gough. Nelson took part in all the dis- 
cussions and debates in this local temperance society. The first 
topic was, "Whether alcohol is necessary as a medicine." It is 
needless to say that the young man stoutly defended the negative. 
This was the beginning of a long service in behalf of the cause of 
temperance. 

The winter of 1846 and 1847 appears to have been a very busy 
one for Nelson. Between debates on temperance, studies in the 
day school and Sunday-school and selling goods at his father's 
store he found time on December 24, 1846 to engage in a little 
business on his own account. He took a load of potatoes to the mar- 
ket at Belfast, twenty miles distant, sold them, and returned home 
with his money next day, much elated over his good bargain. It 
was his first trip alone away from home, and it was the first time 
that self-reliance had ever been developed in him among strangers; 
and instead of being depressed he was encouraged to try other ven- 
tures of more importance and greater magnitude. 

Nelson was a natural debater; and on January 5 1847 he organ- 
ized at the school-house, a debating society called "The Unity 
Lyceum ;" and all the important public questions of the day were 
discussed by the boys who were members. It was in this lyceum 
that the future statesman and legislator laid the foundation of his 
forensic career. In the middle of January, 1847, Governor 
Kent appeared in a case of some importance to the village, and the 
scholars who were members of this lyceum were dismissed in order 
that they might hear Gov. Kent make his argument and learn from 
him what true oratory was at that time. Nelson was an attentive 
listener. 

As further proof of the fact that the future Congressman was, 
as a boy, the same as all other boys, it may be said that he attended 
a dancing school that winter and learned the various figures — "the 
five positions up and back, cross over and back, and the chasse 



NELSON DINGEEY JR. 9 

step," as he recorded in his diary; and tradition says that he was a 
good dancer. 

In the spring of 1847, Nelson, together with his fellows, formed 
a military company. He was chosen Captain, and the company 
was the pride of the town. The drills were conducted in his father's 
pasture. Nelson wrote later of this event that "we did not rest con- 
tent until we had a general muster with our single company, on 
which occasion I was promoted to an imaginary Colonelcy, with 
the command of the field. Undertaking to catch father's horse for 
the purpose of making an appearance to mount it, I came near re- 
ceiving a severe kick from the animal ; whereupon the attempt to 
seek military honors was abandoned." Nelson's father had re- 
cently bought this horse and he was an animal of a great deal of 
spirit. The suggestion of putting a saddle on the animal's back 
was received by the father with a slight twinkle in his eye. But the 
horse and rider started off in fine fettle, and in about half an hour 
the horse came snorting back alone. This was somewhat alarm- 
ing, but the father thought it was possible that the lad had left the 
horse at the wayside to get a drink at the favorite spring at the foot 
of the hill, and accordingly waited patiently for the boy's return. 
In the course of half an hour a sorry looking boy with a bloody 
handkerchief concealing a somewhat dilapitated nose, walked 
slowly into the yard, saying: "I'll be darned if I'll ever ride that 
horse again." It is no wonder that he abandoned all attempts to 
seek military glory on horseback. 

Nelson's experience and success in marketing potatoes at Bel- 
fast whetted his appetite for more commercial glory ; consequently 
on July 4, 1847 in company with a playmate he started a peanut, 
lemonade and cracker stand in the village square, which business 
venture netted them the large sum of seven dollars. His share was 
at once invested in books. 

During the winter of 1847 and 1848 he progressed rapidly with 
his studies, and on January 18, the village high school gave a pub- 
lic exhibition. He recited an original poem which unfortunately 
has not been preserved. He continued in his course of reading and 
study, took a still more active part in the local debating societies, 
discussed with the statesmen of the village questions of protection, 
finance and temperance with a somewhat precocious wisdom born 
not only of a retentive memory, but of a remarkable aptitude for 
philosophy, science and logic. The foundations of the great career 
which was before him were laid deeper and stronger than ever. 
The science of politics fascinated him as much then as it did in later 



10 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

years. No political speech, no event of the hustings, no debate in 
the school hall, no discussion in the postoffice, failed, if he were 
present, to interest him or to elict participation on his part, if such 
seemed to him to be timely. 

April 25, 1848 a section of the Cadets of Temperance, known as 
Litterarius section, was instituted in Unity, and Nelson took an 
active part in maintaining it. Among the papers left by him, was 
his original copy of the "Constitution and By-lays of Litterarius 
Section No. 2 of the Cadets of Temperance of Unity, instituted 
April 25, 1848 — N. Dingley, Jr. — Virtue, Love, and Temperance." 
In the preface of the constitution are found these words: "The 
vast utility of this juvenile organization is made apparent by a very 
superficial examination of its features. By its operations we gather 
within the folds of a temperance influence, the elements of which 
society is composed — the embryo men and rulers of this great Re- 
public." 

An amusing incident is told of Nelson when he was President 
of the local Cadets of Temperance of the town of Unity. His 
younger and only brother, Frank, was also a member of the order, 
and it was charged that on an occasion not long before that date, 
the lad was seen to partake of sweet cider, the use of which was 
prohibited by the constitution and pledge of the Cadets of Temper- 
ance. The brother was then perhaps seven or eight years of age. 
Nelson was perhaps fifteen. The latter invited those making the 
allegations to formulate their charges and present them before the 
order in usual form. With great seriousness the investigation pro- 
ceeded, and in due course, (the arguments being postponed) Nel- 
son undertook an elaborate defence, commenting on the testimony 
with a great deal of dignity, as though the fate of both lads de- 
pended upon the verdict. In speaking of this incident in later years 
the Congressman said he thought it was possible the respondent 
was guilty but invoking the principle that the prisoner 
should have the benefit of the doubt and calling into ques- 
tion the credibility of certain witnesses, who, as he judged seemed 
to be loaded with prejudice, in a discussion of more than an hour, 
he laid down the law, the evidence, and the gospel of the situation 
so forcibly that the jury returned a verdict of "Not Guilty," amid 
th« applause of two or three scores of youngsters who listened at- 
tentively to every word. Nelson said in later years that his argu- 
ment was based upon the fact that in the first place the young as- 
sailant of his brother's standing in the Cadets did not know what 
it was that his brother drank, and secondly that as a matter of fact. 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. il 

it was not cider but apple juice, cider requiring a certain degree of 
fermentation. "On fermentation." said Mr. Dingley, with a 
twini<le, "I came out strong. I buried the hapless boy who had 
brought the charge under a weight of scientific revelation. I as- 
sailed his reputation for veracity and the result was that every vote 
but one was for acquittal, and that one was cast by the boy who 
brought the charge. Then brother Frank was led in and trium- 
phantly purged of his contumely." This little incident displayed 
the capacity for leadership and tact which Nelson early evinced. 

As an indication of the standard of social life which was main- 
tained in Maine villages half a century ago, it is interesting to note 
that on July 9, 1848, Nelson entered into the following "articles of 
agreement" duly signed and sealed : 

ARTICLES OF AGREEMENT 
made this day. Know all men by these presents that I will not en- 
ter the bowling alley of J. L. Seayey for one month from today, 
under a penalty of 25 cents. To which I bind myself, my executors, 
etc. Signed and sealed this ninth day of July, A. D. 1848. 

Nelson Dingley Jr. (seal.) 

As the bowling alley was evidently a resort for rowdies, it is 
clear that the mother's advice and the father's injunction to stay 
away was followed in this case. 

Nelson took a deep interest in the fall election of that year, not 
only because he followed closely all public affairs, but also because 
his father was nominated for State Senator at Belfast by the Whigs. 
John W. Dana of Fryeburg was the Democratic candidate for gov- 
ernor and failed to be elected by the people, but was, however, 
elected by the legislature. Elijah L. Hamlin, of the famous Ham- 
lin family, was the Whig candidate for governor. Samuel Fessen- 
den was the Whig candidate for gubernatorial honors. Abner Co- 
burn, afterwards Governor of Maine, was the Whig candidate for 
Congress in the 5th District. Israel Washburn Jr., of the famous 
Washburn family, was the Whig candidate for Congress in the 
sixth District. Elbridge Gerry was the Democratic candidate for 
Congress in the first District a»d was elected. Nelson's father was 
defeated. 

Unity was a Democratic stronghold and the Whigs therefore 
rejoiced all the more over the election of their candidate for Presi- 
dent, and Nelson participated in a grand jubilation at Unity over 
the triumph of Zachariah Taylor in the following November. He 
recorded the full vote in Unity and the State of Maine in the Presi- 
dential election of November 7, 1848. The Town of Unity went 



12 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

Democratic by 49 plurality, and the State Democratic by 4088 plur- 
ality. Taylor, however, received a majority of the electoral votes 
and was elected, and Nelson recorded in his diaiy in extra large let- 
ters and evidently with exultation : 

"Final results of election — Zachariah Taylor, President, Mil- 
lard Fillmore, Vice-President, from March 4, 1849, to March 4, 

1853." 

In those days reports of elections came in altogether by post; 
and the completion of a telegraphic wire across the southern por- 
tion of the State of Maine explains the significance of Nelson's 
statement in his diary November 10, 1848 that "so quick is news 
circulated by means of the telegraph that the election of Z. Taylor 
is made certain tonight." And this was three days after the elec- 
tion ! 

Nelson was sixteen years old when he taught his first school. 
December 2, 1848, he parted tearfully from his mother and in a 
cold drizzling rain storm "staged it" to the village of China, four 
teen miles distant. The old stage coach drew up in front of the 
house and his mother stood at the door with tears streaming from 
her eyes. She bade him good-bye, and he passed on. He said in 
after years that he had the utmost difficulty to keep back the tears 
and control his feelings on this occasion — the first time that he left 
his parental roof. After he had taken his seat in the old stage 
coach and the door closed he broke down in the solitude of his 
thoughts. During the fourteen mile ride to China, he revolved in 
his mind the new and untried responsibilities which he was about to 
undertake, and he determined that for the sake of his mother's 
tears and his father's love and sympathy, he would acquit himself 
well ; and as the stage rolled on and the rain increased in violence 
and beat against the window panes he became calm and confident, 
resolved to overcome every weakness and every obstacle and prove 
himself worthy of the love and labor bestowed upon him by the 
most affectionate and faithful of mothers and fathers. Here he 
taught school for nearly two months, receiving the large sum of 
$3.25 per week, boarding around during the entire two months on 
fried pork and gingerbread furnished in weekly doses by every fam- 
ily in the district. In later years he laughingly said that during 
this experience he ate three miles of twisted doughnuts. 

From the middle of February 1849, to the middle of May 1850, 
he attended the village school, helped his father in the store, was 
active in the meetings of the Cadets of Temperance, and altogether 
a singularly thoughtful and useful boy of seventeen. He took a 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 13 

deep interest in the State election of 1849, when John Hubbard. 
Democrat, was elected Governor over Elijah L. Hamlin, Whig, and 
George F. Talbot, Free Soiler. His father was again the Whig 
candidate for State Senator in the 5th district, but was defeated. 
Nelson entered in his diary a detailed statement of the results of the 
election — in fact all the important events in State and National 
politics were chronicled by him. To show his deep interest, at this 
early age, in the progress of the world, note what he wrote January 
I, 1850: 

"In contemplating the departure of the year 1849, we see the 
departure of a year of disaster and gloom. The year 1848 was a 
year of liberty for Europe, but 1849 has crushed their hopes and the 
monarchs of Europe ride on their thrones in comparative security. 
But the state of things in Europe shows that there must be a great 
struggle between the people and the monarchs in which one will 
entirely gain the ascendency." 

As a further evidence of his intelligent knowledge of current 
events, the independent attitude of his mind and his interest in the 
welfare of the people, read what he wrote January 10, 1850, when 
he was only eighteen years old: 

"An avowal of my belief in the general government — how I 
should vote. 

"Motto — Liberty, Union, Equality and the Constitution. 

"First it is my belief that I should first consider the capability 
and honesty of the man to be voted for and not be blinded by regu- 
lar nominations ; that I should be guided in the choice of men by 
those that have the following principles at heart : 

"That a tariff high enough to protect our own industry is an in- 
dispensable requisite. 

"That the Wilmot Proviso, or no more slave territory is an in- 
dispensable thing. 

"External and internal improvements for the better carrying on 
of international trade. 

"Cheap postage for the people in order that the 'Press,' Hber- 
ty's lever, may be better circulated. 

"Liberty of speech, of the press, of petition. 
"Abolishing of the slave traffic and holding of human beings in 
slavery in our Nation's Capitol and the District of Columbia." 

As a proof of his moral character and his strict regard for tem- 
perance and sobriety, even at this early age, it is interesting to read 
in his diary January 9, 1850 — this curious compact: 

"Know all men by these presents that we, Nelson Dingley Jr. 



14 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

and John W. Fernald of Unity, County of Waldo, State of Maine, 
are holden and bound unto each other in the sum of twenty-five 
cents to be paid etc. Provided that if the said Dingley shall not 
drink any tea or cofifee, and that the said Fernald shall not use any 
tobacco for the space of one week ; if such is done then it shall be 
null and void, otherwise in full force etc. 

N. Dingley Jr. 
J. W. Fernald." 
July 3, 1849, was an important day in the life of Nelson and the 
history of that section, for on that day he witnessed the opening of 
the railroad connecting the village of Winthrop with Lewiston. 
This was his first visit to Lewiston where he subsequently resided 
so many years. 



CHAPTER II. 
1850— 1852. 

Nelson had a natural thirst for knowledge and during all these 
years he was carefully storing his mind with valuable information, 
thus fitting himself not only for a college but also a national career. 
May 18, 1850, was a red-letter day in his life. It was then he went 
to Waterville to attend the Waterville Academy; and of this step 
he wrote later: "I felt in some measure the value of knowledge 
and I wished to drink deep at its fountain. As yet I have no settled 
purpose in mind. It was merely an indefinite desire to prepare my- 
self to fill whatever station Providence might alot to me." 

Waterville Academy was a flourishing institution. Nelson thus 
wrote of it : "The towering walls of brick looked down imposingly 
on me, as if to remind me of the future. The teacher was a pleasant, 
energetic man. His name was James H. Hanson ; and the time 
spent with him will endear him to my memory." 

Prof. Hanson was one of the most distinguished and successful 
teachers Maine ever had. He was only thirty-four years old when 
he was Nelson's instructor. His enthusiasm, untiring devotion to 
his pupils, capacity for work, and rare character as a christim 
scholar and gentleman, put this institution among the best 
equipped and most largely attended secondary schools in New 
England. He died in 1894; and to him Nelson owed much of his 
thorough and christian training. 

Nelson at once took high rank in his studies ; and one of his 
classmates, ^ wrote that "when Mr. Dinglev entered the school he 
was about eighteen ; but his thoughtful, gentlemanly appearance 

1 — Mrs. J. H. Hanson, widow of Prof. Hanson, 1S99. 



i6 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

made him seem much older. His figure and presence were not im- 
posing, but his friendly face, his interest in his work, his quick per- 
ception, his conscientious discharge of every requirement, his ex- 
ceeding accuracy, his tireless industry, his courteous, respectful at- 
titude toward his teachers, soon gave him an enviable reputation 
in the school. His influence was always on the right side, and there 
was no blur on the line that marked right from wrong. He re- 
frained from questionable indulgences with no air of 'I am holier 
than thou,' but with an evident conviction that he could not afYord 
the time taken from things he liked to do better. He did not hesi- 
tate to show his decided views in regard to temperance and relig- 
ion. He did not preach but lived his life in a strong, forceful, seri- 
ous fashion. With him the courtesies of life were the overflow of a 
genuine spirit of kindness. To his school-mates he was genial, 
friendly, helpful and capable. He has left the school as an inheri- 
tance, the influence of his method, manners and morals. He 
showed remarkable capacity for work, and excellence in recitation. 
In Greek and Latin he knew all the fine print, and it was difficult to 
find a point he had not examined. In the debating society, which 
Mr. Dingley with others organized, he was interesting though not 
brilliant. His clear, simple, logical statements, his command of 
choice language, his low, well-modulated voice and excellent mem- 
ory were convincing and impressive. At a gathering of Maine's 
teachers in Augusta, Me., soon after Mr. Dingley was married, 
Prof. Hanson asked Mr. Dingley how it happened he was never 
betrayed into neglecting his studies while at the Academy. He re- 
plied : 'I sent my parents every Saturday night a report of my 
school work and the manner in which I spent mj' time out of school. 
I was careful that this report should carry no anxiety or discom- 
fort to my mother to whose instruction and encouragement I owe 
the ambition I had to attain an education, or to my father, whose 
kind, firm discipline taught me the value of prompt obedience, 
fidelity and truth.' " 

Nelson's correspondence during this period indicates very 
clearly that his thoughts were high, his ambition great and his 
hopes buoyant. It appears that he obtained much inspiration and 
good advice from J. W. Fernald, with whom he made that curious 
compact to abstain from the use of tea, coffee and tobacco. Young 
Fernald wrote him April 26, 1850: "I doubt not your whole soul 
is enlisted in your studies. I thought when I saw you on the dav 
you arrived, your countenance bespoke too close application, 
though no doubt hundreds to one regret non-application rather 




WATERVILLE ACADEMY— Pi;uF. J. H. HANSON. 
WATERVILLE COLLEGE, MAINE. 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 17 

than close application. With a good share of mental energy, fair 
intellectual powers, and well established principles, there is no 
station in our Republican Government, Legislative or Judicial, to 
which an American need dispair of attaining. * * * * When 
Rome was in her glory it was no small thing to be called a Roman 
Citizen. It was a sufficient protection. How much more to be 
called an American Citizen! I have often thought what you have 
so frequently remarked in regard to our duties; and the means to 
be used to accomplish the most good — in short what you have of- 
ten said in observance of the Sabbath Day." 

Later in the year young Fernald wrote in reply to Nelson's let- 
ter: "You are at the beautiful village of Waterville storing your 
mind with useful knowledge, preparing yourself to perform your 
part in the great drama of human life ; and I have no doubt you will 
act your part well. At any rate you have already laid a most per- 
manent foundation on which to build your structure. A young 
man of your age possessing intellectual capacity governed by prin- 
ciples that shall ever sustain an unblemished character, and feeling 
his responsibility as a member of a Republican compact, may justly 
look forward to the attainment of a high position in the scale of 
human beings and human action. * * * * q^^ high your name 
in the everlasting rock, and when your funeral bell shall toll, a peo- 
ple will say that another of the good and great has gone. This I 
say, may be your picture, without flattery." Prophetic words! 

Nelson's taste for knowledge during this first year at Water- 
ville Academy gave him a desire for more ; and although his good 
father was in humble circumstances, in answer to a letter from the 
ambitious young student, he reolied in this kindly but brief man- 
ner : 

Unity, July 14, 1850. 
Yours of the 12th duly received. As to your inquiry about attend- 
ing school at Waterville another term, I will say that you can if you 
want to, but must get along as cheap as you can. 

Your Father, 
Nelson Dingley. 

That year (1850) two important events happened — President 
Taylor died and Hannibal Hamlin was elected to the U. S. senate. 
The slavery question was coming to the front, and arousing the 
people to a high pitch of excitement, and Nelson wrote that "some 
calamity seems to be impending this Union." June 27, the Free 
Soil State Convention met in the Town Hall at Waterville and 
nominated George F. Talbot for Governor. Nelson attended this 



i8 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

convention — his first — and was much interested in its proceedings. 
There was great excitement in Watervihe and Unity and on July 
4th, the Unity section of Cadets of Temperance took part in a big 
procession, and Nelson acted as marshal. The Waterville Mail 
contained a glowing account of the celebration written by him. 

The annual state election took place September 9th, and there 
was intense excitement over representatives to Congress, and rep- 
resentatives to the State Legislature. The contest was between the 
two factions of the Democrats, the Wild Cats and the Wool Heads, 
as they were called. Nelson sympathized with the Wool Heads — 
the anti-slavery and temperance faction of the Democrats. John 
Hubbard was elected Governor, and Lot M. Morrill, (who was 
elected Governor in 1857. 1858 and 1859, later elected U. S. Senator 
when Hannibal Hamlin was elected Vice-President, and appointed 
Secretary of the Treasury in i876-'77,) was the Democratic candi- 
date for Congress in the 3rd district. William Pitt Fessenden, 
(who was elected U. S. Senator in 1854, 1859 and 1865, was a mem- 
ber of the Peace Congress in 1861, and appointed Secretary of the 
Treasury to succeed Mr. Chase,) was the Whig and Free Soil can- 
didate for Congress in the 2nd District. Israel Washburn, Maine's 
first War Governor was the Whig candidate for Congress in the 
7th district. Nelson recorded in his diary a complete statement of 
the result of this election. He wrote that "the result of the late 
election has been very encouraging to the Whigs, who might with 
two or three hundred more votes, rightly distributed, have carried 
five districts in this state for Congress." 

Nelson returned to Waterville Academy in the fall of 1850. He 
turned his attention more than ever to debating, and in September 
of that year, with others, organized a mock court. Benjamin Kim- 
ball was Judge ; L. C. Comfort was Clerk ; Nelson was Attorney 
General, and John Jones was Sheriff. Students were frequently 
tried for alleged crimes in the presence of large audiences. The 
Philomathean Society met weekly for debate, and Nelson always 
took part. On the evening of October 8th the question "Did Na- 
poleon Bonaparte do more for the Liberty of France than any 
other ruler France ever had ; and was his expulsion from the throne 
son was one of the leading speakers on the affirmative side. The 
question was decided in the negative by a vote of 6 to 7, "after a 
very good discussion," wrote Nelson philosophically after his de- 
feat. October 22, the lyceum discussed the question : "Would 
the dissolution of the Union improve the condition of the Free 
States?" Nelson spoke vigorously and logically on the negative 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 19 

side, and the decision was in his favor. Nov. 5th, the question "Is 
slavery a greater evil to mankind than intemperance?" was de- 
bated. Nelson took the negative and recorded in his diary these, 
to him, unanswerable points: "Facts in relation to the monster 
Intemperance. Intemperance costs the United States 89 million 
dollars; Great Britain, 200 million dollars; France, 275 million 
dollars; Sweden, 70 million dollars; and the rest of the world 300 
million dollars; total 925 milhons. Besides the cost of work- 
houses, prisons, etc., directly or indirectly caused by intemperance, 
is two thousand millions. Total cost of intemperance per year 
about 3000 millions." 

Thus Nelson acquired rapidly the art of thinking on his feet, 
and in these early debates laid the foundation for his remarkable 
career as a public debater on the platform and in the halls of legis- 
lation. He was always candid and fair as well as logical ; never 
oratorical and never abusive. His strength was in his clear-cut 
and truthful statements. He also mastered the philosophy of the 
political events in the state and nation and rapidly became an au- 
thority in all pubhc matters. He took a deep interest in the anti- 
slavery struggle and in the debates that preceded it. 

About this time Nelson fully made up his mind to enter college. 
November 9th he wrote : "I think now some of entering college 
another year if Providence permits. The task looks great ; and the 
expense obectionable. But it may be for my advantage." 

It may appear to some that Nelson was a book-worm, never in- 
dulging in any of the games and sports prevalent in all academy and 
college towns. But he was human and very much like his fellow- 
students and indulged in the good times and the mild pranks that 
relieved the monotony of the classic atmosphere. He frequently 
took long walks with his girl school-mates and attended social en- 
tertainments. He was not entirely innocent of partaking in the 
affairs that tried the patience of the professors on exhibition days. 
But he was always manly and good-natured about it, and always 
won the love and respect of students and professors. 

That winter he taught school at $20 per month, and as usual 
boarded around. He attended regularly the meetings of the Cadets 
of Temperance and took part as a leader in all the local literary 
events. One feature of the literary club was a paper of which he 
was editor, full of original and selected matter which was read to 
the members of the club. 

As a teacher. Nelson was a great success. Although always 
thoughtful and studious, he was also foremost in all sports and 



20 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

games, and a moral and spiritual example to the boys in his school 
and the town. He combined the vigorous liveliness of a strong 
youth with the sober thoughtfulness of a man. Far from being a 
dreamy bookish fellow, he was a leader in all the romping, hunting 
and fishing, and withal had time to be foremost in the social life of 
the place. He was kind hearted and generous and was never too 
busy to go around to the house of some dull one at night and help 
him or her with knotty problems. Each pupil in the school some- 
how felt that the teacher was more interested in him than in any- 
body else, and worked hard and conscientiously as the result. He 
frequently called at the houses of the pupils and interested their 
parents in their progress. One of his scholars now grown to man- 
hood said: "I do not think there was a person in Unity well ac- 
quainted with this quiet, unobtrusive but forceful young man who 
did not comprehend that he had before him a great future." 

Nelson became still more interested in politics as the contest 
over temperance and freedom progressed. On the loth of March 
there was a town meeting in Waterville and excitement ran very 
high. Nelson wrote that "there was a great contest between rum 
and temperance for selectmen; but temperance conquered. The 
whole board are temperance men. The rummies are downed." 

Early in April he had his first experience as a practical poli- 
tician, and he entered into the election with his usual zeal and 
thoroughness. His father was a candidate for selectman ; and Nel- 
son distributed votes and took a prominent part in arranging the 
ticket which prevailed. Of this event he wrote : "There was a 
great rush but we most signally defeated the Hunkers." 

He began his last term at Waterville Academy the latter part 
of May 1 85 1, and paid the large sum of $2.00 per week for his 
board. He had obtained his father's consent to enter Waterville 
College and on June 5th wrote that "in looking ahead to a college 
course, it seems to be a long time to spend wholly in the improve- 
ment of the mind ; but then it soon passes away. Hope, ambition, 
the thought that some latent germs of greatness may lie concealed, 
spurs the student on and buoys him up through years of hard 
study. Webster, Clay, Calhoun, Benton — they were students once, 
and pursued the same dark road to greatness. Who knows but 
what these same powers lie in me? Alas, time only can tell. The 
grave may, before that, claim me for a victim, or deceived, I may 
wear out my last days in obscurity. But hope, sweet hope, cheers 
the student on. Knowledge is a road through which all may attain 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 21 

some object if they will only persevere. It is a gem which will guide 
the traveler in the dark." 

How like a prophet and a sage this boy of nineteen wrote ! 

Late in July he was examined for Waterville College and passed 
with high honors. That summer he journeyed to Lewiston, Paris, 
and the White Mountains, and wrote a glowing account of his trip 
which was published in the Belfast Signal. On the lOth of Septem- 
ber, 1851, he returned to Waterville, and entered the freshman class 
of Waterville college. Thus he was launched on his college career. 



CHAPTER III. 
1852— 1855. 

Waterville College (now Colby University) was founded in 1818 
and originally called the "Maine Literary Theological School." 
Nelson entered the freshman class of this college September 10, 
1851, and began his college course with high hopes. He still kept 
up his historical and biographical reading; and having finished the 
life of John Quincy Adams, wrote of him: "His life was a life of 
public service and his death found him at his post. He had many 
years battled singly (in Congress) for the right of petition and fin- 
ally came off victorious. As a scholar he had few equals, as a states- 
man and diplomatist he excelled all, as a patriot governed by the 
pure principles of virtue, morality, temperance and religion, our 
country will long strive in vain to fill his place. He died full of 
years conscious that he had made use of his faculties for the im- 
provement of his fellow-men and uttering as his last words : T die 
in peace, I am content.' Words of great significance to be uttered 
by a dying mortal. Let all emulate his virtues !" 

In addition to his wide reading he was a prolific writer and con- 
tributed articles to the literary societies and the local papers, and 
gave evidence of great literary ability. He wrote not only able 
articles on all literary topics and current political events, but he 
composed poetry of no small merit. The original manuscripts of 
some of these poems have been preserved. But like all young 
writers his contributions were sometimes rejected ; and in this he 
was not alone. It is said that Thackery's early writings were re- 
jected as worthless while Milton was unable to find a publisher who 
would risk his name and money in the publication of "Paradise 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 23 

Lost." The latter part of October Nelson sent a poem to the edi- 
tor of the Belfast Signal. The editor replied: "Sometime since, I 
received from you a communication in poetry, and the fact that it 
was mislaid will account for my not noticing it sooner. The poetry 
is very good but I must decline to publish it." 

Freshmen were in those days very much the same as freshmen 
are today; and Waterville College had its share of incidents in 
which the sophomores persecuted the freshmen and made their 
lives miserable. Nelson with other freshmen was mildly "squibbed" 
or hazed. These squibbings consisted largely of pouring pails of 
water from the third story windows on the heads of the unfortu- 
nate freshmen or blowing horns under their windows. This year 
Nelson was one of the victims, but it is not recorded that he re- 
frained from retaliating and indulging in the same thing the suc- 
ceeding year. 

He had scarcely entered upon his college course when he was 
taken ill. About the middle of October he was stricken with ty- 
phoid fever and was taken to his home in Unity where for nine 
weeks he suffered from the ravages of disease. For several days, 
at the crisis, his life hung in the balance, and one night his death 
was hourly expected. He was unconscious and apparently rapidly 
sinking. His weeping parents stood by, watching over their dear 
one. His mother, who had constantly remained at his side, ut- 
tered a groan of despair which seemed to arouse the sick boy for a 
moment. That groan, which was really a stifled prayer, seemed to 
snatch Nelson from the grave. Nature triumphed, and the crisis 
was passed, but it was ten weeks before he was able to go to his 
father's store. During this time his fond mother was untiring in 
her watchful care; and later Nelson recorded in his diary r "For 
the constant care, anxiety, and watchfulness of mother and father 
I cannot return an equivalent ; but God grant that I may always 
have in mind that too much kindness cannot be shown them." The 
first day of March he had recovered his health entirely and re- 
turned to college to resume his studies. The sound of the college 
bell was heard again. His old college friends greeted him; and by 
their manifestations of interest and devotion touched his affection- 
ate heart. 

It was about this time (March 1851) that Nelson identified him- 
self with the "Zeta Psi" fraternity in whose behalf he was active 
throughout his college course. Of this fraternity he wrote in later 
years : "The choicest afifections of my heart were withdrawn from 
the world without and thrown around a band of chosen brothers. 



24 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

A host of friends rose up as if by magic. * * * * Never can I 
regret that my lot was to be a Hght which should reflect the beau- 
ties and sublimity of the principles of the Zeta Psi Society." 

The young student steadily took a more and more serious and 
thoughtful view of life. He was studious, and yet not a book-- 
worm. He was reflective and yet not morose. His classmates ever 
noticed his happy disposition and evenly-poised temperament. He 
se<?med to look upon life as a trust, and appeared to have some pre- 
monition of his useful and noble career. March 24, 1852, he wrote 
in his diary : "In these leaves my every day life is entered ; the past 
is already recorded and sta^nds forth in bold letters, saying, 'Im- 
prove !' Cast off those things in your conduct which mar the beauty 
of your life, and treasure up where they will not corrupt the good 
things in your character (for I thank Heaven that I feel as though 
I am not wholly given up to evil). Ah ! what are these pages to 
tell? The future. The dark future which no human eye can 
pierce, and which like the Sibyline Books are blank to mortal eyes. 
Their surface is now free from a stain, and as I truly record my 
daily actions, God grant that when I look over its pages I can say, 
'I rejoice for in them I can find no evil.' What can there be more 
precious to me than these volumes which treasure up passing 
thoughts — thoughts of youth and as I hope of manhood for the 
future. One more incentive for good — these leaves, though now 
known to the Supreme God, are a nonenity to man; but still the 
changes of time may pass them into some scrutinizing fellow- 
mortal's hand. If ever such should be the case, how degrading 
would be my life, if a life of sin." Such sentiments from a youth of 
twenty, surrounded by the temptations of college life, savor almost 
of inspiration and Divinity. 

Even at this time in his life, Nelson never took a serious step 
without careful thought and consideration. Hitherto he had en- 
tertained no particular feeling on the matter of religion ; and in 
April of that year, during a revival at Waterville, he entered in his 
diary quite a lengthy dissertation on religion and salvation. He 
argued the points pro and con as if he were going through a sort 
of self-examination. He wrote among other things: "It is cer- 
tainly right that we should honor God for the bounties He is daily 
showering upon us. I certainly feel that He has been merciful to 
me ; and that I have not shown Him that gratitude I should for it. 
I feel that for some good purpose, He has thus far preserved my 
life; that on one occasion especially He raised me (as it were) from 
the grave, and I cannot ponder over His character without a feel- 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 25 

ing of adoration for Him who guides the Universe. That there is 
a great first cause — a divinity — who guides all nature,- cannot be 
doubted. * * * * We have then to acknowledge a God who 
rules all things ; a future world, and that some of us at least are to 
be its inhabitants. The precise shape we are to be in, matters very 
little, for it is evident that we are to be in a state approximating 
to our present. * * * * i have faith in religion, but want the 
feeling to enter upon it. Here I stand, and unless some superna- 
tural power shall move my feelings I do not know as I shall feel 
that I have been regenerated." 

Thus wrote this young theologian, who was seeing the first 
dawn of a christian faith. The supernatural power did move his 
feelings, and he experienced a change of heart and was blessed by 
the Holy Spirit. On the second of May, 1852, he wrote that "the 
step I have taken is an important one — important as regards this 
world, and as to a future world, of incalculable value. I have volun- 
tarily taken upon myself a course which I feel that without the aid 
of God I cannot maintain. I can only pray that God will give me 
grace and strength to be a shining light." And He did ! 

The key to Nelson's life was love and afifection — not of the light 
and shallow kind but that which springs from a tender heart and 
a noble soul. He formed attachments during these college days 
that brought out the tenderest and sweetest sentiments that can 
spring from the human heart. But reason always governed. Of 
an attachment to a young lady friend, he wrote : "I think of noth- 
ing more than friendship now, for I am engaged in a course which 
demands my whole attention, yet my mind — my heart — delights at 
times to rise from the monotony of books, and seek the society of 
her who is a friend to me." And while in a sentimental reverie, he 
wrote a long dissertation on "What is Love" — full of sound logic 
and tender words. 

The remainder of that college year was spent in deep study, 
moonlight walks with one "whose company was dear," debates in 
the college society and visits to his old home in Unity. In August 
he was a sophomore ; and of the commencement exercises at Wat- 
erville that summer, he wrote interesting and glowing accounts in 
his diary. 

As an evidence of the practical interest he took in politics, it is 
interesting to note that in the spring of this year he "bet a hat 
worth $4.00 with C. H. Davis that Crosby would be the next 
governor of the state." This is the only record of any bet that he 



26 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

ever made; and while it is not perhaps quite orthodox, he will 
doubtless be pardoned because it was made in a good cause. 

Nelson was rapidly coming to the front as a local pohtical 
leader. As proof of this it might be stated that he attended, as a 
delegate from Unity, the Whig state convention at Portland, June 
3, 1852. and wrote of it as "the most enthusiastic meeting the 
Whigs have had since 1840." William G. Crosby was nominated 
for governor; and among the delegates chosen to the national 
convention at Baltimore, was William Pitt Fessenden. Nelson 
listened with intense interest to speeches by George Evans and 
Pitt Fessenden. On the night of June 21st he participated in a 
grand ratification meeting of the Whigs in honor of General Scott's 
nomination. His father was nominated one of the state senators 
from Waldo county by the Whigs. There was no election by the 
people, but he was elected by the legislature when it assembled in 
January 1853. The legislature also elected William G. Crosby 
(Whig), governor, and Nelson won his bet. 

This year (1852) the Anti-Maine-Law party was formed, which 
drew many votes from the Democratic nominee for governor, John 
Hubbard, and defeated him. As a result of this new party, there 
was formed the new Maine-Law party to counteract it, having for 
its candidate in the following year, Anson P. Morrill. With this 
party Nelson determined to identify himself. 

Early in September he returned to Waterville, and began his 
sophomore year. He continued to take an active part in college 
debates and literary exercises. October 29, 1852, Daniel Webster 
died and Nelson wrote of the event as follows : "The dread mes- 
senger has suddenly removed from her midst the pillar of the Na- 
tion, the leader of the Whig party, the defender of the constitu- 
tion. * * * * j-jis loss is a Nation's loss and his greatest 
monument will be in the hearts of his countrymen. The names of 
those who have usurped a higher place in the Nation may soon 
perish, but the name of Webster will be adored in the far future. A 
Nation mourns. From Maine to Texas, the solemn tolling of the 
bells, the stifled groans of a people ascend to bear their echoes to 
the Heavens. Let me twine one wreath o'er his fair brow, and 
shed one tear o'er tlie turf under which our idol reposes." A more 
sincere and glowing tribute was never paid to Daniel Webster; for 
this great statesman, protectionist and expounder of the constitu 
tion was the young student's idol. ^ 

1 — Mr. Dingley's estimate of Daniel Webster, whom he admired from early 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 27 

The election of Franklin Pierce in November was a great dis- 
appointment to Nelson. The Whigs in Maine were routed. The 
young politician accounted for the defeat thus: "Treason in our 
own ranks has achieved this whole matter. The irritation of the 
Webster Whigs and the charge of abolitionism against Scott has 
done what the enemy alone could not do." But the disappoint- 
ment in Maine over the election of Pierce was mitigated somewhat 
by the election in the following January of William Pitt Fessenden 
for U. S. Senator. Nelson's father was in the state senate and 
voted for Fessenden ; and he said in later years that it was one of 
the proudest acts of his life. 

February 15, 1853, Nelson reached his majority, and of this im- 
portant event he wrote: "I, indeed, am a citizen of the United 
States. Yet freedom in this thing has no pleasure for me. I never 
looked forward to it with interest. I am legally afloat on the world 
of waters — the future is unknown. Whatever talents I may have. I 
am called upon to use for the benefit of my fellow-men. God grant 
that my voice may be one of usefulness." 

Early in May of that year (1853) Nelson had some misunder- 
standing with the college faculty, particularly President David 
Sheldon. The young man thought he was unjustly accused of mis- 
conduct, and without further delay applied to the faculty for a let- 
ter of dismissal. The request was granted, and on the 4th of May 
he severed all connections with Waterville College. It is gratify- 
ing to know that from the correspondence between Nelson and his 
father, all of which has been preserved, the father upheld his son. 
The probability is that the unfortunate affair between the trustees 
and the student, was wholly the result of a misunderstanding. 

He had already been in correspondence with friends at Dart- 
mouth College, and on Monday morning, May 23d, he started in 
the stage for Hanover, N. H. On that day he wrote that "this is 
the first time I have ever left my native state to remain for any 
length of time, and naturally my parents as well as myself feel great 

manhood, is shown in an article he wrote on the centennial of the birthday of 
the great statesman, in 18S2: "As a constitutional lawyer, as an advocate, as a 
publicist, as an occasional orator, Webster has never had a peer in the New 
World. There have been lawyers more learned, publicists of broader historical 
acquirements, orators like Prentiss, more fertile in imagination, or like Choate, 
more impassioned and fervid. But Webster's pre-eminence lies in his clear 
grasp of affairs. His understanding was phenomenal. His rare mental powers 
prepared him for authoritative annunciation of American ideas, while his un- 
rivaled gifts as an orator, qualified him to impress himself upon his time by that 
almost irresistable power of clear argument, impressive rhetoric, noble voice and 
commanding presence. If our youth are to take lessons in forensic skill, to 
study periods of history or of rhetoric, to know their country and its spirit, they 
cannot neglect the life and works of Daniel Webster." 



28 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

solicitude for my success. I leave with hign nopes for the future — 
but God only knows whether they will be realized." 

He parted from friends at Waterville who gave genuine evi- 
dence that his character was valued by them. He wrote: "I leave 
behind me in Waterville many a long and prized friend, whose 
memory will ever be dear to me." 

He reached Hanover at five o'cIock on the morning of May 
24th, 1853. He was twenty-one years old, and alone in a strange 
community. If he had been inclined to touches of the blues, they 
would have made their appearance on this occasion. But he kept 
up good spirits ; and on that dismal day in his room at the hotel, he 
wrote that "this day without a room, has been one of superlative 
dullness." 

The latter part of May ne began nis stuaies at Dartmouth Col- 
lege as a member of the sophomore class. The term passed pleas ■ 
antly and successfully, and commencement was an event impressed 
upon his mind from the fact that the great orator, Rufus Choate, 
pronounced an eulogy on Daniel Webster. Nelson wrote that 
"Choate is probably the greatest orator in the Union. It could not 
have been improved." 

The college term over. Nelson returned to Unity, by way of 
Waterville. At the latter place his old friends met him and together 
they indulged in an old-fashioned good time. The latter part of 
August he was elected a Whig delegate to the county convention 
at Belfast, where he helped renominate his father for state senator. 
A good share of his vacation was also spent in the city of Auburn, 
where his father had invested in a stock of goods. In addition to 
this he found time to contribute several articles to the Belfast Sig- 
nal. 

The first term of his Junior year at Dartmouth began early in 
September, and Nelson was promptly at his desk. His time was 
profitably spent and he was studious and prominent in his class. 
He, together with brothers from Waterville, established a Zeta Psi 
chapter at Dartmouth which was influential ever after in that col- 
lege. 

The state election in Maine that fall aroused his deep interest. 
He hoped for large Whig gains ; but he was content with recording 
that "on the whole the result of the election is gratifying." Will- 
iam G. Crosby (Whig) failed of an election by the people, but 
was elected later by the legislature. Nelson's father was defeated 
for state senator. 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 29 

During this term of college he took high rank as a writer and 
speaker, and on October 27, 1853 made his first public appearance 
with an original composition on "Property." He closed this re- 
markable oration with the following language: "In the highest 
sense property lies in the realm of eternity. The stores which man 
by a life of toil has laid up to gratify his inclination — the roof which 
shelters his gray hairs may be consumed in a single night ; and the 
strong man who a few hours since boasted of the magnitude of his 
possessions will have no place to lay his head. The smouldering 
ashes alone remain to tell the tale. The intellectual giant who to- 
day charms the world by his varied talents — by his kindling elo- 
quence — tomorrow may be a tenant of the silent tomb. It is sad to 
see the agony of the man of the world — whose whole life has been 
spent in amassing wealth, and who now, that whitened locks warn 
him of the approach of old age. thinks to withdraw to some peaceful 
spot and there reap the fruits of the seed sown when youth and 
bright hopes were his, who, having scarcely commenced that bliss- 
ful life which he vainly imagined earth had in store for him, is called 
to leave behind his earthly idol and enter upon another life where 
neither gold nor scrip can avail him. But how is our sadness 
turned into joy, if that man while he has amassed treasures for his 
earthly body has laid up in eternity property to which death but 
unites him, and who, when the wrinkled face and stooping form tell 
him that the measure of his life is full, can bid adieu to earth and 
mount to Heaven — there with reiuvenated faculties to enjoy his 
eternal property." 

His nature was poetic, tender and loving. He was filled with 
ambition, and frequently in the quiet of his study, permitted his 
fertile and imaginative mind to wander as it were on the pages of 
his diary. One November evening he wrote : 

"Time has passed away, but fond memory has treasured up its 
pleasures — its trials. As I sit by my table — solitary — I see one by 
one the days of my youth pass in reverie before me. I see the loved 
playmates of my early days — the old school house where we daily 
congregated. Even now I see the sports which then delighted us 
— the games so dear to childhood. I call to mind one with whom 
my heart was locked — but Ah! where is he? The village church- 
yard, the mound where the woodbine winds — the white headstone 
— point out where all that is earthly of him rests. His spirit has 
gone to that bright land where its purity can alone find a resting" 



30 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

place. I call to mind many others who shared in my youthful 
sports — some have wandered to distant lands — some have cast off 
the robes of childhood, and put on the helmet of maturity. Some 
whom I knew as girls in the simplicity of childhood have left the 
roof where a mother's love had surrounded them and trusted their 
loving hearts to strangers — Oh what charges to lead to that bright 
world beyond the tomb! I see the retreats of my youth — sur- 
rounded with all the charms which memory can picture. I see my 
early trials. I call to mind the fancied injuries which ardent youth 
treasures up. I see myself hastening home to be consoled by that 
ever healing balm — a mother's love. Once more I look and this 
early dream has vanished. I see the stage coach standing before 
the door which is to bear me away from the roof which has pro- 
tected my weakness. I see new associates — new faces. The 
dream of my childhood has passed, and college walls disclose new 
scenes. I see my many trials — my many pleasures. I see the 
friends who ha\-e supplied my youthful playmates. I call to mind 
the sorrow which pervaded my heart as one by one I bade them 
adieu and sought out another college in another state. I call to 
mind the sense of loneliness which my location created — the long- 
ing for those left behind. Once again I see new associates — new 
joys — new trials. Far away I see the fire-side at home — that happy 
spot to which my heart would fain fly. I see those who loved me — 
those whom I loved. Once again I look into the future, but at 
times how dreamy — at times how cheerful. Now I see myself 
perched on the highest round of the ladder of fame — now an out- 
cast — none so poor to do me reverence. Hope — the dav spring of 
life — beckons me on — to burn the midnight oil — to prepare to 
launch my boat upon the ocean of life." 

November 30, 1854. found Nelson in Unity, at the bedside of 
his dear friend, Mr. Hiram Whitehouse. Death came and of the 
sorrow that overwhelmed the widow Nelson wrote: "The com- 
panion of her heart, the pillar around which clustered her affec- 
tions, the casket which held her youthful love has been snatched 
away by the rugged hands of death. 'So be ye also ready.' " 

About the middle of December 1853, he commenced teaching 
school in the Parkhurst district having about fifty scholars. To the 
school committee of that district he presented the following recom- 
inendation from the President of Dartmouth College : 



,^/^z.T,-;J^T.,<i-»2-^i^e^ (^l^o'-z.-^^^^tixj / li^ c- (jt'-z^^-^i-'^rT- 







^'-e-^ ^>C^Z^^ -^^^^^..v- >^ 



i,0^€^ir-u^ 4i^~> ~ 









'^^. 







i^X 






NELSON DINGLEY JR. 31 

"The bearer, Mr. Nelson Dingley Jr., is a young gentleman of 
superior scholarship and unblemished morals. He is in my judg- 
ment, well qualified for the duties of a teacher of youth." 

Edwin D. Sanborn. 
Nov. 1853. 

That winter his father and mother moved to Auburn, and Nel- 
son assisted them in packing their household goods. About the 
middle of February he closed his school for the winter, bade adieu 
to Unity, and left for his new home in Auburn. Thus the home of 
his childhood became a thing of the past. Here Nelson had resided 
fifteen years ; here he spent his childhood days ; here his character 
was formed. The plain one and a half story house where he lived 
with his parents so long, every room of which was hallowed by 
sweet memories, was leased and later sold to the Methodist parish 
of that village. 

Friday, March 3, 1854, found him again pursuing his studies at 
Dartmouth. His room-mate was S. R. Bond of Ipswich, Masj., 
subsequently a resident of Washington, and a staunch friend dur- 
Nelson's public career. This term, he made his first appearance 
in public debate before the United Fraternity, on the affirmative 
side of the question: "Is it expedient to preserve the so-called 
balance of power in Europe." He spent his spring vacation help- 
ing his father in his store at Auburn, and about the middle of May 
returned to college. 

It appears that there had been little class spirit and class organ- 
ization at Dartmouth in previous years, and Nelson sought to culti- 
vate this by organizing his class after the manner of the United 
States Senate. He therefore drew up the following paper : "Im- 
pressed with the importance of more frequent practice in ex-tem- 
pore debates, we hereby form ourselves into an organization for 
the acquirement of facility in speaking, after the plan of the U. S. 
Senate, each state being represented by one or more members — 
this body to meet at such time and place as may hereafter be de- 
termined." This paper was signed by Nelson and thirty-four of 
his classmates. It is needless to say that great benefit was derived 
by all the members of the class who participated in this college sen- 
ate ; and we can easily imderstand that Nelson took a leading part 
and added to that facility of speech and quickness of thought which 
marked his entire public life. 

He was a constant and fluent writer, contributing articles to 
different papers. About the middle of June he sent his first con- 



32 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

tribution to the Lewiston Journal. The subject of this article was 
"The Caucasus." Little did he suspect that his future would be in- 
timately associated with that paper ! He first saw a copy of the 
Lewiston Journal in the spring of that year (1854). It was then a 
small village weekly of perhaps seven hundred circulation. He was 
attracted to it by the fact that Rev. James Drummond, the Congre- 
gational minister in Auburn, was contributing to it, and this fact led 
to his introduction to both Mr. Drummond and Col. Waldron, the 
latter the editor and proprietor of the Journal. His first contribu- 
tion was accepted and doubtless its appearance was very gratifying 
to the author. 

It was during this summer vacation that he did his first real 
newspaper work. He reported for the Lewiston Journal the pro- 
ceedings of the Supreme Judicial Court of Androscoggin county, 
and a political mass meeting in favor of Hon. J. J. Perry for con- 
gress. Nelson's reports, found in the early files of the Lewiston 
Journal, were in the same clear and easy style that characterized 
his later newspaper work. This so pleased William Waldron, the 
owner and editor of the Journal, that later (September 20th) he en- 
gaged Nelson to write a column or two each week for the Journal 
at $100 per year. He wrote for the Journal, taught school at Sa- 
battusville, and studied politics. He also cast his first vote this fall 
for Anson P. Morrill the anti-slavery and temperance candidate for 
governor. 

About 1848 the Free Soil party was formed having a principle 
that gave it a national and popular character. It attained to con- 
siderable magnitude in the middle states, and the Abolition party 
became merged in this, George F. Talbot being its first candidate 
for governor in Maine, in 1849. It threw a variable number of 
votes until 1854, when they were divided between Isaac Reed the 
Whig nominee and Anson P. Morrill, the candidate of the Maine 
Law and Know-Nothing parties, giving the latter the largest num- 
ber of votes but not a majority; and his election came from the 
state legislature. 

Nelson was still an omnivorous reader, and his diary is full of 
the names of standard books which he read at that time. He had 
a wav of jotting- down a synopsis of every book he read and com- 
menting on the style and the moral. His estimate of the plays of 
Shakespeare and of the works of Hawthorne, Ike Marvel, De- 
Ouincy, Longfellow, Willis, Cooper, Dickens and Scott, as well as 
Poe, are exceedingly interesting. In October he delivered his first 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 33 

lecture before the scholars of his school and the citizens of Sabat- 
tusville. His theme was "The student life of Daniel Webster." ^ 
The original manuscript of this lecture, in a clear cut and busi- 
ness-like hand, is among the much prized papers he left. The lec- 
ture was both able and interesting, for it was his estimate of his 
idol. The middle of November 1854, he commenced active work 
on the Lewiston Journal at $22.50 per month. He took entire 
charge of the editorial columns, directed the paper to the list of 
subscribers, (about 800), and spent the remainder of his time set- 
ting type. And as if this was not enough to consume his entire time 
he even wrote the "Journal Carrier Boys New Year Address" — a 
piece of poetry of more or less merit and great originality. 

He experienced the trials of a country editor the first month he 
was in the harness. Prof. Champlin of Waterville College lectured 
in Auburn, and the new editor of the Journal in commenting on the 
lecture, indulged in some mild criticism. The next number of the 
Advocate, the organ of the Baptists, edited by Dr. Dyer, contained 
a severe article attacking the young student-editor personally, and 
declaring that the latter had a private grudge against Prof. Champ- 
lin. The next week Nelson published a vigorous article defending 
his criticism, and followed it up with another. There was great ex- 
citement among the leading Baptists, but the Journal editor stood 
his ground. While the incident doubtless appeared to be of great 
gravity at that time, passing years have softened whatever asperity 
may have cropped out and made the incident more amusing than 
serious ; but it afforded evidence of Nelson's vigorous style and 
gave promise of his singularly successful newspaper career. 

On the first day of January 1855, he recorded in his diary that 
"the members elect of the legislature are assembling, and it is 
settled that those chosen as Whigs, Morrill Democrats and Free 
Soilers will unite and form a new party, to be called the Republican 
party. This party will live." Prophetic words! 

The middle of February he closed his winter's work in the Lewis- 
ton Journal office and returned to Dartmouth College. His closing 
term was profitable, and he had proved a faithful student and was 
assigned one of the commencement parts and given the subject • 
"The Intellectual Progress of Humanity." ^ This commencement 
oration although brief was thoughtful and philosophic. Although 
not an orator his earnestness of manner and his pleasing address 
marked him as one of the most promising members of his class. 

1 — See Appendix. 



34 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

His last recitation took place the middle of July and he wrote in 
his diary: "I can conscientiously say that my time has been, for 
the most part properly improved, and that I repent not in the least 
of the money and labor expended in drinking from the fountains of 
liberal knowledge. I leave college with high hopes for the future. 
What may be my position, God only knows. May I be prepared for 
whatever He has in store for me." 

Wendell Phillips delivered the commencement oration, and 
Nelson with sixteen others was admitted to the Phi Beta Kappa so- 
ciety. Nelson was sixth in a class of 51, the order being as follows 
— Field, Allen, Tenney, Clark, Scales, Dingley, Taylor, Pike, etc. 
The valedictorian of the class was Walbridge A. Field, ^ afterwards 
Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of Massachusetts. Thus closed 
Nelson's college career. He was, as he wrote, "what the world 
called a liberally educated young man." 

1 — Chief Justice Field, in 1S99, soon after Nelson's death and only three 
months before his own death, thus wrote of his distinguished classmate: "Mr. 
Dingley was not one of those students who will tip back their chairs and let 
their minds roam over the whole creation. He was deeply interested in a few 
things, and made himself their master. While he was at college he was especial- 
ly fond of studying forms of government. 1 remember that before Mr. Dingley 
came to college, our class was not in the habit of meeting often. It was he who 
called the class together, and it was he that made the opening resolutions, 
neatly and effectively arrayed in first, second, third, etc. He got us to form our- 
selves into a senate of the United States. There were fifty-one of us, and he set 
us to practicing the form of procedure of our national upper house. This senate 
we maintained for some time. He was an honest man. Everyone respected his 
thorough integrity. He was always modest and retiring. As a scholar he was 
not brilliant, but he was thorough. In everything he was thorough." 

S. R. Bond of Washington, D. C, Nelson's room-mate at Dartmouth college, 
■writes as follows: "Nelson Dingley Jr. entered our class of 1S55 in its sopho- 
more year, and an intimacy soon sprang up between us which led to our becom- 
ing room-mates. It did not take long for him to impress us with the fact that 
he had come to study and learn, and to make the most of his time and talents. 
He was thoughtful and studious in his habits, prompt and constant at recita- 
tions and other class exercises; but these were far from constituting the whole 
of his study and means of mental discipline. His reading outside the college 
curriculum was extensive, but discriminating, and more didactic in its character 
ihan is generally selected by youths of his age. Our class organized what we 
timbitiously called "The Senate," and with Cushing's and Jefferson's Manuals 
as our guides, endeavored to conduct it after the manner of the august body 
for which it was named. I was its president, and distinctly remember that Mr. 
Dingley was chairman of the two committees on finance and foreign relations, 
and was so earnest and industrious in discharging the duties of those positions 
that he prepared and presented reports upon the matters referred to his com- 
mittees, with a care and seriousness which would have become a veritable legis- 
lative body. He was notably fond of the study of parliamentary rules and prac- 
tice, and ijecame as high an authority on those subjects among us as he was 
held in after life among the members of the legislative bodies in which he so 
ably served his state and country. Towards the end of our college course it was 
a favorite pastime of some of us to speculate as to the probable pursuits and 
careers of our class-mates, and I did not fail to recognize in him that bent of 
mind and study that would help to make him an ideal legislator. One of the 
text books of our course was Say's Political Economy, in which free trade is 
strenuously advocated, yet neither of us assented to it as an authority to control 
our national policy, but regarded it as the impracticable theory of a doctrinaire. 
Nathan Lord, D. D.. was our college president, and while we admired and rev- 
ered his great ability, and his intense zeal for the welfare of the students under 
his charge, yet his out-and-out defense, and even advocacy, of slavery as a 



CHAPTER IV. 
1855-1860. 

Nelson was now twenty-three 3'ears of age. He was educated 
far beyond his years and time, and had so improved his moments 
that he was remarkably well-equipped for a long and useful career. 
He possessed an active and fertile brain, a retentive memory, tire- 
less energy, and an indomitable will. He was bold and yet cau- 
tious, brave and yet discreet. Filled with ambition he set sail man- 
fully on the voyage of life. 

At once he began to write for the Lewiston Journal, and at the 
same time began the study of law in the office of Morrill and Fess- 
enden in Danville, now Auburn, then a pretty and thriving village 
of about three thousand, and the county-seat. The railroad reached 
Auburn in 1848, and the village grew rapidly. Its future was now 
assured, and far-seeing people predicted that this would be the site 
of at least one and perhaps two thriving manufacturing cities. But 

divine institution, and the emphasis which he laid upon "Cursed be Canaan." 
made less impression upon our anti-slavery convictions than did Say's upon our 
protective proclivities. Mr. Dingley was by no means one of those monstrosities 
who had no youth. He did not, within proper bounds "go back" on those little 
enterprises and episodes which were occasionally indulged in by his class, or his 
intimate associates, and which served to vary the monotony of college life and 
as harmless outlets for the ebullition of youthful spirits, yet his general conduct 
was marked by a sedateness of thought and demeanor somewhat beyond the 
average of his class-mates. I can bear witness to the strong, abiding love which 
he always cherished for his alma mater, and for those ties of friendship which 
were formed in his college days. He seldom failed to attend the annual reunion 
of the Dartmouth Alumni Association at Washington, D. C. and often spoke 
feelingly and impressively of the old college, its faithful and earnest Instructors, 
and the members of our class who were one by one passing over to the great 
majority. At the reunion of our class at Hanover in 1895, on the occasion of its 
fortieth anniversary, he and Chief Justice Field of Massachusetts, whose recent 
death has called forth such general regret and eulogy, were among the less 
than a dozen of us who were present, and no one evinced a keener interest than 



36 



LIFE AND TIMES OF 



the fire of 1855 destroyed $75,000 worth of property and cast a 
gloom over the whole place. In this fire Nelson's father lost his 
entire stock of goods, only about one-half insured. 

The law office of Morrill & Fessenden was the center of poli- 
tics. Nahum Morrill (subsequently Judge Morrill) was a Demo- 
crat and T. A. D. Fessenden was a Republican. The former was 
appointed judge of probate by Gov. Crosby in 1854, and held the 
office of provost marshal of the second district of Maine through- 
out the civil war. The latter was a son of General Sam Fessenden 
of Portland, and was then a Whig and later a Republican. He 
formed a partnership with Mr. Morrill in 1850, and eight years 
later was a law partner of William P. Frye, afterwards United 
States Senator. Mr. Fessenden was a delegate to the national con- 
vention that nominated Fremont in 1856, and Grant in 1868; was 

did he in recounting reminiscences of our college days, or was more deeply 
affected by the reading of our class necrology, and the tender words that were 
spoken of those 

• • • . • Who had crossed life's seething tide. 
And learned what there is on the other side.' 

"As he loved and honored his college so it did not and could not without 
signal neglect and ingratitude, fail to recognize his worth and well-earned emi- 
nence by conferring upon him the degree of LL. D., which every living son of 
Dartmouth must acknowledge as most worthily bestowed." 

A. J. Pike of Minnesota, another class-mate of Mr. Dingley's, writes that 
when in college Mr. Dingley was an ardent protectionist, and once became very 
anxious over the free trade teachings of the professor. The text book that was 
used was Say's Political Economy. As the class proceeded with the study of 
the work it seemed to be leading directly to the approval of free trade as opposed 
to protection. Mr. Dingley consulted with the professor in private and gave 
him some reasons why the condition of our government was exceptional, to 
which free trade could not apply. The matter was brought up in the class and 
Mr. Dingley was sustained in his position, and from that time until the end of 
the term tiie protectionist's side of the question was given a chance and the 
arguments laid down in the text book suffered materially. 

Greenleaf Clark of St. Paul, Minn., another class-mate of Mr. Dingley's, 
writes: "He was a well-regulated, self-contained, diligent student who had him- 
self well in hand. He gave it out that journalism was his chosen vocation, and 
that political affairs were to his taste and interested him. He was always active 
and a leader in college and class politics. I think it may be said of him, what 
does not always follow, that his subsequent life developed upon the precise 
lines indicated when he was in college." 

Mr. Silas Hardy, a member of the class of 1855, thus writes of his class- 
mate: "I had the pleasure of being a class-mate with Mr. Dingley in old Dart- 
mouth, class of 1855, both graduating together. I remember his looks on that 
occasion. He came from 'Waterville (Maine) college in May of our sophomore 
year. He introduced and established a chapter of the Zeta Psi secret society at 
Dartmouth. I joined the society and thereby was brought into close relation 
with him. He was a modest, unassuming young man, intelligent, and of excel- 
lent character, studious, but did not rank high as a recitation scholar— about 
medium — but was quite a reader. He had a happy faculty of speaking in public, 
and in a very pointed and sensible way. He was a clean young man and stood 
well as a fellow. I feel it an honor to have associated with him." 

In Nelson's Dartmouth College class book, dated 1855, he wrote these words 
beneath the picture of his chum: 

"Chum, never forget the many pleasing associations which hang around 
No. 13, Thornton Hall. 

"How pleasantly sweet are the echoes that start, 
"When memory plays an old tune on the heart. 

"Nelson Dingley Jr. 

"Natus 1832." 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 37 

a state representative, county attorney, and member of congress. 
Like all his family, he was a brilliant man and a splendid lawyer. 
Mr. Morrill was also a fine lawyer and a hard-headed business man. 

Nelson had at this time about fully made up his mind to be a 
lawyer. September 17, 1855, he wrote in his di::ry: "I have de- 
cided to make law my profession. I intend to fit myself well for so 
honorable a duty ; and I trust that with God's help, I may do some 
little good in this world, if my life and health shall be spared." At 
the October term of the probate court for .'\ndroscoggin county 
he served as register pro tem in the absence of the register. All 
that autumn he was deep in the mysteries of Blackstone, Kent, 
Chitty and other legal lights. 

Throughout this entire period (from January to September 
1855) he was practically the editor of the Lewiston Journal. ^ He 
was vigorous in style and independent in thought. January 20th 
he wrote a leading article for the Journal entitled "Parties and 
Principles." "There have been at least two presidential cam- 
paigns" he wrote, "wherein the contest has been only for spoils — 
where the many have madly rushed on after their leaders, while 
they have coolly pocketed the spoils. We were delighted at the 
victory which our party had gained, but have never realized the 
golden promises which they have held out to us. * * * Even 
now, though our reason assures us that the party with which we 
have always sympathized should be dissolved, yet the very mention 
of the name which distinguished it will call to mind former days 
when it was our delight to labor for its success ; and memories of its 
past history and the long Hst of honored men whose names are as 
familiar as household words, who battle for its principles, but who 
are now gathered to their fathers, will flit before our minds as if to 
impel us to still cling even to an empty name. * * * y lie cau- 
cus machinery of political parties, as it is now arranged, almost en- 
tirely leaves the management of its affairs to office-seekers them- 
selves. * * * Tj^g ^ij^g li^g been and perhaps in some states 
may be now, when any man, no matter how manifestly unqualified 
he might be for the office, provided he received the nomination, 
could be elected. When parties arrive at such a point they should 
be dissolved, for the name predominates over the principles. * * 
A consideration of these facts has led to the present disruption of 
parties, and the formation of a new party composed of those who 

l~The Belfast Age said in September, 1855: "Aside from the Journal's 
abominal politics, we must say that its editorials are ably and candidly written. 
Nelson Dingley Jr., the editor, is a scholar, a gentleman, and a young man of fine 
talent. He will make one of the ablest editors in New England." 



38 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

think that the aggression of the slave power calls for resistance on 
the part of the north. This party also embodies the principles 
which dictate the passage of laws for the improvement of society — 
such as laws against the vending of intoxicating liquors, laws or- 
ganizing associations to perform objects of general utility too ex- 
tensive for individual enterprise. This party believes that govern- 
ment should not stop when it has protected man in his rights, but 
should aid him by judicious expenditures of public money in im- 
proving the means of communication between the different parts 
of our union. The laissez faire doctrine, which would leave every 
man to sit under his own fig tree, careless and indifferent to what 
was going on around him, is not the theory, which, when practiced, 
will make a government subserve the interests of society. We re- 
joice that the days when names and jealousies dictated the polic> 
of our country are fast passing away ; and that a brighter era whose 
influence we already have gently felt, is nearly at hand." 

The Whig party was rapidly disintegrating. It had fallen into 
the hands of spoilsmen and self-seeking politicians. In 1832 it 
made a great mistake in not warmly supporting Jackson on the 
state rights and nullification issue, which Calhoun and South Caro- 
lina had raised. It was the first time that the pestilent idea of state 
rights as against national supremacy had been squarely put before 
the people; and Jackson took so decided ground in favor of na- 
tional supremacy in the contest with South Carolina in 1833, that 
the Whigs ought to have come over to his support, and buried for- 
ever the state rights idea, invented to protect slavery, which was 
the bane of the country, which caused the rebellion and which 
threated to deprive the nation of the fruits of the great war. In 
1833 there was every indication that the Whigs would rally to the 
support of Jackson against whom Calhoun was waging relentless 
war. Webster was Jackson's leading supporter. But soon after bitter 
feelings arose — over the removal of the deposits from the national 
bank — a matter of no importance, and the Whig party lost their 
favorable opportunity, and left Calhoun to win over the south, 
nearly solid, to the support of his state rights ideas. 

Popular feeling against Van Buren's financial policy in 1836, 
and the growth of the feeling against the Democratic party con- 
trolled by the south, was made evident in the Maine election of 
1837 when Kent was elected governor. In 1838 and 1839 
the Democrats rallied and elected Fairfield governor. In 1840 
there was a most remarkable campaign. Torchlight processions 
and other political clap-trap first made their appearance. The 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 39 

Whigs of Maine elected Kent governor by 50 majority, and from 
that moment "have you heard the news from Maine" became the 
Whig song and rahying cry. 

The Liberty or Abolition party first appeared in Maine in 1841 
when Jeremiah Curtis was elected governor. In 1844 the Aboli- 
tionists supported James G. Birney for president. Mr. Clay's 
friends were displeased. The Abolitionists might have elected 
Clay, for Polk received only 170 votes with the 36 of New York. 
The Abolitionists replied that they preferred Clay, but both parties 
said they were bidding for southern support. When the Whigs 
should take square ground against slavery, the Abolitionists said 
they would abandon their organization. Both parties fought shy 
of anti-slavery. In 1848 the northern Whigs defeated in congress 
a slavery resolution desired by the southern Whigs, which un- 
doubtedly contributed to the election of Taylor, who received 163 
electoral votes to 127 for Cass. Van Buren, who ran as a Free Soil 
candidate, also contributed to Taylor's election and Cass' defeat. 
The death of Taylor and the succession of Fillmore, who proved 
subservient to the wishes of the south, prepared the way for the 
fall of the Whig party, and the reorganization of parties on new 
issues. 

From 1850 to 1858 was the darkest period in the history of the 
country. The passage of the so-called compromise measure of 
1850 — the enactment of the fugitive slave law — (the foulest blot 
on the statutes of this country) — the bending of the knee to the 
slave power by Webster, Clay, Douglas, Pierce, and the leading 
Democratic and Whig politicians — the defeat of Scott in 1852 and 
the election of Pierce because the latter had promised the south the 
most — all contributed to cast a gloom over the anti-slavery men. 
Even in Maine the Free Soil vote diminished and the Democratic 
vote increased. 

The leaders of the anti-slavery and temperance movement in 
Maine were now firmly convinced that nothing could be accom- 
plished through the old Whig party, and the sentiments expressed 
in the vigorous editorial written by Nelson, and quoted above, re- 
flected the opinions of a large majority of the earnest and active 
political leaders of the state. As an outcome of this political situa- 
tion a new party was formed in the winter of 1854-5. Anson P. 
Morrill was its candidate for governor, and Nelson in the columns 
of the Lewiston Journal vigorously defended him. He was op- 
posed by Samuel Wells. The prohibitory law was the main issue, 
and while Morrill had a plurality of the popular vote, the legislature 



40 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

elected Wells. Under the caption "A Word to Whigs," Nelson 
wrote : "The Whig party of the north have claimed to be opposed 
to the extension of slavery. Doubtless nearly every member of 
that party still honestly cherishes such views. Now the question 
comes up, where will the honest Whig find a body of men who be- 
lieve the same as he does on the question of slavery? We answer 
that such a party has spontaneously risen up and has taken the 
name of Republican. No other party which has strength, stands 
outspoken in favor of freedom. It is not a party which has been 
called together by leaders — it has arisen in spite of leaders. It is 
the embodiment of northern sentiment ; and in every state, it is rap- 
idly assuming a commanding position." 

The failure of the Republicans of Maine to elect Morrill gover- 
nor, did not dishearten them. Nelson wrote that "the prospects of 
the Republican party though suffering under a temporary defeat 
look far from dark. One year hence, and we will retrieve this de- 
feat by such a majority as will proclaim the continued adherence of 
Maine to free principles." 

Of the approaching crisis over the slavery agitation and the 
teachings of Douglas and his followers, he wrote: "Shall we re- 
fuse to mete out to Douglas, Pierce & Co. the punishment which 
they so rightly merit, or shall we have no opinion to express re- 
specting their base treachery? * * * Let us remember that in 
union there is strength, and let us not forget that in no way can 
that union which we so highly prize be shattered by a persistence in 
well doing, and by a steady and uniform resistance to the plots 
which seek to make its government hostile to the spirit of liberty." 

Again he wrote : "The great battle is soon to be fought, which 
is to determine whether liberty and self-government can walk hand 
in hand. W'hile the privileged class are drawing to their support 
the name of the Democratic party, while Hunker Whigs are joining 
this aristocratic organization, let the friends of liberty, forgetting 
all past differences, buckle on the armor of freedom. The Union, 
with all its liberties which it has made to preserve, may yet be pre- 
served if we will be true to our hearts and bid adieu to political 
leaders forever. Now is the time. Soon there will be no opportun- 
ity to retrieve our losses, and to roll back the tide of slavery and 
tyranny. If we shall but stand shoulder to shoulder, and meet the 
crisis with a will resolved to conquer, history at least, will record 
with patriotic exultation that the intelligence and virtue of the peo- 
ple saved their country when it was on the edge of the Tarpeian 
Rock ; but if we falter and follow the deceitful music of political 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 41 

sirens, while our liberties are destroyed, the historian will dwell 
with sorrow over the blindness and passion which sink a great na- 
tion into the depths of weakness and despotism." 

On the assembling of the first session of the 34th congress he 
made this comment: "From this session of congress we have 
much to hope and much to fear ; and the manner in which our na- 
tional representatives shall execute the responsible trusts imposed 
upon them will determine in a great measure the mission of this 
Republic." Maine was represented in the U. S. senate by Hannibal 
Hamlin and William Pitt Fessenden ; and in the house by John M. 
Wood. John J. Perry, Ebenezer Knowlton, Samuel P. Benson, 
Israel Washburn. Jr., and Thomas J. B. Fuller. 

On the night of December 30, 1855. a fire destroyed the block 
in which the ofifice of Morrill & Fessenden was located ; and Nelson 
recorded in his diary as the only real important incident of this ca- 
tastrophe : "My books were saved, but my dressing gown was 
lost." 

The winter and spring were spent by him in the study of the law 
and in writing for the Lewiston Journal. He also figured as toast- 
master at a teacher's institute in Auburn. He made a hit; and at 
the annual town meeting in the spring was elected a member of the 
local school committee — the first of^ce he ever held. 

The state legislature met early in January, 1856, and Samuel 
Wells was elected governor. His election was accomplished by a 
combination of the Democrats and a few Whigs, the latter caring 
more for ofifice than for principle. Nelson commented on this 
event as follows, under the title of "Last Days of the Whig Party 
in Maine:" 

"With a look such as Caesar gave Brutus in the senate cham- 
ber at Rome, the dying victim covered its head, and as the spirit 
took its flight and a voice was heard declaring 'Samuel Wells 
elected governor of Maine', the lips of the death-like face moved 
and above the din of rejoicing factions, were heard these words : 
'Oh ! that imperial whiggery, dead and turned to clay 
Should stop a hole to keep the truth away.' " 

The last of March he was appointed by the state committee a 
member of the second congressional district Republican commit- 
tee. The district was then composed of Oxford and Cumberland 
counties. (What is now Androscoggin county was then a part of 
Cumberland county.) Sidney Perham, subsequently a member of 
congress and governor of Maine, was also a member of this com- 
mittee. 



42 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

The session of the legislature was a disappointment to the Re- 
publicans and for that matter all the good people of the state. Nel- 
son wrote: "In whatever way we may look upon the hundred day 
rule of the legislature of 1856, nothing but broken promises and un- 
precedented acts appear. The fact that any person is numbered in 
the ranks of the coalition majority in that body, will be enough to 
blast his political reputation. And the reign of Samuel I will ever 
be regarded as a period fraught with dangerous examples of execu- 
tive and legislative usurpations." The removal of Hon. Woodbury 
Davis, one of the judges of the supreme judicial court, by Gov. 
Wells ^ aroused the hostility and suspicion of not only the Republi- 
cans but the good men of all parties. 

Nelson was an active member of the Congregational church. 
He was a practical christian and believed that the best way to serve 
the Lord was to take active part in the Lord's work and assist ma- 
terially in building up His societies. His pastor was Rev. James 
Drummond ; and he was accustomed to attend all the church socials 
not only to widen his acquaintance '^ut to make more close his com- 
munion with God's people. It was at one of these socials that he 
became interested in a young woman of culture and rare attractions 
- — Miss Salome McKenney, daughter of Henry McKenney of Au- 
burn. His interest soon ripened into love; and about the middle of 
April he recorded in his diary : "To love and to know that love is 
returned! How many times have I thought of that, always to me. 
future event ! How many times I have longed for the appearance 
of that person who could satisfy the intense longing of my loving 
soul." 

His ]o\e and devotion for the woman of his choice was undying, 
yea, sublime. The passages in his diary, expressive of his affection 
for his ideal, are ardent and tender — indicative of a pure and noble 
soul. "God grant," he wrote, "that I may have strength to love 
her as I ought — to cherish and protect her through life." 

On the 6th of May he acted as secretary of the second district 
Republican convention to choose delegates to the national conven- 
tion. Sidney Perham, afterwards governor of Maine, and T. A. D. 
Fessenden of the firm of Morrill & Fessenden. were two of the dele- 
gates elected. The people of Auburn assembled in Jones' hall. May 
31, to express their condemnation of Kansan outrages, and the 

1— Judge Woodbury Davis would not at the behest of the Wells administra- 
tion, render a decision in favor of a pro-slavery candidate for sheriff. This was 
one of the Issues of the campaign and it cost Mr. Wells many votes. Gove.-nor 
Hamlin, who restored Judge Davis to the bench, pronounced the removal an 
unconstitutional act — at least an error of judgment. 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 43 

cowardly assault on Senator Sumner. Nelson framed and reported 
the resolutions that were adopted at that meeting. They were 
couched in vigorous and terse language and were adopted with en- 
thusiasm. The author of the resolutions also made a short speech 
and created a splendid impression. It was his iirst effort at a pub- 
lic political gathering. 

Nelson had his first law case early in June of that year (1856). 
Joshua Small Jr., of Danville, petitioned for an increase of damages 
in a road condemnation case. Nelson was sent for to appear for Mr. 
Small. Chas. Goddard appeared for the county. Richard Dresser, 
Job Prince and Thomas Lane were the committee. The two young 
attorneys submitted the case in briefs, without argument. The re- 
port of the referees was sealed and not opened until the following 
October. By that time Nelson was launched on a journahstic ca- 
reer, and the verdict of the referees became of little moment to him. 
At all events, it is not known whether he won or lost. However this 
may be, it was his first and only law case, and it matters not what 
the verdict was. 

June II, 1856, Nelson went to Augusta where the supreme judi- 
cial court of the middle district of Maine was in session, and on mo- 
tion of John H. Webster, Esq., of Norridgewock, was admitted to 
practice in the courts of Maine. The Lewiston Journal, owned by 
William H. Waldron, said that "Mr. Dingley is a young gentleman 
of acknowledged talents as many of the articles which he has fur- 
nished for our columns give ample testimony. It is his intention to 
visit the west during the approaching fall and we take this occa- 
sion to commend him to the attention of our brethren of the typo- 
graphical fraternity wherever he may make them a call." 

Nelson was armed with the following letter to Lot M. Morrill 
when he went to Augusta : 

Lewiston Falls, June 10, 1856. 

Hon. L. M. Morrill, 
Dear Sir : — 

Allow we to introduce to you the bearer of 
this letter. Nelson Dingley Jr., Esq.. of Danville. Mr. Dingley has 
been a student at law in our office for some months past, and being 
about to visit the western states, desired to be admitted to practice 
law, as attorney and counselor in the courts in this state. I think 
he is qualified to commence the practice of law, having diligently 
pursued his studies, and as a gentleman maintained a high charac- 
ter for honor and integrity in his intercourse with his fellow men. 



44 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

I am aware that it is not customary to admit members to the bar 
at the law term, but the circumstances under which he is placed in- 
duces me to ask you to use your influence to procure his admission 
by the court of Augusta. By so doing you will confer a favor upon 
him and upon myself. 

Very respectfully. 

Your obedient servant, 

N. Morrill. 

He also presented the following: 

"I, the undersigned, hereby certify that Nelson Dingley Jr., 
Esq., the bearer of this, graduated at Dartmouth college, July 26, 
1855, and commenced the study of law September 1855, in the of- 
fice of Messrs. Morrill & Fessenden, at Danville, Androscoggin 
county, and has continued the study of his profession up to the 
present time. 

Danville, June 10, 1856. 

C. Record, 
Sec. of the Androscoggin Bar. 

About this time Nelson was afflicted with what was then known 
as the western fever. His intended wife's sister had married and 
gone to Hudson, Wis. Several of his school friends had also gone 
to that section of the country ; and Nelson, together with his father, 
on the 1 6th of June, started on a prospecting tour. They jour- 
neyed by way of Boston, New York, Buffalo, Toledo, Chicago, and 
the Mississippi river to Hudson, Wis. From this point Nelson 
made several trips north and west. On the 8th of July he pre- 
empted on a quarter section — range 19. township 30, and S. W. 
quarter of section 29. This was about ten miles northwest of Hud- 
son. Here he with others, constructed rough cabins, and tried to 
live. The heat was intense, and the mosquitoes thick and ravenous. 
The first of August he journeyed to St. Paul and Minneapolis. At 
that time Minneapolis was a village of about 500 people. Remain- 
ing in this locality a week, but never dreaming of the two great 
cities that were in future years to grow up in this locality, he re- 
turned to Hudson and made up his mind that the state of Maine 
was good enough for him. He reached home the middle of July 
and at once plunged into the state and national campaign that had 
already opened. The political contest of 1856 was in full blast, and 
into it Nelson threw himself with all the ardor and enthusiasm of 
his nature. He addressed several mass meetings and wrote polit- 
ical articles for the Lewiston Journal. 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 45 

At this period new questions were claiming the attention of 
citizens, and naturally new parties were formed upon the new 
issues. The Temperance, the Abolition and the Know Nothing 
jiarties each had aims peculiar to itself; that of the Abolitionists or 
Liberty party being the abolition of slavery in the United States, 
and that of the Know Nothing or American party, opposition to 
foreign influence in our public affairs. The Free Soil party, which 
the Abolitionists joined, had a more practical plan than they; but 
this also, a little later, became absorbed in the new Republican 
party. The latter arose in consequence of the efforts of the slave 
power to gain possession of Kansas, where the resulting "Border 
Ruffian" outrages were arousing the indignation and exciting the 
alarm of the most conservative people. 

The principles of the new Republican pafty ^ were found to be 
consistent with the views of many of all other parties; while its 
leading principle of opposition to the extension of slavery, rapidly 
gained for it an immense following. John C. Fremont, the "Path- 
finder of the Rocky Mountains" had been nominated as its candi- 
date for president in Philadelphia, June 18, 1856. James Buchanan 
was nominated by the Democrats. 

Hannibal Hamlin, (one of Maine's noblest sons) who was 
speaker of the Maine house three times, and from 1842 to 1847 3- 
member of congress, was the Republican candidate for governor of 
Maine. Hamlin made a vigorous canvass and spoke in Auburn on 
the night of September 3rd. Excitement was at fever heat, and 
Nelson with voice and pen battled for the principles of the Repub- 
lican party. 

Hannibal Hamlin was triumphantly elected governor of Maine, 
and in the Journal under the caption "Maine has Spoken — Hamlin 
Elected Governor by 17,000 Majority — Gain of 24,000," Nelson 
wrote : "The voice of Maine has been raised against the iniquitous 
doctrine promulgated in the Cincinnati platform. She has not 
spoken feebly, but in thunder tones." 

The whole country was looking to the state of Maine. Li this 
election was fired the first gun in the great political contest which 
was to be waged between the Republican and Democratic parties, 
representing on the one hand the principles of freedom and a strong 

1 — The Michigan state convention, held at Jackson, early in June. 1S54. was 
the first representative body to take the name of Republican. The title was 
suggested in a letter from Horace Greeley to a deleg'ate to that convention. This 
letter was shown to Senator Howard and several other influential men. The 
suggestion was deemed a good one. and the name was formally adopted in the 
resolutions of the convention. A few weeks later it was adopted by a state 
convention in Maine. 



46 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

Federal government, and on the other the principles of slavery and 
states rights. Immense crowds attended every political rally. 
Salutes were fired, red lights blazed, and bands of music discoursed 
patriotic airs from one end of the state to the other. It was the 
most picturesque campaign Maine had had for years, and with a 
brilliant leader like Hamlin, who surrendered his democracy for his 
high ideals of human freedom, the Republican party was fired with 
an extraordinary zeal that almost amounted to frenzy. It is not 
strange, therefore, that the victory of the Republican party was 
hailed with delight and intense enthusiasm. It gave confidence to 
the leaders of the new party in every northern state, and paved the 
way for the final triumph of Republican principles four years later. 
Nelson was a born journalist and could not resist the natural 
bent of his mind. As a regular contributor to and practical edi- 
tor of the Lewiston Falls Journal, he created a splendid impression 
in tlie community and made the Journal a political power. Finally 
about the middle of September, 1856, he concluded arrangements 
for the purchase from W. H. Waldron of a half interest in the 
"Lewiston Falls Journal" as it was then called, paying therefor 
$2,203.24. ^ This included a one-half interest in the "Maine Evan- 
gelist," a religious paper formerly published at Rockland, Me. A 
week later he took editorial charge of the two papers, associating 
with him Revs. Drummond and Balkam, local Congregational 
ministers. On the 20th of September the first number of the 
Lewiston Falls Journal under the management of Waldron and 
Dingley, appeared. !Mr. Waldron published over his signature : 
"Our new associate is already well known to the most of our citi- 
zens as a young man of talent, with some experience in the editorial 
department of newspaper management. In his new sphere of use- 
fulness as one of the managers of the Journal already enjoying an 
extensive circulation, his influence will be for good." 

On the same day the Journal published this card signed "Nel- 
son Dingley Jr." : "We shall discuss calmly, and with due respect 
for the opinions of others, national, state and local questions. The 
general tone of the Journal on all the great political questions of 
the day will remain unchanged. Without surrendering ourselves 
to the dictation of au}^ party or clique, we shall give our hearty sup- 

1 — The Lewiston Journal was started by Alonzo Garcelon May 21. 1S47. in 
company with his brotlier-in-law, William H. AValdron. Dr. F. Lane was the 
associate editor. The paper was started to boom Lewiston. Colonel William 
Garcelon, Alonzo Garcelon's father, brought the printing material from Boston 
on his ox-team. 




NELSON DINGLEY JR.— 1855. 
A STUDENT AT DARTMOUTH COLLEGE. 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 4; 

port to the Republican party so long as this organization shall be 
the exponent of the great principles of freedom and justice, and in 
so far as it shall act judiciously and wisely in carrying these princi- 
ples out." 

Of this important business step Nelson wrote in his diary: 
"Thus I am launched into an active business life. Thus have I 
chosen the editorial profession. It is a high and noble profession. 
It is a position in which one can e.xert an influence wide and ex- 
tended for weal or woe. It is a responsible position. It offers in- 
numerable advantages for mental improvement. God grant that 
my influence may be for good. To Him I look for aid." 

The publication of a newspaper in those days was an arduous 
task. The country editor prepared his editorials, all the local copy, 
read the exchanges, set much of the type, and directed the news- 
papers to subscribers. Hand presses were the latest invention, 
and it took all day to print both sides of a country weekly. What 
a marvelous stride to the present type-setting-machines and per- 
fecting presses and every conceivable devise to save labor! 

That year and several years thereafter .Nelson worked early 
and late, with a firm and intelligent determination to build up the 
Lewiston Journal. How well he succeeded is now a matter of his- 
tory. 

The important part he took in the national campaign of 1856, 
and the vigorous way in which he discussed the great problems of 
that campaign can best be told by quoting a few of the editorials 
he wrote for the Journal. "On this question (slavery)" he wrote, 
"Maine has spoken in thunder tones for freedom. Her voice loud 
and clear has reached every city, every town, every hamlet and 
every cabin in the Union. She will ever speak thus loudly and thus 
clearly for free speech, free territory and free men. providing we 
make a proper use of victory. We have a legislature overwhelm- 
ingly Republican — we have a governor in whose wisdom, sound 
conservatism, free principles, and intellect we have the utmost con- 
fidence. We have chosen a united delegation to congress and their 
voices will ever respond to the claims of sound Republican prin- 
ciples. * * * Once seated in the presidential chair Fremont 
Y.ill roll back the tide of slavery and bring back the government to 
its original principles." Again he wrote: "Let Fremont speak — 
To the ballot box on Tuesday — One day for your country — Free 
soil! Free men! Free speech! Fremont and victory! Freedom 
expects every man to do his duty." 



48 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

Every issue of the Journal throughout this campaign contained 
vigorous and able discussions of important public questions from 
the pen of this young editor. These editorials were copied in the 
Republican papers of the state and served as a guide to those who 
were associated with him in the promulgation of the principles of 
the new political party that was to secure control of national af- 
fairs, free the nation from the curse of slavery and make immortal 
history. 

It was about this time in his life that he first met James G. 
Blaine. Mr. Blaine had moved to Maine late in 1854 and had be- 
come editor and part owner of the Kennebec Journal. Nelson met 
Mr. Blaine in the winter of 1856 at a gathering of Republicans in 
the city of Augusta. It was perfectly natural for these two young 
men, both interested in journalism, to at once strike a harmonious 
chord in each other's nature and to form a bond of union that time 
alone could sever. From that first meeting in early manhood, these 
men became fast friends ; and throughout their public career they 
assisted each other in advancing the interests of the Republican 
party and the welfare of the state that honored them. Their na- 
tures were totally different. Nelson was a retiring, modest and 
singularly studious young man, while Mr. Blaine was dashing, bril- 
liant and imposing. He was also a man of delightful address, 
and convincing in his ways. Nelson thus early saw in him a man of 
promise and great future. 

Nelson stated in after years that he secured for Mr. Blaine his 
first opportunity to make a campaign speech. "We wanted some- 
body," said he, "to address a meeting over in Litchfield, Me., 
and I induced Mr. Blaine to go there. This was in the campaign 
of 1856. He was very much frightened. He had previously ad- 
dressed a political meeting in Augusta, and had found for the first 
time that he had a voice. He came over to Lewiston and saw me, 
and I directed him where to go. He made his speech, and did, I 
was told, fairly well. I think he said he forgot his prepared speech 
and was obliged to talk along general lines. After that Mr. Blaine 
and I were warm personal friends and many times we discussed po- 
litical matters confidentially." 

Mr. Blaine on this occasion, reviewed briefly the history of re- 
cent American politics, dwelt upon the dissolution of the Whig 
party, pointed out the fact that the Democratic party was also on 
the eve of disintegration, and indicated the necessity of a new polit- 
ical organization as the vehicle of the best and most progressive 
sentiment of the American people. "The Republican party," said 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 49 

he, "will march forward in the line of duty and will try to engraft 
its principles upon the government of the country. They believe 
that their right to exclude slavery from the free territories is just 
as clear as their inability to interfere with it in the states ; and on 
that single point, great and far reaching in its effects, we challenge 
the Democratic party of the south and of the north to a contest for 
the government of the country." Mr. Blaine then addressed him- 
self directly to the Republicans of his own state. He exhorted 
them to stand for moral as well as political reform. He attacked 
the Democrats for their attitude toward the prohibitory law of 
Maine. In this, Mr. Blaine's first speech, the historian is able to 
discover the prudence, prescience and ability of the young orator, 
and also the wisdom of Nelson's choice in the selection of a speaker 
for the Republican rally at Litchfield. 

Newspaper enterprise was in its infancy when Nelson first 
started in his journalistic career, but an opportunity soon presented 
itself for the display of his latent talent and genius. The trial of 
George Knight for the murder of his wife was in progress, and was 
arousing intense interest. Nelson undertook the publication of a 
daily edition of the Journal. This daily edition, containing full re- 
ports of the trial, had a large circulation, that is about 4,000. The 
editor was assisted by J. D. Pulsifer, a local shorthand writer, and 
between them both they prepared very readable reports, all of 
which are now preserved in the Lewiston Journal office as speci- 
mens of admirable newspaper work — condensed, clear, and inter- 
esting. Nelson was then twenty-five years old. 

James Buchanan was elected president in November of that 
year. The defeat of Fremont was a great disappointment to the 
Republicans of Maine and especially to the young editor of the 
Lewiston Journal who had made such a brilliant fight in the col- 
umns of his newspaper. He wrote : "The army of freedom has 
been repulsed but not conquered. * * * We tremble when we 
think of the future. If ever there was need of the Republican 
party, if ever the freemen of the north were called upon to stand 
firm, now is the time. On them depends the future of this republic. 
* * * Republicans of Maine and of the Union, your country 
calls upon you for succor in this time of peril. Liberty, bleeding at 
every pore, holds out her suppliant hand, and beseeches you to gird 
on }rour armor for the contest. The struggle in which we have en- 
gaged is but just begim. Though repulsed we are not conquered. 
We have yet an army of unconquered freemen — men who will 
never say 'die' and whose period of enlistment is for life. We shall 



50 



LIFE AND TIAIES OF 



finally conquer. The spirit of freedom yet animates the north." 
Again he wrote : "Republicans of Maine ! Put on your armor and 
prepare to defend yourselves against the brutal taunts, revilings, in- 
sults and aggressions of those lordly aUies of the slave power whose 
battle cry is 'no quarter.' Never before was there so much need of 
your assistance. Stand firm! Have back-bone !" 

As editor of the Journal Nelson was independent in thought and 
action— that is he declined to indorse the plans of ring politicians 
who thought more of their own interests than the welfare of the 
country. He was opposed to the plan of j>avmg Governor Hamlin 
retire in order that he might be re-elected U. S. senator. He was in 
favor of Lot M. Morrill for that high office, believing that Gover- 
nor Hamlin could be of greater service to his state by remaining 
its chief executive. He wrote : "No threats, no attempts to brow- 
beat us will alter our course in the least. We intend to merit the 
appellation 'independent' if nothing more." 

Governor-Elect Hamlin resigned the office of U. S. senator 
Wednesday, January 7th, and was inaugurated Thursday, January 
8th. He was then re-elected U. S. senator. It was this plan that 
was objected to by Nelson. He believed that the cause of anti- 
slavery could best be promoted by Hannibal Hamlin in the gover- 
nor's chair and Lot M. Morrill in the U. S. senate. Mr. Morrill 
was early one of the anti-slavery leaders, and his election as senator 
would have been natural and fitting. However this may be. the 
fact remains that under the leadership of Hannibal HamHn the Re- 
publicans of Maine carried the state by over 25,000 plurality. 
Hamlin received 69,574 and Samuel Wells received 43,628 votes. 
What was left of the old Whig party nominated George F. Patten, 
who received 6,554 votes. 

In the presidential election of that year the Whig, Free Soil, 
and American parties were largely abandoned, and the new party, 
called the Republican party, was composed of those abandoning 
their old party organizations, together with many from the Demo- 
cratic party. When Governor Hamlin resigned his office as chief 
executive of the state to accept a seat in the LT. S. senate, to which 
he had been elected by the legislature, Joseph H. Williams, presi- 
dent of the senate, acted as governor for the remainder of the year. 
While Hannibal Hamlin was governor, for less than two months, 
Amos Nourse was elected U. S. senator to fill the vacancy. Mr. 
Hamlin resumed his seat in the U. S. senate the last of February. 
1857, his colleague being William Pitt Fessenden, who was elected 
by the legislature in 1854. It is needless to say that these two po- 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 51 

litical giants brought honor to their state and the nation. Every 
representative from Maine, in the 35th congress, which assemljled 
in December 1857, was a Repubhcan. The delegation was as fol- 
lows : John M. Wood, Israel Washburn Jr., F. H. Morse, Nehe- 
miah Abbott, Stephen C. Foster, Chas. J. Oilman. 

During all these years in which Nelson was active in business 
and politics he still maintained his deep interest in the cause of tem- 
perance. He was a delegate to the state temperance convention 
in Augusta, January 20, 1857. Neal Dow of Portland, the veteran 
temperance leader, was president of that convention, and from that 
day to the hour of Mr. Dow's death, these two men were warm 
friends and ardent supporters of each other in the battle against the 
grog-shop. 

In May, Nelson journeyed to Hudson, Wis., to prove his land 
claim, and came very near having a fever. He returned home in a 
month to prepare for the second great step in his career since 
leaving college — marriage. June 11, 1857 he was wedded to Sa- 
lome McKenney. The deep feeling of his heart is evidenced by this 
entry in his diary: "God grant that we may realize all the happi- 
ness we anticipate." Of his mother, sad and tearful over her son's 
departure from the parental roof, he wrote : "Blessed mother ! 
The welfare and happiness of her children were ever uppermost in 
her thoughts." 

Early in May the Lewiston Journal was eleven years old, and in 
celebrating that event Nelson wrote : "What our course has been 
in the past, such it will be in the future — ever resisting the exten- 
sion of human slavery over one inch of territory where it is not pro- 
tected by state law." 

On the 20th of September Nelson purchased Mr. Waldron's 
half of the Journal and Evangelist and started out in business alone 
— sole editor and proprietor. The responsibility of conducting a 
local party paper was great ; but Nelson had a way of turning off 
his work easily. His facilities were inadequate, and he toiled on 
week after week climbing slowly to the lofty heights he subse- 
quently reached. He was an ardent Republican, a strong anti- 
slavery and temperance man and an editor of independent and orig- 
inal thought and action. His writings w^ere widely quoted ; and 
throughout these months of toil he was storing his mind with a vast 
fund of information so useful to him in later years. 

From 1857 to i860, the political events in the state and in the 
nation were exciting, yea startling. The latter part of June 1857, 
Lot M. Morrill was nominated for governor and of this event the 



52 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

Journal said : "His name is an earnest of success." In an editorial 
on the gubernatorial contest Nelson wrote that "the grand work 
which the Republican party has commenced, if successfully carried 
out will end in removing that curse (slavery) which if allowed to ex- 
tend will finally destroy us as a nation." 

The Republican candidate for governor was formerly a Demo- 
crat, but he disapproved of the course of his party on the ques- 
tion of slavery in Kansas, and joined the Republican party. The 
campaign was vigorous and exciting. Before the state election 
Nelson wrote : "There is no half way ground. Maine is either to 
do the one thing or the other ; her influence is to go either for or 
against the system of slavery." 

In this campaign Nelson took a very active part. He was a 
delegate to, and one of the secretaries of, the county Republican 
convention, and made many speeches in the surrounding towns. 
In September of this year, James G. Blaine, who had been editor of 
the Kennebec Journal, and was a warm personal friend of the edi- 
tor of the Lewiston Journal, removed to Portland and there be- 
came editor of the Portland Advertiser. Of this Nelson wrote: 
"Mr. Blaine is one of the most talented and successful editors in the 
state and we might say in New England." 

Mr. Morrill was elected governor in September of that year by 
17,000 plurality. He received 60,380 votes, his Democratic oppo- 
nent. Smith, receiving 42,968 votes. Of this victory Nelson wrote : 
"Maine has spoken. Again she has proclaimed to the world her 
devotion to freedom. * * * As the throbbing wires bear the 
voice of Maine to Washington, the administration, busy over new 
plans to pacify the slave power, may read the hand writing on the 
wall, which needs no interpreter to make it the fore-runner of the 
great victory in i860. Hear this voice, James Buchanan! Hear it, 
enemies of freedom, and tremble !" 

During this fall and winter Nelson's time was devoted to an 
earnest discussion of state and national questions. The prohibition 
of the liquor trafific was assuming great importance as a moral and 
political question. "Our only safety is an entire sweep of shops 
which sell liquor for a beverage," wrote Nelson. The 7th of June, 
1858, was set apart as a day upon which the voters of the state were 
to determine whether they should adhere to the policy of prohibi- 
tion or high license. Of this approaching event he wrote : "The 
vote is one on which is to depend the future of the temperance 
cause in this state. Its influence is not to stop here. It will be 
flashed over the telegraphic wires and will carry encouragement or 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 53 

dismay to those who are contending for the cause in this state. 
* * * Could anyone see pictured out before him the long train 
of evils which proceed from one respectable (?) grog-shop — the 
poverty and suffering, the bitter tears and lamentations which fol- 
low in its path, he would never permit himself to cast a vote to 
legalize such a pest of society." The Journal also discussed very 
ably the Kansas embroglio and the Lecompton constitution. The 
slavery question and the memorable debates between Lincoln and 
Douglas were closely followed and ably commented on by the edi- 
tor, who spoke in no uncertain language of these important ques- 
tions of the hour. 

It is interesting to note that Nelson was one of the first editors 
in the state of Maine to oppose the old theory that members of con- 
gress should be changed every two or four years in order that each 
county or locality in the district might have its turn. He realized 
that the standing, influence and usefulness of a member of congress 
depended upon the length of service his constituents permitted him 
to have. He realized that no man could make a name for himself 
in the halls of congress and bring lustre to his state without a rea- 
sonably long term of service. Therefore when the matter of select- 
ing a member of congress from that district was discussed. Nelson 
said that "so important an office as representative to congress 
should not be a football for every adventurer. We protest against 
any arbitrary parcelling out of the ofifices to this or that section." 
Maine saw the wisdom of this policy thus early; and to it was due 
the high standing and national reputation her delegations in con- 
gress attained in subsequent years. 

In June, 1858, Nelson was chosen a delegate to the Republican 
state convention which re-nominated Lot M. Morrill for governor. 
The campaign was fought along lines very similar to the campaign 
of the year previous. Of the all-absorbing topic of slavery Nelson 
wrote : "The inference that Christ gave his sanction to the institu- 
tion of slavery as a political regulation, is not only unwarranted by 
the facts, but plainly and most decidedly opposed to the spirit of 
His mission and to the precepts He inculcated. There was no such 
slavery as that we have at the south, in Palestine, when our Savior 
was upon earth. Every word that He spoke, every injunction that 
He gave, was opposed to everything of that nature." 

Governor Morrill was re-elected in the state election of Septem- 
ber, 1858, receiving 60,380 votes, his opponent. Smith, receiving 
52,440 votes. Six Republican representatives to congress were 
elected — Israel Washburn Jr., D. E. Somes, John J. Perry, Stephen 



54 



LIFE AND TIMES OF 



C. Foster, F. H. Morse, and Ezra B. French. Stephen Coburn was 
elected to fill a vacancy caused by the election of Mr. Washburn 
governor of the state, in September, i860. 

William Pitt Fessenden was re-elected United States senator 
January 11, 1858; and of this event Nelson wrote; "What makes 
this choice the more gratifying is the fact that the majority party 
in the legislature went into the election without making any cau- 
cus nomination, and thus unanimously and voluntarily testified 
their approbation of the public course of Maine's most gifted 
statesman." The Republican party was further intrenched by the 
re-election of Gov. Morrill in 1859. 

Nelson took an active part in local political discussions, and in 
the autumn of i860, held a joint political discussion with Enos T. 
Luce, Esq., at Leeds. The debate was animated an.d listened to by 
a large audience. There are some living now in Leeds who remem- 
ber this debate, and the force and logic of Nelson's argument. 
Abraham Lincoln had been nominated for president by the Repub- 
licans, and excitement during the campaign was intense. The na- 
tion was on the verge of war, and the intense loyalty and patriotism 
of Nelson was shown in his vigorous editorials. The same year 
(i860) the grand old Republican, Israel Washburn — Maine's first 
war governor — who filled the ofifice and performed every duty in 
such a way as to promote the welfare of the state, strengthen the 
nation, and win for himself an honorable name, was elected chief 
executive of the state. 

Nelson's domestic life during this period (1857 to 1861) was 
singularly happy. Two sons were born to his beloved wife, and his 
correspondence and diary at that time are full of tender passages 
telling of his devotion to her. 

Thus in the midst of these exciting events, when the nation was 
in the first throes of civil war — Nelson was launched upon his pub- 
lic career. He was well equipped and full of enthusiasm, vigor and 
courage. He had a well-balanced mind, a cool head, absolute self- 
control, and industry that was rare. His mind was stored with val- 
uable information. He was a student of history and politics, en- 
joyed a state reputation as an editor, and knew personally all the 
public men of Maine who were worth knowing. His success was 
assured. 

The Republican party, which was born when Nelson launched 
upon the sea of politics, had for its leading features : First : The 
maintenance of the principles promulgated in the declaration of 
independence, and embodied in the federal constitution as essen- 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 55 

tial to the preservation of our republican institutions. — Second: 
The preservation of the federal constitution. — Third : The preser- 
vation of the rights of the states. — Fourth: The preservation of 
the union of the states. — Fifth : Denial of the authority of con- 
gress, of a territorial legislature, of any individual or association of 
individuals, to give legal existence to slavery in any territory of the 
United States ; hence, opposition to the extension of slavery into 
free territory. — Sixth : The right and duty of congress to prohibit 
in the territories those twin relics of barbarism — polygamy and 
slavery. — Seventh : Arraignment of the Pierce administration, the 
president, his advisers, agents, supporters, for their high crime in 
Kansas against the constitution, the union and humanity. — Eighth: 
Demand for the immediate admission of Kansas as a state in the 
union with her free constitution. — The policy of this party was 
fixed and precise. It contained nothing equivocal. It was 
strengthened and made secure in the hearts of the loyal people by 
the outrages in Kansas, the Dred-Scott "Opinion," and the repeal 
of the Missouri Compromise. The struggle for supremacy was be- 
tween two widely differing civilizations, and was marked by every 
form of bitterness. The controversies spread to every neighbor- 
hood in the north and in the south. The north smarted under a 
sense of injury, the south under a fear of loss of power. Under 
such circumstances, and in complications of such portentous char- 
acter, all dating from the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, the 
presidential election of i860 summoned the country to a mo- 
mentous duty. 



CHAPTER V. 

1 860- 1 863. 

The election of Abraham Lincoln in i860 was a practical illus- 
tration of the eiTect of the south enforcing the doctrine of slavery 
and state rights upon the country. Buchanan had looked on quietly 
but did nothing. The death of Douglas was a great calamity to the 
Democratic party and to the whole country ; for soon after his death 
the southern sympathizers in the Democratic party began to give 
expression to the sentiments which had been temporarily silenced 
by the patriotic outburst that followed the firing on Sumpter. In 
Maine as early as the middle of June, the Bangor Democrat called 
on the Democrats of the state "to take a firm and decided stand in 
opposition to the unconstitutional and despotic warfare waged by 
Abraham Lincoln on Sovereign states." The Maine Democratic 
state convention which met at Augusta August 14, 1861, after a 
sharp fight between the two wings of the party, voted down a reso- 
lution "supporting the war so far as it is waged to suppress the re- 
bellion and sustain the constitution and the laws," and by a decisive 
vote adopted the following: "Resolved that the reconstruction of 
the Union by force against the embittered feelings and the united 
strength of nearly one-half of the states is a palpable absurdity and 
an utter impossibility." 

Maine's war governor was Israel Washburn Jr., of Orono. For 
ten years he had been a member of congress, and had watched the 
signs of the approaching irrepressible conflict. He was a man of 
experience and patriotism ; and in his inaugural address before the 
legislature told of the loyalty of Maine in no uncertain words. Af- 
ter discussing slavery and the election of Abraham Lincoln, he 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 57 

said that "the history of the past shows that no concessions will be 
accepted as satisfactory which do not secure to the slave states the 
rights of expression and protection to their peculiar property under 
the federal constitution. This is what they believe they need, and 
this alone will satisfy them. I believe I speak the voice of every 
true, brave and conservative man in the north, when I say that such 
concessions cannot be made. To grant the concessions demanded 
would mean the supervision of the constitution. The practical 
question is whether the laws of the land can be and shall be faith- 
fully executed. In other words it is whether we have a govern- 
ment or not." 

But Governor Washburn did not then believe the slave states 
would withdraw from the Union. He believed the excitement 
would pass and reason be restored. And other RepubUcan leaders 
shared this belief. Hannibal Hamlin, who resigned his seat in the 
United States senate, having been elected vice president with Lin- 
coln, had not given up hope that the civil war might be averted. 
Lot M. Morrill, who was elected by the legislature to succeed Ham- 
lin in the United States senate, was of the same mind. James G. 
Blaine, then only twenty-one years old, but giving promise of his 
future greatness, was speaker of the state house of representatives 
for the first time ; and the session closed before the afifair at Fort 
Sumpter awakened the people of Maine to the awfulness of the sit- 
uation. 

In February, 1861, Nelson joined a party of gentlemen who 
journeyed to Washington to witness the inauguration of Abraham 
Lincoln. He was much impressed with the events of that memor- 
able occasion. Kind and sympathetic, he shared the feelings of the 
burdened executive. Loyal and patriotic, he returned to his jour- 
nalistic labors with a deeper and more consecrated devotion to the 
cause of liberty and union. 

On the 20th of April, 1861, the week following the fall of Fort 
Sumpter, Nelson started the Daily Journal. His brother Frank as- 
sisted him during the summer in journalistic work, and after his 
graduation from Bowdoin college in August, became permanently 
associated with Nelson. It was a good time to launch a daily edi- 
tion. Excitement was at fever heat. The cry was "to arms ! to 
arms !" Troops were assembling in every northern state, and the 
intense patriotism of the north w'as aroused. The summer of 1861 



58 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

was an exciting one. The sound of the inevitable conflict was 
heard on every hand. Maine responded, and Lewiston was the re- 
cruiting ground for the first company to enlist. ^ Nelson wrote : 
"Our companies here were the first in the state to tender their ser- 
vices, and the Lewiston Light infantry is the first company to fill 
its ranks and be accepted and ordered into service by the govern- 
ment. * * * There is a mysterious power in love of country, 
whenever the people realize that that country is endangered. There 
is a weird charm in the stars and stripes that has interwoven itself 
into the very life of the people. It is pleasant once in a while to see 
the people at the head." 

It is an interesting fact that William P. Frye, subsequently 
member of the national house of representatives and United States 
senator, went out with one of these companies from Lewiston, and 
wrote characteristic letters to the Lewiston Journal. Dr. Alonzo 
Garcelon, subsequently governor of Maine, was surgeon of the 
regiment and sent to the Journal many interesting letters giving in- 
formation to the relatives at home of dear ones at the front. Hon. 
C. W. Walton, then member of congress from that district, and 
subsequently a member of the Maine supreme court that settled 
the "count-out" dif^culty in January, 1880, was another corres- 
pondent who sent "occasionals" to the Journal. Nelson's enter- 
prise in starting the Daily Journal was received courteously by his 
fellow editors in the state. All wished him success. 

It will be remembered that the position of Stephen A. Douglas, 
on the impending conflict, was a matter of doubt and curiosity ; but 
when that stalwart Democrat decided to cast his lot with the loyal 
north, there was great rejoicing, and Nelson wrote on the 3rd day 
of June, 1861, the day following Douglas' death: "With the past 
political career of Mr. Douglas we have had as little sympathy as 
anyone ; but when on the day after the fall of Sumpter, the news 
flashed over the wires that he stood by the President in his efforts 
to preserve the Union inviolate, and called upon Democrats all over 
the north to come out to the defense of the flag, then no man with a 

1 — Maine had a glorious record in the civil war. The first company to enlist 
was the Lewiston Light Infantry. The first and second regiments received 
special commendation from Secretary of War Cameron. The Colonel of the first 
regiment was Nat J .Jackson; of the second regiment. Charles G. Jameson, and 
of the third regiment, O. O. Howard, the hero of Gettysburg. Neal Dow was 
Colonel of the Thirteenth regiment and J. L. Chamberlain was Colonel of the 
Twentieth giment. Ho was one of the heroes of Gettysburg and Petersburg, 
and took a prominet part in the surrender of Lee. Maine furnished 72,945 men, 
and lost 7,372 men. 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 59 

northern heart beating in his bosom could have said anything but 
'God bless Stephen A. Douglas.' " 

Nelson was a staunch supporter of Israel Washburn Jr., as the 
people's union candidate for governor of Maine. He said that 
"all the issues which have divided parties at the north are now sus- 
pended or swallowed up in the grand question of the preservation 
of the union of these thirty-four states; and every citizen who is 
ready to heartily support the administration in crushing the wicked 
rebellion against this government, at whatever cost, should stand 
shoulder to shoulder in this crisis of our nation." 

James G. Blaine was chairman of the Republican state commit- 
tee and as such issued a call for the state convention at Augusta, 
August 7. At this convention Nelson was made a member of the 
state Republican committee. Governor Washburn was renomi- 
nated. The first resolution offered declared that "the present de- 
plorable civil war has been forced upon the country by the dis- 
unionists of southern states." A motion was made to lay this reso- 
lution on the table. A spirited debate followed in which Nelson 
spoke against the motion. The Democrats of the state split in 
their convention. Jameson was nominated by the union Demo- 
crats and Dana by the disunion Democrats. The latter convention 
was of a most dangerous and treasonable character. Union senti- 
ment was hissed. 

Nelson was a delegate to the Republican county convention at 
Auburn and took a very prominent part therein. He had been 
active in politics and loyal to the cause of the union and was 
selected as the Republican candidate for representative to the state 
legislature, September 6, 1861. This convention was held at Au- 
burn hall. T. A. D. Fessenden, with whom Nelson had studied law 
several years before, was chairman. There was some opposition to 
the successful candidate as is shown by the fact that he received 46 
votes out of 87, his strongest opponent, H. N. Bearce, receiving 34 
votes. When waited upon after his nomination. Nelson appeared 
and accepted the honor in a patriotic and appropriate speech. Hon. 
C. W. Walton, member of congress from that district, also made a 
stirring address, and in closing his remarks offered this resolution: 
"Resolved that the nomination of Nelson Dingley Jr., Esq., with a 
full knowledge of his open, zealous and patriotic stand in favor of a 
political union of all who are heartily and sincerely in favor of sup- 



6o LIFE AND TIMES OF 

porting the administration in its efforts to save the union, and put 
down the rebelHon, is evidence that the Repubhcans of Auburn are 
in favor of such a union, and recommend Mr. Dingley to the sup- 
port not only of Repubhcans. but to aU union men." Nelson was 
elected by a majority of 178. 

Governor Washburn was triumphantly re-elected, receiving 
58,689 votes, while the combined vote of Jameson and Dana was 
41,736. The state already had two loyal Republicans in the United 
States senate (Lot M. Morrill and William Pitt Fessenden), and 
six Republican members of the lower house — John H. Rice. Fred- 
erick A. Pike, Charles W. Walton, S. C. Fessenden, John N. Good- 
win, and Anson P. Morrill. The legislature was overwhelmingly 
Republican. In reviewing the members elect to the house Nelson 
wrote: "Among the Democrats in the house will be Bion Brad- 
bury of Eastport, Democratic candidate for member of congress 
last year, Shephard Gary of Houlton, for many years a leading 
Democrat in the legislature, George P. Sewell of Oldtown, former 
Democratic speaker of the house, A. P. Gould of Thomaston, the 
Democratic leader of the last house, S. H. Blake of Bangor long a 
leading Democrat of Penobscot county, and John T. Gilman of 
Bath, the able editor of the Bath Times. Among the leading Re- 
publicans are James G. Blaine of Augusta, one of the ablest editors 
and debaters in New England and speaker of the last house. Wil- 
liam P. Frye of Lewiston a leading member of the last house, Gen- 
eral S. P. Strickland of Bangor, Benjamin Ivingsbury Jr., of Port- 
land and others." "Altogether," he added, "the house will be com- 
posed of decidedly the ablest material of any which has assembled 
?t Augusta for years." 

In January, 1862, Mr. Dingley took his seat in the legislature, 
and assisted in the re-election of James G. Blaine to the office of 
speaker. It will be remembered that Mr. Dingley had met Mr. 
Blaine soon after the latter's arrival in the state, and had singled 
him out as one of the most promising and able young politicians of 
the state. The close friendship and intimacy which began at this 
time between these two men continued undisturbed until Mr. 
Blaine's death in 1893. Speaker Blaine placed Mr. Dingley on the 
committee on rules, education (chairman) and federal relations — 
good appointments for a new member. 

In this house were \\'il]iam P. Frye. attorne^'-general of the 
state in 1867, 1868 and 1869, member of the lower house of con- 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 6i 

gress from 1873 to 1880, and United States senator from 1880 to 
the present time ; Solon Chase, the famous Greenbacker and philos- 
opher and hero of "Them Steers" that played such an important 
part in the Greenback campaign of 1878; Benjamin Kingsley, 
author of several law books ; John Lynch of Portland, a member of 
the lower house in the 40th, 41st and 42nd congresses; Samuel H. 
Blake, an eminent financier; George P. Sewell, an eminent speaker 
and president of the senate in 1865; S. J. Chadbourne, clerk of the 
house in 1868, secretary of state in 1876 and 1880, and deputy sec- 
retary of state in 1899. 

Governor Washburn in his inaugural address to the legislature 
reviewed the situation in the country. He said among other things 
that "the loyal people of the United States have resolved in their 
hearts, and vowed by Him who was their father's God that the 
union, one and indivisible, shall be preserved, cost what it may. 
War is not for the abolition of slavery but the preservation of the 
government. A conditional union man is an unconditional traitor. 
Up to January ist, 1862, Maine contributed 16,345 men, 578 more 
than her quota. It is our fortune to occupy places of trust and re- 
sponsibility at the time when the questions of the highest import 
are to be determined — questions reaching to the foundation of hu- 
man government and affecting the rights of human nature. And it 
rests largely with those whom the people have honored with their 
confidence, whether these questions be settled in such a manner 
that republican institutions shall be established on a firmer basis 
than ever, or be renounced and abandoned as acknowledged fail- 
ures." 

Mr. Dingley's first act in the legislature was to off'er a resolu- 
tion pledging the support of the state to the national administra- 
tion. This was on the 27th day of January, 1862. In supporting 
this resolution he made a short and vigorous speech which "had the 
ring of true metal." On the 29th of January the resolve in favor of 
a grant of land to Watervllle college, introduced by Mr. Dingley, 
came up in the house. Mr. Gary of Houlton opposed it and called 
these colleges "aristocratic institutions." Mr. Dingley in reply said 
that "he respected an aristocracy of knowledge. Where do your 
teachers come from but these very aristocratic institutions? LTpon 
what is your republican form of government based but upon the in- 
telligence of the people? And how is this intelligence to be gained 
but through the teachers ? Crush down these 'aristocratic institu- 



62 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

tions' as the gentleman called them, and you degrade the people 
and endanger our liberties." Mr. Gary of Houlton was a "sledge 
hammer debater," as he was called by his admirers in the house, but 
Mr. Dingley easily overcame him by the use of courteous language 
and sound logic. The resolution granting the land to Waterville 
college was passed. On the 27th of February a bill to aid the fam- 
ilies of soldiers, which Mr. Dingley largely framed, came up in the 
house. There was much opposition to it, and it was saved that day 
by being tabled on motion of Mr. Dingley. On the 2nd of March 
the bill was taken from the table and debated by the members of 
the house, many of whom bitterly opposed it. It was entitled, "a 
bill authorizing towns to aid the families of volunteers and provid- 
ing that the state should reimburse the expenditures for this pur- 
pose, and equalize it on the valuation of all the towns in the state." 
It was conceded that Mr. Dingley's speech in support of this meas- 
ure was the ablest of them all, and saved the bill from defeat. He 
said : "The men who have gone forth from Maine to fight the bat- 
tles of liberty and union, are periling their lives for Waldoboro' as 
well as Portland, for Houlton as well as Bangor, for the poorest 
citizen as well as the richest. It is a service rendered for the whole 
state and for the protection of the liberty and property of every 
citizen of the state. * * * Is it right or expedient to impose 
additional and unequal burdens upon those towns that have done 
the most and incurred the largest expense in enlisting and fitting 
soldiers for the war ? Is it not a penalty affixed to patriotism, and a 
bounty upon disloyalty? * * * Such towns should be re- 
warded 'rather than punished for their loyalty. * * * There 
is no difference in the burden of a debt of $200,000 on the people of 
the state whether it is considered as a debt on the state as an entity, 
or on the towns of the state, for the state is only an aggregate of 
towns. * * * Let us descend from the region of fancy to that 
of facts and figures. * * * Do the people of the state wish to 
have it go on record, to remain as a stigma on the otherwise fair 
fame of our state for all time, that in the crisis of our history, when 
the enemies of the republic are almost thundering at the gates of 
the capitol, that Maine thus turned the cold shoulder to the families 
of the brave men who periled their lives in its defense?" The bill 
passed March 6th. 

Early in February the question of the confiscation of rebel prop- 
erty was occupying the attention of congress and there was a divi- 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 63 

sion of sentiment with respect thereto. On the 7th of February 
resolutions relating to national affairs were adopted in the senate 
and afterwards sent to the house for concurrence, reciting "that 
we cordially indorse the administration of Abraham Lincoln in the 
conduct of the war against the wicked and unnatural enemies of the 
republic, and that in all its measures calculated to crush this rebel- 
lion speedily and finally, the administration is entitled to and will 
receive the unwavering support of the loyal people of Maine ; that 
it is the duty of congress by such means as will not jeopard the 
rights and safety of the loyal people of the south to provide for the 
confiscation of the estates, real and personal, of rebels, and for the 
forfeiture and Hberation of every slave claimed by any person who 
shall continue in arms against the authority of the United States, 
or who shall in any matter aid and abet the present wicked and un- 
justifiable rebellion ; and that in this perilous crisis of the country, it 
is the duty of congress in the exercise of its constitutional power 
to raise and support armies, to provide by law for accepting the ser- 
vices of all able bodied men of whatever status, and to employ these 
men in such manner as military necessity and the safety of the 
country may demand." 

The leader on the Democratic side of the house was A. P. Gould 
of Thomaston. On this occasion Mr. Gould spoke on the senate 
resolutions, opposing them with all his vigor in an elaborate argu- 
ment. This was the occasion to bring out the latent powers of the 
future "Plumed Knight" who was now speaker of the house. Mr. 
Blaine came down upon the floor and made what was considered 
the most powerful speech ever delivered in the Maine house of rep- 
resentatives. Of this memorable occasion Mr. Dingley wrote: 
"Mr. Gould of Thomaston then commenced a speech against the 
resolves and the policy of confiscating rebel slave property. * * 
Mr. Blaine, speaker of the house, will reply to Mr. Gould and ex- 
pectation is on tiptoe to hear him, as he is one of the ablest debaters 
and most skilful parliamentary tacticians in New England." He 
continued : "Mr. Blaine followed, speaking two hours, and most 
triumphantly meeting and demolishing the arguments which Mr. 
Gould had labored so hard and so zealously to establish. It was 
Mr. Blaine's best effort, and was almost universally pronounced to 
be one of the ablest if not the ablest and most brilliant speech ever 
made in the legislature of Maine. * * * The rapid blows 
which he dealt knocked pillar after pillar of the structure which his 



64 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

opponent had reared, until at last the whole argument was torn to 
pieces, and the fallacy and insincerity on which it rested, exposed. 
The invectives which Mr. Blaine poured forth on Mr. Gould and his 
hunker sympathizers was scathing beyond description, and fre- 
quently called down the house." 

Mr. Dingley took great interest in all educational matters, and 
through his efforts a bill to amend the school laws was framed and 
passed. Thus in his first session in the legislature he took high 
rank as an authority on educational matters and on parliamentary 
law, and as a debater. His speeches were short and pointed. His 
delivery was natural and graceful but not oratorical. He frequently 
occupied the chair, called there by the speaker, and presided with 
dignity and ability. 

The Republican state convention of 1862 was held at Portland 
June 5th. There were four candidates for governor — Abner Co- 
burn, John J. Berry, J. H. Williams, and N. A. Farwell. Abner 
Coburn was nominated, receiving 330 out of 645 votes. Mr. Ding- 
ley was a delegate to this convention and was appointed a mem- 
ber of the state committee. Of this convention he wrote that "the 
nomination of Abner Coburn means harmony in the Republican 
ranks. The proceedings indicate a general confidence in the hon- 
esty, integrity and ability of the candidate." 

The Democrats were divided, as in the year previous, into two 
factions — those in favor of the war, who nominated C. D. Jameson, 
and those who were opposed to the war, who nominated Bion 
Bradbury. In the September election the state again showed her 
loyalty to the national administration and the union candidate. Ab- 
ner Coburn, was elected governor by nearly five thousand majority. 
He received 42,744 votes, while the combined vote of both wings of 
the Democracy was only 38,872. Four Republican members of 
congress were elected, including James G. Blaine ; and one Demo- 
crat, L. D. M. Sweat of Portland. 

Mr. Blaine's entrance into national politics was predicted by 
Mr. Dingley on the 24th of June when he wrote that "Blaine's nom- 
ination and election would reflect great credit on the state. We can 
confidently aver that no other public man combines in larger meas- 
ure all those qualities of intellect and heart which make an able 
and successful statesman. In congress he could not fail to take a 
high and commanding position." Mr. Blaine was nominated for 
congress July 8th at Waterville. Mr. Dingley was present at the 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 65 

convention, and was one of the first to congratulate the nominee. 
Mr. Blaine received 174 out of 181 votes, and the result was 
greeted with enthusiasm. John L. Stevens, a personal friend of 
Mr. Blaine's and subsequently minister to the Hawaiian islands, 
made a vigorous speech while the committee waited upon the nomi- 
nee. In accepting the nomination Mr. Blaine said: "I will take 
this occasion to say as the most comprehensive definition of my 
position, that I shall conceive it to be my duty to stand squarely 
and unreservedly by the administration of Abraham Lincoln — for 
in the success of that administration under God rests the perpetuity 
of the union of these states." 

The Democrats of Maine were badly demoralized. The peo- 
ple's convention of Jameson Democrats met at Bangor June 26, 
1862. It was a lively gathering. The contest was between the two 
factions — one in favor of Mr. Jameson's nomination and opposed 
to any affiliation with rebel sympathizers, and the other in favor of 
throwing overboard Jameson and taking up a man who would be 
adopted by the Dana convention to be held in Portland in August. 
The result for a time was doubtful, but the energy and persistence 
with which Messrs. Blake, Peters and Jewett fought against the 
plan of Messrs. Bradbury, Sweat, Fuller and others, finally resulted 
in victory to the loyal men. The bad blood engendered by this 
factional fight, however, weakened the Democracy of the state and 
resulted in the triumphant election of Abner Coburn. 

Hon. C. \V. Walton, member of congress from the second dis- 
trict, was appointed judge of the supreme court on the 8th day of 
May; and the district convention to nominate his successor was 
called for August 8th. William P. Frye, who had served as a mem- 
ber of the state legislature, was a candidate for this vacancy, but 
early in August, a few days before the convention met, withdrew. 
Mr. Dingley said of this withdrawal of Mr. Frye : "The Republi- 
cans of Androscoggin county would have given him the support 
which his ability and integrity well merit." When the convention 
met, Hon. T. A. D. Fessenden was nominated to fill the vacancy, 
and Sidney Perham was nominated as the Republican candidate for 
congress in the new second district. On the 30th day of August 
Mr. Dingley was renominated for the lower house of the state leg- 
islature. He received 84 out of 112 votes. He took an active part 
in the campaign and was elected in September by 170 majority. 



66 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

The Republican victory in Maine was followed closely by good 
news from the front. "Give us energy and pluck like that of this 
glorious week, and we will sing Yankee Doodle and 'Crack our 
cheeks for the Union,' " wrote Mr. Dingley. September 23rd, un- 
der the title "The Morning Dawns" he wrote: "The president has 
issued a proclamation declaring universal freedom in every state 
January ist next. The morning breaks ! The beginning of the end 
of the rebellion is clearly seen. We fight now with God and human- 
ity clearly on our side, and who can resist us ? Rally every citizen, 
around the administration and the government, the stars and 
stripes above us and God with us ; strike for liberty and union, and 
the victory is ours!" Again: "We should like to hear from Hon. 
Bion Bradbury, who declared on the floor of the house last winter 
that he would pledge himself to support the president in every- 
thing; also from Hon. L. D. M. Sweat, who said on the floor of the 
senate he would support the president ; and from Hon. A. P. Gould 
who argued for three mortal days in the house of representatives 
that the president alone could emancipate the slaves. * =t= * * 
The proclamation will put such men to the test." 

President Lincoln's message to congress appeared early in De- 
cember, and renewed the hope and courage of the loyal north. 
"Many think the president is slow in reaching the grand consum- 
mation," said Mr. Dingley, "but if slow he is sure and to be trusted 
God bless Abraham Lincoln." 

The year just closing had been memorable in many respects. It 
had witnessed a turning of the tide against the north and in favor 
of the south. Abraham Lincoln had issued his famous proclama- 
tion. The loyal men of the state of Maine had again pledged their 
faith in the national administration and sent to the front thousands 
of her bravest men, and on the last day of the year the hopeful edi- 
tor wrote: "If the old year expires in gloom the new year stands 
transfigured before the American people — the hand of God inter- 
posed, the hopes of patriots coming to realization. Don't despair. 
Don't give up the ship. Cling to the promise of God !" 

Mr. Dingley again took his seat in the state legislature in Janu- 
ary, 1863. At the Republican caucus on the evening of the 6th day 
of the month, he was unanimously nominated speaker of the house. 
In this house were : Nathan W. Farwell, a prominent state manu- 
facturer; John W. C. Moore, subsequently in the treasury depart- 
ment at Washington ; John L. Swift, lawyer and orator, and Samuel 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 67 

Cony, governor of Maine in 1864, 1865 and 1866. Mr. Dingley's 
election to the speakership, at the age of thirty-one by the unani- 
mous voice of his party associates, was a glowing tribute to his can- 
dor, decision and comprehensive ability. The Republican members 
of the house had implicit confidence in his judgment and relied 
upon him in this critical hour. In assuming the chair he said: "I 
tender you my grateful acknowledgement for this expression of 
your confidence. In accepting the position which you have so gen- 
erously assigned me, I am not insensible to the value of the com- 
pliment it bestows and the weight of obhgation and responsibility 
it imposes — a responsibility from which I might well shrink could I 
not confidently rely on your indulgence and cordial co-operation. 
In the discharge of the duties of the chair, it will be my aim to ad- 
minister the rules of the house with fidelity and impartiality, hav- 
ing constantly in view the fundamental principles of parliamentary 
law, that the great purpose of all the rules and forms by which the 
business of a legislative body is conducted, while they protect the 
rights of the minority by guarding against the hasty and irregular 
acts of majorities, is to subserve rather than to restrain the will of 
the assembly, to faciliate and not obstruct the expression of its de- 
liberate sense. I am ready, gentlemen, to proceed with the busi- 
ness of the house." 

Honorable Abner Coburn, governor-elect, told the situation in 
national affairs when he said in his annual message to the legisla- 
ture, that "the total quota of troops demanded of Maine up to this 
time by the war department, amounts to something less than the 
number we have actually furnished. The patriotism of our state 
has even surpassed the demands which' the national exigency has 
made upon it. We have not only sent all the men asked of us, but 
we have sent good men and brave men. * * * We only claim 
with others to have done our part. The fact that our quotas have 
thus been filled, is an honorable proof of the patriotism of our cit- 
izens, and will ever form one of the proudest chapters in the history 
of the state. * * * ^iig object of the war ever has been, still 
is and of right ought to be, as the president has well declared, the 
restoration of the constitutional relations between the United 
States and each of the states. As a lo3^al man anxious only to do 
my duty as a citizen and a magistrate, I can see no line of patriotism 
or no safety, except in a cordial, unreserved support of the policy 



68 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

inaugurated by the president. * * * if ^ye as a people stand 
firmly by that policy we shall conquer." 

Early in the session F. O. J. Smith of Westbrook offered a peace 
resolution in the house, and Mr. Dingley wrote concerning Smith's 
speech : "Smith is a fine orator and a strong man, but exerts little 
influence. The explanation is to be found in this, that Mr. Smith 
seems to lose sight of the fact that however selfish men may be as 
individuals, the masses act in obedience to great moral forces, and 
if turned against them by prejudice or passion for a time, they 
surely return to the side of right and justice, with their appreciation 
of them strengthened and deepened. A man of power and art may 
seduce the masses once and even twice, by the influence of his mas- 
sive intellect, and the magnetism of his eloquence, but sooner or 
later he finds out that his words fall unheeded on the popular ear. 
It is dangerous for a man or a party to sneer at the sense of right 
and justice which is in every man's heart, and to attempt to control 
the public mind by the mere force of will, or intellect. Words are a 
powerful lever in moving the world, but their force depends a great 
deal upon what kind of a man is behind them." 

Mr. Smith's speech began on the i8th of February. The house 
was crowded, many having assembled to listen to him who was 
counted one of the most eloquent speakers in the state. He labored 
to prove that slavery was not the cause of the rebellion. He 
claimed it was in defense of southern principles, southern measures, 
and a defense of a southern claim ; that slavery is national and free- 
dom sectional. Interest in this great speech subsided on the sec- 
ond day. It was however ingenious and remarkable for its felicity, 
yet it was unworthy a statesman and calculated to weaken the ef- 
forts to crush the rebellion and glaringly in violation of the rules of 
fair judgment. He represented the war as utterly unproductive 
and then advocated proposals of peace. He said that New Eng- 
land would be left out in the cold if war continued and that it would 
then be advantageous for Maine to join the British empire ! 

Speaker Dingley presided with remarkable ease and grace. He 
was in fact, an ideal presiding officer. He was prompt, impartial 
ever courteous and patient. The business of the house was tran- 
sacted with decorum and despatch ; and when on March 26th, the 
house was ready to adjourn, this resolution was offered and unani- 
mously adopted : "Resolved, That the thanks of this house are 
hereby tendered to the Hon. Nelson Dingley Jr., for the marked 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 69 

impartiality, ability and courtesy with which he has presided over 
the deliberations of this house and for the kind and generous spirit 
and the gentlemanly manners which have characterized both his 
personal and official intercourse with its members." 

Mr. Dingley replied: "Gentlemen of the house of representa- 
tives : Accept my grateful acknowledgements for this expression 
of your approval of my official conduct. Whatever measure of suc- 
cess may have attended my efforts to discharge the delicate and re- 
sponsible trusts imposed upon me, it is largely due to your cordial 
co-operation and generous forbearance. Allow me to bear wit- 
ness to the industry, ability and faithfulness which have character- 
ized your legislative labors and to congratulate you on the unusual 
harmony which has pervaded your deliberations notwithstanding 
the inevitable conflict of differing opinions and contending inter- 
ests. The brief period in which we have shared the pleasure of per- 
sonal intercourse and interchange of counsels will, I am sure, be 
sacredly cherished in the memory of each member. As you return 
to your homes let me express the confident hope that each of you 
will bear with him the consciousness of having honestly endeavored 
to promote the public weal, a renewed determination to stand by 
the government in this hour of trial, and the faith that the same 
over-ruling Providence who has graciously spared the life of every 
member of the house, during the session which is about to close, 
will carry the republic safely and triumphantly through the fearful 
dangers which surround us." 

Thus closed his second term in the state legislature. 



CHAPTER VI. 
1 863- 1 866. 

The national election of 1862 had brought some reverses to the 
Republican party. Maine lost one member of congress. The 
union forces had met with some disasters and the emancipation of 
the slaves was looked upon by many as a mistake ; but the people of 
Maine were loyal to President Lincoln. Governor Coburn in his 
message referred to the freedom of the slaves and said it was wrong 
to permit the south to use the blacks to accomplish their purpose. 
"To the most superficial observer," he said, "it has been evident 
that from the beginning of the war the insurgent states derived 
their strength from the labor of their slaves. It is their work that 
furnishes the rebel army with food and clothing.and indirectly with 
all other supplies — leaving the white population, with trifling ex- 
ceptions, free to enlist as soldiers. Any policy which can detach 
the slaves from the rebels and make them a source of weakness 
rather than of strength, will prove a vital and decisive gain to the 
loyal side. It is with this view, as a military measure, clearly de- 
rived from the war power of the constitution, that the president, as 
commander-in-chief of the army and navy, issued on the first day of 
the present month a proclamation declaring all the slaves in the 
insurgent districts to be free. 

The Republican state convention, therefore, met under peculiar 
and trying circumstances. The call was issued May 18, and the 
convention was to be held in the city of Bangor on the first day of 
July. As a member of the state committee Mr. Dingley signed the 
call. An immense crowd, including many Democrats, attended the 
convention. There were a thousand delegates and excitement was 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. ^\ 

at fever heat. Each session provoked long and continued discus- 
sion. U joubtedly Governor Coburn desired a renomination, but 
in his behalf Mr. Blaine told the convention that Governor Coburn 
did not desire to embarrass the party. The state committee held an 
all-night session on the night of June 30th and Mr. Dingley was one 
of the chief advisers in that secret conference. The situation was 
carefully canvassed and all the differences were finally settled, the 
decision being in favor of the nomination of Samuel Cony. The 
convention met and Samuel Cony received 474 votes and Abner 
Coburn 418 votes. J. H. Williams also received 176 votes. Thus 
the friends of Governor Coburn evidently were not willing to have 
their candidate set aside. There was no choice ; but with a view to 
harmony Gov. Coburn's name was withdrawn and Samuel Cony 
nominated by acclamation. Judge Cony was a Union Democrat, 
and this accounts for much of the opposition which he received in 
the convention and which rallied to the support of Governor Co- 
burn. The convention adjourned but the best of feeling did not 
prevail. 

The dark days between 1862 and 1863 were accompanied by op- 
position to all patriotic measures by the northern Democrats in 
congress, few union victories in the field, and a resistance of the 
draft. Had it not been for the union victory at Gettysburg and the 
capture of Vicksburg, it is more than probable that the north would 
have been so far divided as to have made a successful prosecution 
of the war impossible. The union cause was weakened, and the 
rebel papers copied reports of northern Democratic conventions. 
It was with great difficulty that union bonds were sold. 

The state campaign was interesting and exciting. Mr. Ding- 
ley labored vigorously with voice and pen for the union cause and 
the Republican ticket. President Lincoln's policy was fiercely as- 
sailed by the Democrats. Republican mass meetings were held at 
different points in the state ; and on the evening of July 8th, a 
gigantic mass meeting was held in City hall, Lewiston, to celebrate 
the fall of Vicksburg, and to arouse the Republican hosts of Maine 
to a full realization of the political importance of that victory. This 
important event (the fall of Vicksburg), Mr. Dingley wrote "was 
the most glorious celebration of the Fourth of July we have had 
since the day was first made glorious ! God bless Unconditional- 
Surrender Grant!" Mr. Dingley spoke at the mass meeting of 



72 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

July 8th and was among the first to see that the tide of success was 
setting toward the union cause, President Lincohi and the Repubh- 
can party. 

The draft in the second district commenced in Lewiston July 
15, 1863. There was a large audience in the City hall. The best of 
feeling prevailed. Daniel Holland turned the big wheel, and Dr. 
Alonzo Garcelon drew out the first card. The names as they were 
drawn out received cheer after cheer from the crowd. 

In the latter part of July Mr. Dingley had his first and only 
experience as a soldier. He was slight in stature, frail and almost 
delicate in health. His arduous labors in the editorial chair, on the 
stump and in the state legislature had exhausted him. On the 21st 
of July news came of an incipient rebellion in Franklin county. At- 
tempts were made to resist the draft "by a drunken sesech mob." 
The mob drove away the orhcers who were to serve notices on the 
drafted men and gave them fifteen minutes to leave the town. Mr. 
Dingley was a member of the Lewiston company of militia and re- 
sponded to the orders of the governor of the state to march to 
Kingfield. July 23rd the company left for Farmington amid 
great excitement. The streets were thronged as the soldiers 
marched to the train, and loud were the cheers as the train rolled 
away. Farmington was reached at six o'clock in the afternoon. 
The boys slept in tents and at six o'clock on the morning of the 
24th started for Kingfield. The company found everything quiet in 
that village, and did nothing but camp out on the 25th. The cam- 
paign being over, and peace restored, the soldier boys returned to 
Lewiston July 26th and were received with fitting honors. Before 
their departure from Kingfield, the citizens of the village provided 
a collation on the village square for everybody. Private Dingley 
made a speech thanking the people of Kingfield for their hospital- 
ity. The cap and uniform Mr. Dingley wore, and the musket he 
carried on this memorable occasion, were interesting relics in the 
family homestead for years after; and the owner of them was very 
fond of relating the amusing incidents of the Kingfield cam- 
paign in which "he fought, bled and died for his country." 

On the first day of April of this year Mr. Dingley moved from 
Auburn to Lewiston (across the Androscoggin river) having pur- 
chased the old Packard house on Main street. Here he spent many 
of the happiest years of his life. Here his children, so dear to him, 




LOT M. MORRILL. SAMUEL WELLS. 
A. P. MORRILL. ABNER COBURN. 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 73 

wefe reared. Here he spent his spare moments in a Httle garden, 
planting with his own hands beans, corn, cucumbers and other gar- 
den truck. Here the greater part of his hfe in Maine was spent, 
until he was called to higher duties in Washington. He was pre- 
eminently a domestic man. He loved his home, his family; and in 
this humble but comfortable abode, he sought and obtained that 
peace and contentment, that calm and serenity that always marked 
his earthly career. 

Notwithstanding he had changed his place of residence, six 
months thereafter, on the 4th day of September, he was nominated 
for representative to the state legislature by the Union party of 
Lewiston. He received 144 out of 253 votes. This nomination 
was a surprise to him. He preferred to have the honor conferred 
upon another; but having accepted the nomination he entered the 
campaign with unusual zeal. He spoke at several places in the 
county, taking the stump on several occasions with Dr. Alonzo 
Garcelon. Some of the notable speakers in that campaign were 
William Pitt Fessenden, William P. Frye, James G. Blaine, and 
Hannibal HamHn. The state election was held September 14th 
and Mr. Dingley was elected by over 600 majority. Samuel Cony 
received 68,339 votes while Bion Bradbury, the Democratic nomi- 
nee, received 50,676 votes. The total vote in the state was 1 19,042, 
which was 37,300 more than in 1862, and the Republican vote was 
increased by 23,600, the Democratic by about 13,700. So the Re- 
publican or Union party had good reason to rejoice. Mr. Blaine 
telegraphed President Lincoln as follows : 

"Maine sustains your administration by a loyal majority of over 
15,000 votes." 

He received the following laconic reply: 

"Thanks! Both for the good news you send and for the send- 
ing of it." A. Lincoln. 

The example set by Maine was followed by other states in No- 
vember, and the way was paved for the renomination and re-elec- 
tion of Lincoln in 1864. 

The state campaign over, Mr. Dingley in company with Presi- 
dent Cheney of Bates college, started for Washington and the 
front. They left Lewiston October 16; -visited Fairfax seminary 
hospital near Alexandria, Virginia ; stopped with Major Wares ; 
visited the old capitol prison ; visited the union army at Gainsville. 
stopping at a sesech house ; visited Bull Run battle-field ; dined with 



74 



LIFE AND TIMES OF 



General Kilpatrick ; was sent by him to Warrenton, the headquar- 
ters of the army ; stopped with the Fifth Maine regiment ; attended 
a rebel church; visited General Meade's headquarters; also General 
Sedgwick's headquarters ; attended services with the Seventh 
Maine regiment ; stopped with Col. Mason of the Seventh ; visited 
General Pleasanton's headquarters, and returned to Washington 
by way of Gainsville. On the 27th of October he had an interview 
with President Lincoln at the White House, and in after years he 
often referred to this interview. He was introduced to the Presi- 
dent by Senator Morrill ; and after the senator had graciously re- 
tired, President Lincoln talked with Mr. Dingley for over an hour. 
"In some unaccountable manner," said Mr. Dingley, "the Presi- 
dent unbosomed himself to me and talked freely about the war 
and the great national crisis." This interview impressed Mr. 
Dingley greatly and gave him a valuable knowledge of Lincoln's 
character. 

January 6, 1864, he took his seat in the state legislature for the 
third time. He was again elected speaker of the house by acclama- 
tion. John A. Peters, afterwards chief justice of the supreme court 
of Maine, presided over the Republican caucus. In assuming the 
chair for the second time Mr. Dingley said : "Permit me to express 
the confident hope that your deliberations may be conducted with 
that harmony, wisdom and faithfulness which befits the representa- 
tives of the people of a great state and which is especially de- 
manded by the exigencies of the nation. In the great progress 
which the national cause has made during the past year there is 
every encouragement to renewed efforts in the defense of a periled 
country, and abundant cause for thankfulness for the special favor 
shown our country by the Ruler of Nations. Whatever doubts as 
to the result of this struggle for national existence any may have 
entertained in the past, the question may now well be regarded as 
settled that the American Republic is to come forth from the bap- 
tism of fire and blood, through which it is passing, preserved and 
purified, redeemed and disenthralled." 

In this house were : Edward T. Little, who founded the Little 
High school in Auburn; Eben Jordan Jr.. of the famous family of 
merchants ; John Lynch, a member of the fortieth, forty-first and 
forty-second congresses ; Nathan Webb, afterwards judge of the 
LTnited States district court ; F. O. J. Smith, a prominent railroad 
promoter; John A. Peters, attorney-general of the state from 1864 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 75 

to 1867, a member of the fortieth, forty-first and forty-second con- 
gresses and chief justice of the supreme court of Maine; and John 
H. Burleigh, a member of the forty-third and forty-fourth con- 
gresses. 

Governor Cony paid a glowing tribute in his inaugural address 
to the dead Maine soldiers. He said that "if this war were one of 
mad ambition, glory would afford no compensation for its manifold 
woes." 

In the month of February the session of the legislature was 
made unusually interesting by the presence of Generals Howard 
and Burnside who addressed both houses on the great conflict then 
in progress. On the 2nd day of March there was a joint conven- 
tion of the Union members of the legislature. Resolutions were 
adopted favoring the renomination of Lincoln and Hamlin. There 
was some talk (privately to be sure) of omitting Hamlin's name on 
the ground that the real feeling of the state was for Andrew John- 
son for vice president ; but only five or six votes were recorded 
against the resolution. 

Much time was given in this session of the legislature to putting 
an end to the payment of a bounty by the state to every volunteer 
for three years on Maine's quota in the army and navy. The re- 
sult was a discontinuance of the old system under which many 
abuses had arisen. March 25th the house adjourned late at night 
and resolutions of thanks to the speaker and other officers of the 
house were offered by John M. Goodwin of Biddeford. Speeches 
were made by Messrs. Goodwin, Webb and Williams. Speaker 
Dingley replied briefly and the important and memorable session 
was over. 

Returning from his labors in the legislature, Mr. Dingley at 
once plunged into editorial work. Excitement was intense. Extra 
editions of the Lewiston Journal were read eagerly by the people 
in Lewiston and Auburn and surrounding towns. There was tre- 
mendous interest in General Grant's movements towards Rich- 
mond and around Petersburg. In the midst of this excitement the 
state and district conventions were called and the people were 
plunged into another campaign. The Union district convention 
met in Auburn May loth, 1864, to select two delegates to the Union 
convention at Baltimore. The resolutions adopted at this conven- 
tion were framed by Mr. Dingley, and the language used allowed 



76 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

no doubt as to the loyalty of their author or the people he repre- 
sented. 

In the midst of this heated condition of the state the Republi- 
can state convention was held at Augusta June 29th. Samuel 
Cony was nominated for governor. There was no compromise in 
the platform. Lincoln and Johnson, the national ticket, was sup- 
ported, notwithstanding Maine's beloved statesman, Hannibal 
Hamlin, had been rejected and Andrew Johnson nominated in his 
place. Sidney Perham, who had been elected to the 38th congress 
(1863-64) was renominated for the 39th congress by the Republi- 
cans of the second district. Mr. Dingley was renominated for the 
state legislature by acclamation on the first day of September. On 
the evening of the day on which he was renominated, he addressed 
a political gathering in the village of Greene, with William P. Frye. 
He entered this exciting campaign with greater zeal than ever, 
realizing the importance of adding his no small influence to the 
Union cause. The speakers in that campaign were many and 
prominent. Among them were Hannibal Hamlin, John A. Peters, 
William P. Frye, William D. Kelley and Sidney Perham. Mr. 
Dingley also found time during this exciting period to attend and 
address a family reunion at Durham, his birthplace, to assist in the 
formation of the Maine state editorial association of which he was 
elected the first president, and to address a Union Thanksgiving 
meeting September 11, to render thanks for recent victories in the 
field. The state election occurred September 12, and the Union 
ticket was elected by a rousing majority. Governor Cony received 
65,583 votes, and Joseph Howard, Democrat, 46,403 votes. Five 
Republican members of the lower house of congress were elected 
— John Lynch, Sidney Perham, Fred A. Pike, John H. Rice and 
James G. Blaine. There was great rejoicing all over the state. Mr. 
Dingley was re-elected to the legislature by 632 majority. It was a 
great Unicn victory causing a thrill of joy throughout the Union 
states. It seemed to settle all doubt as to the result of the national 
election in November. There was comparatively little interest 
over the presidential election. Senator Morrill and Congressman 
Blaine addressed the only large Union rally in Lewiston during the 
campaign. This was on the night of November 3rd, a week before 
the election. 

Late in September glorious tidings came from the front. Gen- 
eral Grant had raised the cry "On to Richmond." Sheridan was 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. -j-j 

pursuing Early and the tide of battle was rising in favor of the 
north. The elections in Pennsylvania and Indiana had given hope 
to the RepubHcans and the Union cause. "Such a sweep," wrote 
Mr. Dingley, "completely upsets all the calculations of the copper- 
head leaders and leaves McClellan without the ghost of a chance. 
* * * Not even in his great victories and almost unparalelled 
campaigns has Grant proved his ability and genius more conclu- 
sively than in his choice of men to lead the various armies that are 
operating against the rebellion." The series of good reports closed 
with Sheridan's great victory in the Shenandoah. 

The election was held November 8th; and on the morning of 
the 9th, an extra edition of the Journal announced a complete and 
sweeping Union victory. The cry that the "war was a failure," was 
itself a failure. Lincoln carried I\Iaine by 25,000 majority and Mr. 
Dingley observed that "the re-election of President Lincoln by a 
most overwhelming majority settles beyond controversy that the 
American people are firmly and unflinchingly resolved to prosecute 
this war on their part until the people of every state shall acknowl- 
edge and obey the authority of the union. Whether it takes three 
months or three years longer, the people will not give up the con- 
test until the republic is saved." Lincoln received 213 electoral 
votes and McClellan 21. This was followed on November 14 by 
the resignation of General George B. McClellan, which act was ap- 
proved by President Lincoln. October 19, Philip H. Sheridan, who, 
"under the blessing of Providence averted a great national disaster 
and achieved a brilliant victory at Cedar Run," was made major 
general. 

The state legislature was overwhelmingly Republican, and was 
to elect a successor to William Pitt Fessenden who had been ap- 
pointed secretary of the treasury by President Lincoln in the 
spring of that year. Mr. Dingley commented thus : "We do no 
injustice to Mr. Hamlin's industry, ability and faithfulness as a pub- 
lic servant when we indicate our desire that Fessenden should be 
re-elected. Hamlin received evidence of continued confidence by 
indorsement by the state legislature. Fessenden should receive a 
similar expression of confidence by re-election. It is a great injury 
to the state to discard our ablest statesman and leader of the sen- 
ate." Hannibal Hamlin, having been rejected by the national Re- 
publican convention as a candidate for vice president, was now in 
private life, and his friends desired to return him to the senate. 



yS LIFE AND TIMES OF 

Mr. Fessenden had been prevailed upon to retire from the senate 
and take a position in President Lincoha's cabinet. Mr. Hamlin's 
friends wanted Mr. Fessenden to retain his position as secretary of 
the treasury. Mr. Dingley said that "Fessenden declined a posi- 
tion in the cabinet for several reasons, but finally accepted it with 
reluctance. If Fessenden could have foreseen that advantage was 
thus to be taken of him, he would have remained where he was. 
Hamlin's renomination for vice president was urged for the very 
reason that it would avoid an unpleasant contest between him and 
Fessenden." 

The legislature met January 4th and Mr. Dingley took his seat 
in the house for the fourth time. He was unanimously tendered a 
renomination for speaker by the Republicans, but declined. He 
preferred to serve on the floor. In this house were : John L. 
Stevens, once a partner of James G. Blaine in the Kennebec Journal 
and later minister to the Hawaiian Islands ; Edward Wilson, a 
prominent Democratic leader; M. V. B. Chase of Augusta, subse- 
quently on Gov. Dingley's staff ; and Samuel F. Hersey, the million- 
aire. W. A. P. DiUingham of Waterville was elected speaker. 
Governor Cony told the situation in the state when in his inaugural 
address he said: "The debt of the state is represented by loans 
amounting to $5,337,000. The bounty laws of the state, which 
have led to much abuse, should be revised. Maine enlisted 13,620 
men in 1864. The President has made another demand of 300,000 
men to be enforced by a draft after the 15th of February. The mil- 
itary position of the country is such as to afford encouragement 
that this requisition will be met with alacrity. The staggering 
blows recently dealt upon the military power of the rebels in the 
west and south, furnish a cheerful augury that the end is approach- 
ing. The presidential canvass was earnest and exciting. The pol- 
icy and measures of the government were assailed with severe and 
bitter criticisms. Lincoln's nomination was the signal for more 
impetuous assaults. The Democratic convention made the issue 
clear. It proclaimed the war a failure, and demanded a peace con- 
vention. The re-election of Lincoln was in no sense a personal or 
party triumph — it was the result of a national necessity. That a 
nation, where each man is a sovereign, and every voter an integral 
part of the government, in which every ballot cast, as in the late 
election, is a verdict upon the past, and combining in a majority, a 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 79 

decree for the future, binding the whole nation, majorities as well 
as minorities, individuals and masses, to meet the sacrifices and 
bear the burdens of continued war, is a marvelous testimony to the 
steadiness of popular government and the capacity of mankind to 
sustain it. Since the day which heralded the advent of our Saviour 
none more glorious has dawned on our race than the 8th of No- 
vember, 1864." Mr. Dingley was appointed a member of the com- 
mittee on rules, judiciary and federal relations. 

In the Republican caucus for United States senator the friends 
of Mr. Hamlin withdrew his name, conceding to Mr. Fessenden a 
large majority. Fessenden was unanimously nominated, and Mr. 
Dingley wrote to the Journal : "While Maine has, as it seems to 
me, done honor to herself and justice to her ablest statesman, she 
has by no means discredited Mr. Hamlin, whose ability, faithful- 
ness and public services she is justly proud of, and whom she will 
delight to honor in the future as she has done in the past." Mr. 
Fesccnden resumed his seat in the United States senate March 4, 
1865, and died September 8, 1869. 

Mr. Dingley was the recognized leader of the Republicans in 
this house. On the 20th day of January he presented a resolution 
in favor of an amendment to the federal constitution providing for 
the abolition of slavery. In presenting this resolution he said "he 
thought it eminently fit that Maine should at this time speak and 
then throw the weight of her influence in favor of this vital meas- 
ure. The extent of that influence depends largely upon the prompt- 
ness and spontaniety and heartiness evinced." ^ He moved that the 
rules be suspended and the resolution placed upon its immediate 
passage. The resolution declared "that the people of Maine, be- 
lieving that the institution of slavery is the chief obstacle to an 
early and permanent pacification of the country, and impressed 
with the conviction that our duty to God and our fellow men de- 
mands that so foul a blot should be removed from every rod of the 
soil of the American republic, are ardently desirous that congress 
should immediately submit to the several states a proposition to 
amend the constitution of the United States so as to abolish slav- 
ery in the confident hope that the amendment will be ratified by 
the requisite number of states, and that thereby the source of our 
national woes and the stigma on our national fame may be consti- 

1 — This speech was regarded at the time by those who heard it as one of the 
most effective ever made in the state house. 



8o LIFE AND TIMES OF 

tutionally removed, and the blessings of a substantial peace, a real 
union, and a strong nationality secured." 

Mr. Payson of Westbrook opposed the motion to suspend the 
rules. He made a speech of nearly an hour, directed against minis- 
ters, abolitionists, etc. As a fitting reply to Mr. Payson's speech 
Mr. Dingley introduced to the house a little slave girl, recently in 
Portland, Levviston and other places in Maine, as one of the fruits 
of the "peculiar institution" which the gentleman had been de- 
fending. The rules were suspended by a vote of 98 to 14 and the 
resolution was approved by the governor January 27th. February 
I St, 1865, two-thirds of both houses of congress approved, by reso- 
lution, the anti-slavery amendment; and February 7th, 1865, the 
Maine house of representatives passed by a vote of 103 to 15, a bill 
ratifying the proposed amendment to the constitution. There was 
tremendous enthusiasm. The areas and galleries of the chamber 
were filled with ladies and gentlemen. A band was stationed in the 
gallery and when the vote was announced, every Union member 
present voted "yes." The chair declared that by this sublime act 
Maine gave her ratification to the amendment to the constitution 
"which drives forever from the land the curse of slavery. God 
save the state of Maine." There was great applause. The band 
played the national hymn and during a recess of half an hour cheers 
were given for Lincoln, for the rights of man, for Grant, for Sher- 
man, Sheridan, Thomas and Farragut — also for the brave soldiers. 
The fifteen Democrats were silent. Mr. Chase of Dover, one of 
them, proposed three cheers for the old Union. Mr. Webb of 
Portland said: "It was good until the slavery minions spoiled it." 
Then all cheered. Finally three cheers were given for the consti- 
tution as amended and the Union as it will be. Several patriotic 
speeches were made, and Mr. Dingley proposed that "in view of 
the great triumph over which we rejoice, the assemblage unite in 
singing that grand old doxology 'Old Hundred.' " It was sung 
with intense spirit and unconcealed tears. Thus Maine ratified the 
thirteenth amendment to the federal constitution : "Neither slav- 
ery nor involuntary servitude, except as a punishment for crime, 
whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall exist within 
the United States or any place subject to her jurisdiction." 

The question of bounties occupied much of the attention of this 
legislature. Early in February Mr. Dingley offered a resolution 
"that the committee on judiciary inquire what further legislation. 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 81 

if any, is needed to secure to towns their equal rights under the 
present laws relative to the payment of state bounties." The then 
existing law concerning bounties gave rise to much abuse. The 
names of fictitious men were sent in as volunteers and the state 
found itself paying bounties for men who did not exist. February 
10, Mr. Dingley ofifered an amendment to prohibit the payment of 
bounty for paper men. He wanted to uproot the whole system. 
The amendment was adopted and the bill passed. The efifect of this 
law was to legalize all past acts of towns in voting, paying or offer- 
ing to pay bounties without regard to the sum, authorizing towns 
to thereafter vote bounties to fill the present call not exceeding 
$300 for one year's men, and $100 for each additional year, but pro- 
hibiting them from thereafter paying bounties for the assignment of 
such classes of "paper men" as properly belong to the general 
credit of the state without the payment of bounties. It is interest- 
ing to note that the investigations relating to the payment of 
bounties to paper men made by this legislature (inaugurated by 
Mr. Dingley), led to a complete inspection and investigation of the 
state paper credits in 1871. George F. Talbot and Selden Connor, 
a committee appointed for that purpose, made a report and pub- 
lished it in book form. The legislature finally adjourned February 
25th. 

Exciting and important events followed close upon each other 
in the spring and summer of 1865. The community in which Mr. 
Dingley lived was intensely loyal, and he was one of the leaders. 
He was foremost in public affairs and was held in high esteem by 
all. On the 4th day of March the Union men and women of Lewis- 
ton held a jubilee meeting to celebrate the second inauguration of 
Abraham Lincoln. Mr. Dingley presided and made a patriotic ad- 
dress. Large editions of the Journal were issued in the early part 
of April announcing Grant's triumphant success in breaking Lee's 
line. April 3rd information reached Lewiston of the evacuation of 
Petersburg and Richmond. The people seemed to suspend busi- 
ness, so great was the joy. and so intent were all over the result of 
the terrible conflict. Day by day came reports of Lee's flight and 
the Union pursuit; and on April loth the people of Lewiston were 
thrown into a frenzy of excitement by the report that Lee had sur- 
rendered ! The bells were rung and cannon flred ; in the eveninp- 
nearly every residence was illuminated ; flags were raised and sa- 
lutes fired in honor of the close of the war for the preservation of 



82 LIFE Ai\D TIMES OF 

the Union. William P. Frye was mayor and presided at the jiibile3 
meeting. But joy was turned into sorrow; for on the morning of 
April 15, came the sad intelligence that President Lincoln had been 
assassinated the previous night. Flags were placed at half mast 
and the stores and buildings were draped in mourning. On the fol- 
lowing Sabbath the churches were draped and eulogies pro- 
nounced. In the afternoon a union meeting was held at the Main 
street Free Baptist church presided over by Mayor Frye. April 
19th, the day of the funeral was observed in Lewiston by an eulogy 
from Rev. Mr. Wood. 

National affairs that spring and summer overshadowed state 
afifairs, and little attention was paid to the state convention and the 
state election. Governor Cony was renominated by the Repub- 
licans, and Joseph Howard by the Democrats. The former was re- 
elected to a third term by about 12,000 majority. 

The Maine Republican state convention in August. 1865, held 
in Portland, while expressing approval of President Johnson's ut- 
terances in favor of punishment of treason, and equal rights, at the 
south, resolved that the rights of suffrage should be given to the 
loyal colored men. The Maine Democratic state convention ap- 
proved of President Johnson's policy of reconstruction, realizing 
that it would divide the Republican party. The Democrats said 
that nothing remained but to admit senators and representatives 
from the south. The Republicans contended that the rebellion had 
put the confederate states practically out of the .Union. Charles 
Sumner and Thad Stevens and some others, took the ground that it 
would be wiser to hold the late rebel states as territories. After a 
long struggle, on June 13th, both branches of congress submitted 
to the states the fourteenth amendment to the constitution. Presi- 
dent Johnson took exceptions to the amendment in a brief mes- 
sage to congress, in which he maintained congress had no right to 
propose amendments while the eleven late rebel states were un- 
represented. This increased the gulf of separation between him- 
self and the Republicans which had been previously made by his 
veto of the civil rights bill and of the bill to continue the Freed- 
man's bureau, both of which were passed over his objections. 
President Johnson's speech on Washington's birthday, in which he 
denounced Sumner, Stevens and others as traitors, and declared he 
would carry out his own program, embittered the feeling against 
him. 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 83 

Mr. Dingley's journalistic labors during this exciting period 
were arduous, but his health was on the whole excellent. In the 
midst of his duties he found time to hear Henry Ward Beecher 
preach in Brooklyn, and to visit General Sherman at West Point. 
On the Fourth of July he delivered an oration at Gardiner. ^ Late 
in July he went to Bothwell, Canada, where there were rumors of 
"money in oil." The fall and winter of 1865 and 1866 he devoted 
largely to journalistic and other literary work. 

By reason of his success as a state legislator and political ad- 
viser, Mr. Dingley was, in 1866, looked upon as an available candi- 
date for congress. He had a wide circle of warm and influential 
friends, who were proud of him and his record. He was urged to 
allow the use of his name as a candidate for congress. But there 
was another rising politician in Lewiston who had served in the 
state legislature, and had taken high rank as a political campaigner. 
His name was William P. Frye. Mr. Frye also had many warm ad- 
mirers, and was ambitious. Enos T. Luce, a prominent lawyer and 
politician of Lewiston was also ambitious to serve his district in the 
lower house of congress. The result was a conference between the 
three men, at which it was agreed to submit the question as 
to which should be the Republican candidate from Androscoggin 
county, to a committee consisting of Messrs. N. Morrill, Lee 
Strickland, Ruel Washburn, Augusta Sprague, J. S. Lyford, S. L 
Abbott, Jeremiah Dingley, T. A. D. Fessenden, and Job Prince. 
This committee met on the evening of April 26th, and after a 
spirited conference, both Mr. Dingley and Mr. Frye were retired 
and Mr. Luce chosen as the candidate to be presented to the dis- 
trict convention. There was considerable feeling over the result 
and many charges, probably all groundless, were made. Mr. Ding- 
ley acquiesced in the result of the conference with his usual good 
nature, and labored for the nomination of Mr. Luce. But the dis- 
trict convention which met June 28th was a surprise. The name of 
Mr. Luce was withdrawn and the convention re-nominated Sidney 
Perham who had already served two terms in the lower house of 
congress. The Androscoggin county delegation did not vote. 

Between the district and the state Republican conventions, Mr. 
Dingley found time to visit Washington. Franklin Simmons, the 
famous Maine sculptor, was at that time making a bust of General 

1 — See Appendix. 



84 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

Grant, and was having sittings at his studio. At Mr. Simmons' in- 
vitation, Mr. Dingley called at the studio to meet the famous gen- 
eral. He was introduced to Grant as the editor of the Lewiston 
Journal and a prominent Maine Republican. The conversation 
led to the war and politics. It is needless to say that Mr. Dingley, 
with true newspaper instinct, mentally noted everything that Gen- 
eral Grant said and later embodied his statements in a letter to the 
Journal. This letter was published in the Journal May 12, 1866. It 
was headed — "An Hour with Grant." It read as follows : 

"We had the good fortune yesterday to meet General Grant at 
the studio of Maine's gifted artist, Simmons, and spend an hour in 
conversation with the Lieutenant General while he was giving Mr. 
S. the benefit of a sitting. As everything coming from the General 
who led our armies to victory over rebellion is of interest to the 
public, and particularly so at this time when his name is mentioned 
in connection with the next presidency, we propose to give our 
readers a brief resume of Grant's conversation. The General, who 
was dressed in a plain black, civilian suit, had hardly removed his 
hat from his head before he took a cigar from his pocket, lighted it 
and began to puff out wreaths of smoke. 

" T am breaking ofT from smoking,' remarked Grant. 'When I 
was on the field I smoked 18 or 20 cigars a day, but now I smoke 
only nine or ten.' 

'"Seating himself and turning towards the clay model of himself 
which the artist was building up. Grant remarked : 'If you had been 
at Vicksburg when we were before that city, you would not have 
wanted for mud." This naturally opened the way to a conversa- 
tion on the events of the war which we improved. Grant referred 
to the series of battles which relieved Chattanooga and put that im- 
portant strategic point securely in our possession, as one of the 
most satisfactory of his achievements in a purely military point of 
view. Referring to a criticism made by a historian Grant said : 

" 'This is a revival of the exploded theory of subduing the rebel- 
lion bv peace measures. A half million troops might have Vjeen 
kept within sight of Washington until doomsday and the rebellion 
would ••have flourished more and more vigorously day by day. 
Fighting, hard knocks only, could accomplish the work. The re- 
bellion was to be overcome, if overcome at all, by force ; its re- 
sources destroyed; its fighting material obliterated, before peace 
could be obtained. It was the constant pounding which we gave 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 85 

Lee's army from the Rapidan to the James that made possible the 
victories of April 1865. There were but two failures in the Vir- 
ginia campaign of 1864 which ought to have been successes. And 
these were the failures to capture Petersburg when we crossed the 
James, and afterwards the mine explosion. But these were all 
for the best, for had we succeeded at either time Lee would have at 
once been obliged to abandon Richmond, and would have been able 
to secure a safe retreat into the interior of the south where he 
would have prolonged the contest for years.' Grant said he 
was surprised at the suddenness of the collapse of the rebellion. 
Some parts of the country needed the blighting effects of war to 
bring the people to a realizing sense of the enormity of their crime. 
'Lee is conducting himself badly,' said General Grant. 'The bitter 
feeling would die out sooner if leading men did not look upon 
treason as very bad. They think the southern cause will triumph 
in politics. The mischief-makers in the north should stop. The 
south will then acquiesce. I would seize the New York News and 
kindred sheets that are giving out dangerous ideas as to the rights 
of the south. The troops must be kept in the south. It is thought 
that the French invasion of Mexico is a part of the rebellion. I 
believe that troops ought to be sent down to drive Maximillian 
out." 

'"We left General Grant more deeply impressed than ever be- 
fore of his great ability, his unflinching patriotism, and his thorough 
devotion to liberty and justice." 

The questions of public interest then were, the conduct of Presi- 
dent Johnson and the matter of selecting a candidate for president 
in the next Republican convention. The statement of General 
Grant obtained by Mr. Dingley and published in the Journal, was 
copied by the newspapers of the country and commented on freely. 
Republican leaders thought it was a confession from Grant that he 
would probably be a candidate for the Republican nomination for 
president. The article created a great sensation in the political 
world, and appears to have annoyed Gen. Grant. The latter did 
not object so much to the interview itself but to the fact that the 
public gathered from the article a secret which Grant himself had 
confided to only a few of his close firiends. Li other words it was 
a premature announcement of his candidacy for the presidency. 
General Grant interviewed Mr. Blaine about the matter and 
Mr. Blaine wrote the editor of the Journal. The latter with 



86 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

his usual courtesy, expressed his regret that Gen. Grant had been 
annoyed over the interview, but justitied his pubhcation of the arti- 
cle on the ground of newspaper enterprise and the fact that the 
General was introduced to him as an editor presumably seeking 
the latest political news. At all events the Lewiston Journal beat 
the whole newspaper fraternity in announcing General Grant's 
probable candidacy for president. 

Mr. Dingley attended the Republican state convention that 
nominated General Joshua L. Chamberlain for governor on the 
2 1st of June. He also attended commencement at Waterville col- 
lege August 7th, presided over the Androscoggin county conven- 
tion August 23rd, and entered the state campaign five days later. 



CHAPTER VII. 
1866-1873. 

The state campaign of this year (1866) was not unusually ex- 
citing. It was conceded that the Republicans would carry the 
state. The civil war was over and the Democratic party had noth- 
ing but a lost cause behind it and a hopeless future before it. 
Among the notable speakers of this campaign was N. P. Banks, 
speaker of the national house of representatives in the 34th con- 
gress (1871-1873). Mr. Dingley made seven political addresses 
in this campaign, one with Mr. Frye at North Auburn and one with 
Congressman Perham at Mechanic Falls. ^ The campaign closed 
September 8th, and when the votes were counted Joshua L. Cham- 
berlain was elected by an overwhelming majority, receiving 69,637 
votes, Eben F. Pilsbury, the Democratic candidate, receiving 
41,947 votes. Five Republican members of congress were elected 
— Fred A. Pike. John A. Peters, John Lynch, James G. Blaine, and 
Sidney Perham. There was great rejoicing throughout the state. 
Of this victory Mr. Dingley said: "The result of the election is 
such as to cheer the hearts of patriots and carry consternation to 
Andrew Johnson." 

Mr. Dingley's time was fully occupied in the winter, spring and 
summer of 1866 and 1867. Besides giving general editorial super- 
vision to the Journal, he delivered the address at the dedication of 
the high school at Lisbon Falls, assisted in securing the appoint- 
ment of William P. Frye as attorney general ; addressed state tem- 

l_Mr. Perham says that frequently Mr. Dingley, Mr. Frye and he addressed 
political meetings together. Mr. Perham always led off with a short introduc- 
tory speech. Mr. Dingley spoke next giving sound logic and thought, while Mr. 
Frye closed and stirred the audience to a high pitch of enthusiasm. 



88 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

perance conventions and legislative committees and assisted in 
founding a Young Mens' Christian association in Lewiston. In the 
latter part of January he attended a state temperance convention at 
Augusta, and was appointed temporary chairman. On the 14th of 
March he took the second and third degree of Good Templars, and 
on the loth of April was elected grand worthy templar of the state 
Good Templars. The latter part of March the city officials of 
Lewiston held a banquet at City hall and Mr. Dingley responded 
eloquently to the toast "State of Maine."' In August, hnding his 
health somewhat impaired by his varied and arduous duties, he 
made a horseback tour through the White Alountains with Rev. 
Dr. Balkam, pastor of the Congregational church of Lewiston. He 
rode through Waterford, Lovell, Fryburg, North Conway, 
Fabyans, Bethlehem, Plymouth, Tamworth, N. H., where he ad- 
dressed a Sunday school convention, Bridgeport Center, Mechanic 
Falls, returning home on the 20th of August. 

The question of temperance and prohibition was always dear to 
Mr. Dingley's heart ; and late in August he consented to be a can- 
didate for representative to the state legislature to fight the liquor 
interest. The "rummies," as he called them, were opposed to his 
nomination and election ; and he observed that "the rum interest is 
opposing me, but I am determined to fight it out." In later years 
he said: "This was perhaps the hardest contest in my political 
career." He did fight it out, and was nominated in spite of tlie 
"rummies;" and on the 9th day of September was triumphantly 
elected. In this state election Governor Chamberlain was re- 
elected, receiving 57,33.2 votes. Eben F. Pilsbury, the Democratic 
candidate, received 45,990 votes. 

From the day of the state election to January i, 1868. Mr. 
Dingley was busy delivering lectures before lyceums, instituting 
temperance lodges and attending temperance conventions. The 
grand lodge of Good Templars met at Saco, and Mr. Dingley made 
his report before a large convention. In addition to these labors. 
he was editor of the Journal and made that paper's influence 
greater than ever. He was industrious and tireless. 

In January, 1868, he took his seat in the state legislature for 
the fifth time. Again he was tendered the position of speaker, but 
declined. In the Republican caucus he himself nominated T. C. 
Woodman of Bucksport, for speaker. In this house were : T. A. D. 
Fessenden, who was a member of the 37th congress ; Thomas B. 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 89 

Reed, attorney general from 1870 to 1873, member of congress 
from 1877 to 1899, and speaker of the house in the 51st, 54th, and 
S5th congresses, and a candidate for president before the national 
Republican convention at St. Louis in 1896; Eugene Hale, member 
of the national house in the 42nd, 43rd, 44th and 45th congresses; 
and United States senator from 1881 to the present time; Harris 
M. Plaisted, attorney general from 1873 to 1876, member of the 
lower house in the 44th congress (having been elected to fill the 
vacancy caused by the death of Samuel F. Hersey in 1875) and 
elected governor in 1880 as a Greenbacker. Governor Chamber- 
lain outlined the condition of the times when he said in his message 
to the legislature that "the war has left its wrecks and disorders 
everywhere. The chief sources of sustenance are cut off. Indus- 
tries have fallen off. The whole amount of the funded debt of the 
state is $5,090,500. The debt at the commencement of the war was 
$699,500. The shipbuilding of the state has declined and measures 
must be taken to revive it." Mr. Dingley was appointed a member 
of the committees on elections, railroads, federal relations, and edu- 
cation. In this session there was a sharp contest over the repeal of 
the constabulary law. Dr. Brickett of Augusta, called up the bill 
to repeal the act establishing a state police. On the 22nd of the 
month the Republicans, fearing that a majority of the house was in- 
clined to repeal the law, held a conference. Mr. Dingley moved 
that the Republicans act as a unit and made a vigorous speech in 
support of his motion, stating that the question was in pohtics and 
the Republicans must act. At the state temperance convention 
which was in session at Augusta, Joshua Nye, state constable, made 
an address opposing the repeal of the constabulary act. He said the 
Democrats had misrepresented the act of 1858. This strengthened 
the hands of the temperance men, and Mr. Dingley introduced a 
bill in the house explaining the law and putting an end to all op- 
portunity to misrepresent it. But on the 29th of January the re- 
pealing bill, after a long and exciting debate, passed the house by a 
vote of 100 to 33. Mr. Dingley was active in promoting educa- 
tional matters, and early in the session introduced a bill to establish 
a state board of education. The bill passed the house by a vote of 
84 to 32. Another educational bill which he prepared and intro- 
duced and which became a law enlarged the duties of the state 
superintendent, provided for state and county teachers' institutes 
and provided for a text-book commission to secure the uniformity 
of text-books at reduced rates. This law was of permanent benefit 
to the state. 



90 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

About this time the whole country was agitated over the im- 
peachment of President Johnson ; ^ and on the 25th of February 
Mr. Dingley introduced a resohuion reciting "that the people of 
Maine, through their legislature, hereby express their hearty ap- 
proval of the course of the representatives in congress from this 
state, in unanimously voting for the impeachment of Andrew John- 
son, president of the United States for high crimes and misde- 
meanors." In support of this resolution Mr. Dingley said that "for 
two years the person occupying the position of chief magistrate of 
the nation had made it his first, last and sole purpose to obstruct 
the reconstruction of the union on a basis of justice and loyalty; to 
interfere with and oppose the decisions of that branch of the gov- 
ernment which under the constitution make laws, before which it is 
the duty of the executive to bow, and to disturb the peace of the 
country. For two years, sir, this country has been shaken from 
center to circumference by the mad ambitions of one man, who, 
forgetting that his position called him simply to execute the laws 
and the policy of congress, has set up a policy of his own, and at- 
tempted to force it upon the nation. * * * Qur forbearance 
has only stimulated this accidental president to renewed efforts to 
obstruct the laws, and now we have staring us in the face a clear, 
unquestioned, bold attempt to set aside a law of the land regula- 
ting the occupancy of the war department — an attempt evidently 
made with a view of securing control of the army for the most dan- 
gerous purposes. * * * The facts are patent, and the neces- 
sity for this action clear. It is now time to act." 

Mr. Bradbury, one of the Democratic leaders spoke against the 
resolution, saying that the action was a case of indecent haste. 
Mr. Andrews of Buckfield did likewise. Mr. Hale of Ellsworth 
said: "I give this resolution God speed." Mr. Walker of Machias 
spoke against it. Mr. Fessenden of Auburn said that "imperial 
and despotic power was never vested in President Johnson, and 
never will be." Mr. Foster of Portland argued for delay. Mr. 
Webb of Portland said : "All unite and demand that this wicked 
man, who neither regards the laws of God, nor the rights of man, 
go not unpunished ; demand that he be made powerless to do evil." 
The resolution was passed under a suspension of the rules by a 
vote of 92 to 33. Twenty-six were absent. 

1— The trial began in the Senate March 23, and lasted nearly two months, 
attracting- the closest attention of the whole country. Johnson was acquitted 
for lack of a two-thirds majority against him, the vote on the several articles 
of impeachment standing, guiltv 3.5. not guilty 19. A few Republicans, led by 
Mr. Fessenden. of Maine, not believing him guilty of an offense warranting his 
removal from office, voted with the Democrats. 



& 




SAMUEL CONY. ISRAEL WASHBURN. 
HANNIBAL HAMLIN. SIDNEY PERHAM. 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 91 

On the 2 1 St of February Mr. Bradbury of Hollis, in the course 
of a debate charged that General Grant in the first months of the 
rebehion endeavored to get a situation in the rebel army. Mr. 
Dingley branded this statement as false, and challenged Mr. Brad- 
bury to prove its truth. Mr. Dingley denied Bradbury's statement 
that the Democratic party had been the loyal party and had saved 
the country. He reviewed the plot to break up the union and read 
Franklin Pierce's letter to Jeff Davis. He also read an extract 
from a letter written in January, 1861, by Paul S. Merrill, then 
chairman of the Democratic state committee, incriminating the 
whole Democratic party. Mr. Dingley closed with these impas- 
sioned words : "Loyal indeed ! The men who became sad when 
Union victories in the field were announced and joyful when the 
rebels triumphed are pretty specimens to talk of loyalty and devo- 
tion to the union." 

Throughout the session Mr. Dingley assisted in the promotion 
of temperance, education, loyalty and good morals. He also man- 
aged to find time to lecture at Waterville on "The Southern Trav- 
eler," ^ address a large Republican gathering in Lewiston to dis- 
cuss the impeachment of President Johnson, and to attend the con- 
vention of the grand lodge of Good Templars at Bath, over which 
he presided. At this convention he declined a re-election as grand 
worthy commander. On the 7th day of March the legislature fin- 
ally adjourned; and in the closing hour of the house, Mr. Dingley 
said : "I simply desire to say that I concur entirely in the resolve 
which is before the house, and in the sentiments which have been 
expressed by the gentlemen who have preceded me, with reference 
to the gentleman who has presided over the house during this ses- 
sion. I may say with them that we are greatly indebted to the for- 
bearance and courtesies and skill with which the gentleman who has 
presided over the house has conducted our business. We came here 
many of us, as strangers ; we shall part, not simply as acquaint- 
ances, but as friends. We never shall meet again ; but let us carry 
from here those precious memories, those tender associations 
which shall always be among the sweet recollections of life." 

After the adjournment of the legislature, Mr. Dingley was 
again urged to be a candidate for congress. Assured of consider- 
able support he started out to make a vigorous canvass. The 
friends of William P. Frye also brought him forward as a candi- 
date ; and the contest between the two gentlemen became very 

1 — See Appendix. 



92 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

animatea. Mr. Dingley visited every town in the county between 
May 1 2th and June 25t'h, the day of the convention. The race was 
about even. Mr. Frye carried the Lewiston caucus, Mr. Dingley 
making no contest. June 6th the county slate footed up: Mr. 
Dingley, 30 delegates ; ]Mr. Frye, t,2 delegates. The district con- 
vention met in Auburn. It was a very hot day, and excitement was 
intense. Mr. Dingley's friends stood by him loyally. The first bal- 
lot resulted : Perham 68, Frye 66, Morrill 60, Gilbert 46, Dingley 
45. The second ballot was: Frye 72, Perham 64, Morrill 59, 
Dingley 46, Gilbert 45. The third ballot resulted : Frye 70, Per- 
ham 62, Morrill 62, Gilbert 46, Dingley 39. The fourth ballot was : 
Frye 78, Morrill 64, Perham 53, Gilbert 43, Dingley 38. At this 
point Mr. Dingley requested that his name be withdrawn. There 
was no choice on the 5th or 6th ballots ; and at the end of the 6th 
Mr. Perham's name was withdrawn. He had already served three 
terms in congress, and his withdrawal at this time, received with 
cheers had a tendency to harmonize the convention. There was 
no choice on the 7th ballot ; but on the 8th ballot Morrill was nomi- 
nated, receiving 160 votes to 102 for Frye and 14 for Gilbert. It 
was the most e.xciting congressional convention held in that dis- 
trict for years; and Mr. Dingley's only comment was: "Every- 
thing passed off pleasantly, and the result is acquiesced in by all." 

Mr. Dingley emerged from this contest stronger than ever, and 
entered the campaign for the Republican nominee with more than 
usual vigor. Governor Chamberlain had been re-nominated for 
go\'ernor by the Republicans, and Eben F. Pilsbury had been re- 
nominated by the Democrats. Mr. Dingley stumped a portion of 
the district with S. P. Morrill, who had carried off the congres- 
sional nomination, presided at Republican mass meetings, spoke at 
flag raisings, presided over a Republican mass meeting in Lewis- 
ton addressed by Senator Morrill and Ex-Senator Crosswell, took 
part in several joint political discussions, and wrote vigorous edi- 
torials for the Lewiston Journal. 

To the surprise of all Dr. Alonzo Garcelon accepted the Demo- 
cratic nomination for congress in that district, and Mr. Dingley 
observed : "We cannot believe that Dr. Garcelon has been drawn 
into political association with Seymour, Pilsbury, V. D. Parris, and 
Moses McDonald." 

On the 14th of September the Republicans carried the state by 
19,000 majority. Governor Chamberlain received 75,523 vofes, 
Eben F. Pilsbury 56,207 votes. Five Republican members of con- 
gress were elected — Samuel P. Morrill, John A. Peters, James G. 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 93 

Blaine, Engene Hale, and John Lynch. This victory paved the way 
for another Republican victory in November. The national cam- 
paign followed quickly on the heels of the state campaign. The 
Republican ticket. Grant and Colfax, aroused great enthusiasm, 
and Mr. Dingley said that "the victory in Maine has insured the 
election of Grant in November. * * * Truly as the certainty 
of Grant's election manifests itself, the light breaks in every direc- 
tion." On the night of October 30th there was a long and brilliant 
torch light procession in Lewiston. The whole city was illumi- 
nated from one end to the other, and Mr. Dingley, catching the en- 
thusiasm of the hour, aroused his fellow-citizens to their duty in 
November. Grant was triumphantly elected and the work of re- 
construction resumed. "Grant's election will greatly diminish the 
crimes in the south, and bring about a condition of peace and se- 
curity," was Mr. Dingley's comment. 

When the state legislature met in January i86g, there was great 
excitement over the contest between Mr. Morrill and Mr. Hamlin 
for U. S. senator. Both claimed the prize. Mr. Morrill, who was 
U. S. senator, was in Washington attending to his duties. Mr. 
Hamlin was in Augusta. The Republican caucus was held January 
7th. Mr. Hamlin received 75 votes, Mr. Morrill 74, and there was 
one blank. The casting of this blank ballot made all the trouble. 
The friends of Mr. Hamlin insisted he was fairly nominated, and 
that any man who failed to vote for him would be called a bolter 
and disorganizer. They published the card of the member who 
cast the blank vote in which he said he intended to vote for neither 
candidate. Mr. Morrill's friends insisted that Mr. Hamlin did not 
have a clear majority and the caucus adjourned with the ruling 
of the chair that no nomination had been made. It was claimed 
that every Republican member was at liberty to do as he pleased- 
Mr. Hamlin, however, was nominated, amid intense excitement. 

From September 1868 to September 1872, Mr. Dingley led an 
active and varied life. His newspaper, the Lewiston Journal, was 
increasing in circulation and influence. It was a business success 
and an object of pride to him who had watched it and nursed it 
since 1856. The Journal was always uncompromisingly Republi- 
can — a political guide to the Republicans of Maine. It was to 
]\Iaine Republicans what the New York Tribune was to the Re- 
publicans at large. 

Mr. Dingley attended and addressed state and national tem- 
perance conventions. Congregational conventions and political 



94 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

conventions. The latter part of May he went to Oswego, N. Y.. to 
attend the national convention of Good Templars. June 24th he 
tended the Republican state convention at Bangor, when Governor 
Chamberlain was renominated. Mr. Dingley, however, supported 
Sidney Perham. Early in August he attended the state editorial 
convention at Portland and delivered a public address at city hall. 
In September he went to California in search of rest and recreation, 
returning only to be seriously ill and reduced in weight to 123 
pounds. December 17th Horace Greeley lectured in Lewiston and 
Mr. Dingley presided. 

In the winter of 1870 he went to Augusta, attended the Repub- 
lican caucus and appeared before legislative committees in behalf 
of important railroad and educational measures. He advocated ■ 
the granting of a charter for a railroad from Lewiston to Rumford ; 
also a bill in favor of uniformity of text-books. 

The Republican state convention was held June 15th 1870. Sid- 
ney Perham ^ was nominated for governor. Mr. Dingley, who 
was one of Mr. Perham's warm supporters, " presided over this 
convention, and in the course of his address said that "recent his- 
tory, brief as it may be in years, covers a series of events such as 
only centuries ordinarily produce, and which must immortalize that 
organization to which was committed the responsibility. * * * 
But there are still rights to be defended ; there are principles of 
justice to be asserted." It was fitting for Mr. Dingley to preside 
over a convention that nominated Sidney Perham for governor, 
for Mr. Dingley and Mr. Perham had for years been co-laborers in 
the cause of temperance and good government. ^ 

June 29th, William P. Frye, was nominated for congress by the 
Republicans of that district. Mr. Dingley said: "Mr. Frye will 

1 — S. F. Hersey, Hannibal Hamlin's candidate for governor, was opposed to 
Mr. Perham. The latter says: "I owe my nomination in this convention largely 
to the untiring efforts of Mr. Dingley." 

2 — "It always seemed strange to me," says Gov. Perham, "that Mr. Dingley, 
sc eminently qualified for this place, and evidently having in mind his own se- 
lection for governor, chose to step aside at this time and help secure my nomina- 
tion. Doubtless for some reason he felt it was not his time." 

3 — Governor Perham said in 1900: "Nelson Dingley started the movement in 
my favor, and his influence proved to be a power. The convention was in Au- 
gusta, and there were 1.400 delegates in the hall. The contest was an exciting 
one. and I won by 40 votes. In many respects Nelson Dingley was the ablest 
public man Maine has ever produced. He was not an orator or a great debater, 
but in general information and judgment he had a wonderful mind. His memory 
was remarkably retentive, and his grasp on all the details of public affairs as- 
tonished all with whom he came in contact. His work was creative, and is being 
shown in the prosperity of the country today. He will live in history as one of 
the greatest men the country has ever produced." 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 95 

enter congress prepared by his large legislative experience, by his 
familiarity with parliamentary proceedings, by his ability and elo- 
quence as a public speaker, and by his practical wants of the dis- 
trict, to at once take a high position in the national house." The 
state campaign was very uninteresting. The Republicans were 
apathetic. There were few speeches and little excitement. Mr. 
Dingley spent the summer attending the Main Congregational con- 
ference at Yarmouth, the editorial convention at Rye Beach, and 
resting at his summer home at the sea shore. The Republicans car- 
ried the state by about 8,000 majority. Sidney Perham received 
54,oig votes, and Chas. W. Roberts, the Democratic candidate for 
governor, 45,733 votes. Five Republican members of congress 
were elected — John Lynch, William Frye, James G. Blaine, John 
Peters, and Eugene Hale. 

The winter of 1870-1871 found Mr. Dingley laboring indus- 
triously on the Journal and in the lecture field. His most popular 
lecture was on "The Mormons." ^ He secured material for this 
lecture when in California the summer before. 

April 20, 1871, was Fast Day in the State of Maine, and public 
services were held at the Pine street Congregational church, Lew- 
iston. Alonzo Garcelon was mayor of the city ; and pubHc senti- 
ment was somewhat aroused over what was claimed to be a failure 
to enforce the liquor law. In the course of the exercises, Rev. Mr. 
Boothby prayed that "the mayor might have help on High to en- 
able him to discharge his duties." Mayor Garcelon was in the audi- 
ence, and took exceptions to the prayer of Rev. Mr. Boothby. 
Rising from his seat and going to the front of the church he turned 
and addressed the large audience saying: "A lie will travel a 
league while truth is putting on its boots. I suppose from the re- 
marks of the reverend gentleman that hell itself has broken loose 
in our city and that the waters of the river have changed to rum. 
I have been foully libeled in this prayer to Almighty God. I wish 
to state that all my appointments have been with a view of enforc- 
ing the law. It is as much the duty of every citizen, and of this rev- 
erend libeler, and of the editor of the Journal to execute this law as 
it is of the public police force. It is a foul bird that soils its own 
nest. The base libel put fourth in the prayer, and the misrepresen- 
tations published in the Journal, reflect upon the character of our 
reputable city." 

The editor of the Journal was present in the audience when 
Mayor Garcelon made this speech. The next day the Journal con- 

1— See Appendix. 



96 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

tained a long and vigorous reply setting forth a large amount of 
good sense and a larger amount of law. It completely answered 
the statement of Mayor Garcelon, sustained the reverend gentle- 
man who earnestly invoked Almighty God, and aroused public sen- 
timent so that the liquor laws were strictly enforced thereafter. 

The latter part of May Mr. Dingley was in Washington and at- 
tended a large reception at the White House given by President 
Grant. In an interesting letter to the Journal describing this re- 
ception and the appearance of Mrs. Grant and Nellie, Mr. Dingley 
said that "the President bore the ceremonies like a martyr." He 
spent the summer at his island home, and early in September en- 
tered the state campaign. He spoke at several large rallies and 
materially assisted the Republicans in the election of their state 
ticket. Sidney Perham was re-elected governor by about 10,000 
majority. 

During these years Mr. Dingley's domestic life was singularly 
happy. He was fond of his children and gave to them that love and 
de\otion which only a fond parent can bestow. His first sorrow 
came on the 6th of December, 1862, when his little son, Charlie, 
passed away at the age of two and a half years. Mr. Dingley's 
diary, for years after, contained loving recollections of his "dear 
boy" who had passed on to a better land. For almost ten years af- 
ter this first visitation of death in his family, there was nothing to 
bring sorrow into the household. But early in December. 1871, 
the grim messenger again appeared at the family altar ; and on the 
2nd day of that month, his mother — "dearest mother" as he was 
wont to call her — whom he revered and loved with a tenderness 
that only a lofty and noble character can display, passed away. To 
her, of whom he wrote so beautifully in earlier years, Mr. Dingley 
paid a beautiful tribute in the columns of the Journal. ^ "Asleep in 
Jesus," and "Jesus Lover of My Soul," were sung, the latter at Air. 
Dingley's special request, as it was his favorite hymn. And it is in- 
teresting, yes pathetic, to note that at the request of Congressman 
Dingley's family, this same beautiful hymn was sung at his own 
funeral, 28 years later, in the national house of representatives at 
Washington ; for it was his favorite hymn. 

Mr. Dingley's most important public work in the winter of 
1871-72 was the securing of a charter for the Grand Trunk railroad 
from Lewiston to Danville Junction. He fought for the bill before 
the legislative committee and the legislature itself. Frederick 

1 — See Appendix. 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 97 

Robie, afterwards governor of the state was speaker. ^ There was 
great excitement and intense feeling aroused by the opposition of a 
few, interested in the Maine Central railroad. Public meetings 
were held, addressed by Mr. Dingley and others. The question was 
whether Lewiston and Auburn should subscribe to stock in the 
Lewiston and Auburn railroad, which road was to be leased to the 
Grand Trunk railroad. Most of the opposition came from the own- 
ers of the local mills, residing in the city of Boston. As a result of 
this exciting episode, on the 9th day of April Lewiston voted by an 
overwhelming majority to take stock in the railroad. Auburn fol- 
lowed on the next day, and there was great rejoicing. 

From January to April, Mr. Dingley was also active in temper- 
ance matters, addressing several conventions and gatherings in dif- 
ferent parts of the state. 

The important political events of the spring and summer were 
the nomination of Horace Greeley for president, by the Liberals, 
and later by the Democrats, and the renomination of President 
Grant by the Republicans at large, and the renomination of Gover- 
nor Perham by the Republicans of Maine. The Cincinnati Liberal 
convention "attracted hangers-on so long as they could keep their 
hands in the fleshpots," said Mr. Dingley. Greeley's position was 
the result of a resentment on account of President Grant's failure to 
give the friends of the philosopher as large a slice of the national 
offices as the editor thought due him. But Mr. Dingley was dis- 
posed to be fair to Mr. Greeley, by saying that "it is a disgrace that 
many of the leading men in the Republican party whom Greeley 
elevated to influence, have been so ready to turn their backs on 
their benefactor. But then politicians are generally ungrateful." 

The national platform of this year was "one in which Republi- 
cans can take honorable pride. It declares for protection, the ex- 
tention of American commerce and ship-building interests. The 
cry of the opposition is, anything to beat Grant." In referring to 
the Democratic convention which nominated Greeley, Mr. Dingley 
called it "the Baltimore wedding," and said it was not a marriage 
of affection but one of supposed self-interest. A Grant and Wilson 
club was organized in Lewiston and Mr. Dingley was elected presi- 
dent. On the occasion of its organization, both Mr. Blaine and Mr. 
Morrill spoke. The campaign was very exciting, and Mr. Dingley 

1— Former Gov. Robie said in 1900: "For Nelson Dingley I entertained the 
rnost profound regard. I was always acquainted with him, and we were always 
?c°o^ "}^^^^ personal and political. He helped me to the first speakership In 
1S|- and the other also in 1876. for that matter. On both of these occasions I re- 
ceived the unanimous support of Androscoggin county, and it was largely 
through Mr. Dingley's influence. He was a great man and a great power." 



98 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

took an important part. On the 26th of July he made a speech in 
Lewiston in reply to General Kilpatrick, in which he said that "the 
question is, ought Republicans to assist in the movement to over- 
throw the Republican party and to restore the Democracy to the 
power they wielded in i860?" In this speech he said that the Re- 
publicans were urged to vote for Greeley because Grant's adminis- 
tration was corrupt and extravagant. Mr. Dingley showed by facts 
that it was one of the most economical and upright that the coun- 
try had ever had. He also spoke at other points in the state, and 
on the 6th of September was himself nominated for representative 
to the state legislature. On the 7th of September there was a great 
torchlight parade — the largest demonstration Lewiston had seen 
for years. It was the close of the state campaign and the whole 
country had its eyes fixed on the state of Maine. Every school dis- 
trict in the state had been canvassed ; and when on the night of 
September 9th the votes were counted, it was found that the Re- 
publicans had swept the state. Governor Perham received 71,888 
votes and Chas. B. Kimball, the Democratic candidate for gover- 
nor, 55,343 votes. Mr. Dingley was elected by the largest majority 
he ever received as a candidate for representative in the state legis- 
lature. He called it "Maine's Tidal Wave," and said that "its in- 
fluence will be decisive in all parts of the countiy. There will be a 
general stampede to Grant." Mr. Blaine telegraphed Grant : "Our 
victory is complete and overwhelming at all points, and insures you 
more than 25,000 majority in November." 

That fall Mr. Dingley addressed temperance conventions, edu- 
cational conventions, and farmers' associations. 

On the 8th of November President Grant was re-elected amid 
great rejoicing. Mr. Dingley observed: "It is a strange situation 
— Greeley, the great Republican leader endorsed by Sumner, 
Trumbull', Schurz, Banks — all going to defeat. The reason is only 
personal for their course. There is not a single principle to justify 
their action. The probability is that before Grant's second term ex- 
pires, the south will settle down into a thorough acceptance of the 
results of the war, and the colored men will be recognized then as 
citizens having equal rights. The influence in financial directions is 
good. The nation's policy is settled. The result is a vindication of 
Grant's character and motives." Maine gave Grant 30,000 major- 
ity, 5,000 more than Mr. Blaine predicted. 

January i, 1873, Mr. Dingley took his seat in the state legisla- 
ture for the sixth and last time. Edmund F. Webb of Waterville 
was elected speaker, and Mr. Dingley was appointed chairman of 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 99 

the committee on education and a member of the committee on 
judiciary. He was, in this session, as in the last, the recognized 
leader of his party in the house. Associated with him were : Ara 
Cushman, the well known shoe manufacturer of Auburn ; Weston 
F. Milliken, a prominent Republican of Portland ; W. W. Thomas, 
Jr., later U. S. minister to Sweeden; D. N. Mortland, afterwards 
state railroad commissioner; and James R. Talbot of Machias. 

Governor Perham reviewed the situation of the country in his 
message to the legislature. He said that the recent presidential 
election indicated great unanimity upon the leading questions of 
public policy. The debt of the state Jan. i, 1873, '^v^s $7,187,900. 
He referred to the educational development of the state and her 
great resources. Concerning the enforcement of the prohibitory 
laws he said : "It is probable that less intoxicating liquors are 
drank in Maine than in any other place of equal population in the 
country, perhaps the civilized world." 

The second day of the session Mr. Dingley offered a bill to 
authorize the formation of railroad companies. This was called the 
free railroad bill which passed the house but was defeated in the 
senate. This bill authorized twenty-frve or more persons to organ- 
ize as a railroad company the same as if specially chartered. He also 
framed and championed a free high school bill and a bill to promote 
the efficiency of the public schools of Maine, both of which became 
laws. ^ He also reported a bill putting normal schools under the 
direction of a board of seven trustees. 

On the 27th of February the legislature adjourned, and in his 
parting message to his fellow tnembers and to the hall in which he 
had spent so many days promoting the interests of the state, he 
said : "This session has to me at least, been one of unusual inter- 
est, and in separating I am sure that not only myself, but every 
member of this house will carry with him the remembrance of the 
associations which have been vouchsafed to us during the past two 
months. I am sure, too, that the proceedings of this legislature 
have been such as to commend themselves to the judgment of the 
people of the state. If we have erred at all, it has been on the side 
of caution. * * * I am sure that in some of the legislation, 
there have been enacted measures which will tell wonderfully upon 
the future of this state. * * * j^ |-^3S i^ggj., j^y fortune to have 
been a member of some half a dozen previous legislatures, and I 

1 — Chapter 115, acts of 1S73. "An act to enable academies to surrender their 
property to cities, towns or plantations for the benefit of free high schools." 

Chapter 124, acts of 1873. "Towns may establish and maintain free high 
schools and may receive state aid not exceeding $500.00 to any one town." 



LofC. 



lOO LIFE AND TIMES OF 

can say from my heart that no previous session has seemed to me to 
be so harmonious, and to embody so much that we shall carry away 
and always hold in fond remembrance. We came here most of us 
strangers— we part friends. * * * We shall never all meet 
again on earth ; but I trust that when our life-work is done, and 
when we shall cross the dark river, it will be our unspeakable 
happiness to be gathered in that distant land — thc.t haven prepared 
for those who have faithfully done their duties." Thus closed his 
legislative career in the state house of representatives. 

In addition to his editorial and legislative labors, Mr. Dingley 
delivered his lecture on "The Mormons" at Auburn, Augusta, 
West Waterville, Bath, Pittsfield, Biddeford, Fryeburg and Harri- 
son. He was now 41 years old. He had served in the house six 
terms, twice as speaker. He displayed a wonderful grasp of par- 
liamentary and legislative questions, and gave evidence of his fu- 
ture greatness. His judgment in business and political affairs was 
unerring, and his executive ability was exceptional. He possessed 
a mind stored with facts covering a wide range. His memory was 
wonderful. His powers of reasoning were rare. He was consid- 
erate and gentle, yet firm and decisive. He was honest, and the 
people had faith in him. He was a christian and the people revered 
him. It might be truthfully said, he was directed by an unseen 
hand to great and good deeds. Not even a shadow of scandal 
rested upon him. Like Caesar's wife he was above suspicion. ^ 

1 — Hon. S. J. Chadbourne, writes as follows of Mr. Dingley as a legislator: 
"He was a member of the house in 1S73. and I was the clerk. As a legislator he 
was industrious, methodical and painstaliing, thus early giving promise of the 
great ability with which he distinguished himself, later, when a member of the 
national house of representatives. During his service in the Maine house, he 
was ever found on the right or moral side of all important public measures. Mr. 
Dingley as is well known, was always a persistent, consistent, active temperance 
man and worker, and he gave, while in the public service of the state, an im- 
petus to the cause of prohibition that placed it on high ground above the as- 
saults cf its enemies. He stood for liberty, humanity, and progress, which were 
the tenets of his party." 



CHAPTER VIII. 
1873-1876. 

During the winter of 1872-1873 Mr. Dingley's name was freely 
used by many of his friends in connection with the RepubHcan 
nomination for governor ; but he did not think seriously of the mat- 
ter until the close of the session of the legislature. April 17 (Fast 
day) he went to Brunswick to address a temperance reform club. 
There he met by appointment, Governor Perham, Col. Fred N. 
Dow, Col. Shaw, Hon. E. W. Stetson and other friends, and de- 
cided to allow the use of his name in connection with the guber- 
natorial nomination. On the 23rd of April he met General Murray, 
Col. Drew, Mr. Stacey, Congressman Blaine and others in Au- 
gusta ; and the information he obtained led him to arrange at once 
to publicly announce his candidacy. He made no canvass but simply 
wrote letters to friends in every county in the state. Having de- 
cided to be a candidate for governor he published the following in 
the Journal : "From the relations to the Journal of one of the gen- 
tlemen mentioned in connection with this nomination, it will not be 
expected of us that we should say more than simply to quote the 
views of some of our Republican contemporaries." 

Nearly all the Republican papers in the state favored his candi- 
cacy — the Farmington Chronicle leading of¥. The Chronicle said : 
"He is the strongest man in every desirable sense of the word, that 
the Republican party of this state can put in nomination." The Ox- 
ford Democrat said : "A more worthy, competent and suitable man 
to fill the place, could not be brought forward than Mr. Dingley, 
and he only consents to be a candidate at the request of leading 
men throughout the state." The Machias Republican said: "Mr. 



I02 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

Dingley is no trading politician, but an honest, candid, straight- 
forward man." The Bridgton News said: "He is able and 
thoroughly conversant with the affairs of the state, of strict integ- 
rity, and in every respect such a man as the public can take pleasure 
in elevating to positions of honor and trust." The Portland Star 
said: "He is a man of the people, and his name is identified with 
many of the reforms in which the public have taken most interest." 
The Saco Independent said : "He is a man of high character, noble 
purpose and indomitable will." The Calias Advertiser said : "He 
is a man of the people and not a politician. A man of integrity and 
purity of personal and political character." 

On the 13th of May, Hon. N. A. Farwell, who was also a candi- 
date for governor, withdrew, and declared for Ex-Judge Kent of 
Bangor. There was great excitement during the latter part of the 
canvass, but Mr. Dingley found time to deliver the Memorial day 
address at Bethel. The caucus to select delegates to the state con- 
vention from the city of Lewiston, was held June 7th. Through se- 
cret efforts, largely by a few Republicans who objected to his activ- 
ity in securing a charter for the Lewiston and Auburn railroad 
(leased to the Grand Trunk railroad), a few delegates opposed to 
him were placed upon the delegation. There was much feeling 
upon the part of Mr. Dingley's friends, but the incident was passed 
by unnoticed by him who was most deeply interested. 

The convention met in the city of Bangor, June 19th. Con- 
gressman Hale presided, and Congressman Wm. P. Frye headed 
the delegation from Lewiston. There were 1,246 delegates, and in 
addition a large number of friends of each of the candidates. Mr. 
Dingley's headquarter's were at the Bangor house. They were 
thronged with his friends and supporters, all confident of his nomi- 
nation, notwithstanding the slight defection in his own delegation. 
The convention met at eleven in the morning and the balloting be- 
gan at three o'clock in the afternoon. At Mr. Dingley's sugges- 
tion, the convention voted to ballot by counties. This was done in 
order to bring scpiarely before the convention whatever defection 
existed in Lewiston. The plan worked successfully, and when 
Androscoggin county was called, the vote in that county stood — 
Dingley 68, Stone 5, Kent 2. Thus the opposition to him in his 
own county, small as it was, was exposed. The first ballot resulted 
as follows: Dingley 816, Stone 211, Kent 170. The announce- 
ment was received w-ith intense enthusiasm : and in the midst of 
lono- and enthusiastic applause, the candidate was called for and 
escorted to the platform. In accepting the nomination he said : 







NELSON DINGLEY JR.— 1874- 
GOVERNOR OV MAINE. 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 103 

"For the distinguished mark of confidence which as I am informed 
by your committee this convention has conferred upon me, I tender 
you iny most sincere thanks. I accept the nomination with which 
you have honored me, with a due appreciation of the regard it im- 
phes, and, as I trust, with a deep sense of the obhgations and re- 
sponsibiHties which it may impose. * * * j niost earnestly 
join with you in condemnation of such flagrant disregard of the ob- 
ligations of public faith and virtue as was some months since shown 
by the officials of the chief commercial city of the union and more 
recently in a less extensive, but not less dangerous manner, by such 
members of congress as accepted an interest in Credit Mobilier 
stock or dividend, after they had reason to suppose that it was in- 
tended to influence their votes for legislation favoring the corpora- 
tions at the expense of the nation. I most heartily approve of the 
earnest and unequivocal manner in which you have rebviked the 
action of the late congress on the salary measure and demanding its 
prompt repeal. This measure I cannot but regard as wrong in 
principle, and dangerous in practice and involving such a breach of 
faith as would make it a pernicious precedent and an evil example, 
should it not be repealed. It is with me a deep and abiding convic- 
tion that national safety is to be assured only by the preservation of 
public virtue and integrity, and that the secret of compactness is in 
national conscience, national affection, and national faith in moral 
ideas." 

The platform adopted denounced the recent action of congress 
known as the salary grab, deplored the increase of private legisla- 
tion both in the legislatures of the state and in the national con- 
gress, and finally declared, "that this convention presents to the 
people the Hon. Nelson Dingley Jr. as a gentleman of unspotted 
reputation, distinguished for his services in the public affairs of the 
state, and capable of filling the executive chair with the wisdom and 
ability demanded by the first office in the state." 

That night Lewiston indulged in a rousing celebration over Mr. 
Dingley's nomination, and the next day he was received royally by 
his fellow townsmen. In commenting upon Mr. Dingley's nomina- 
tion, the Journal said with characteristic modesty : "To say nothing 
of the candidate selected, the other gentlemen were of so high char- 
acter and so unexceptional and conceded ability, that there was a 
feeling of regret among most Republicans that they were obliged 
to select one and set aside others." 

More than three-quarters of the Democratic papers spoke in 
words of strong approval of Mr. Dingley's speech of acceptance. 



104 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

There was no political canvass during the summer on either 
side, Mr. Dingley's election being conceded. There was little in- 
terest in the campaign. The Democrats nominated Joseph Tit- 
comb of Kennebunk as their candidate for governor. Even the 
Democratic papers of the state spoke very kindly of iMr. Dingley's 
■candidacy, so highly was he esteemed by men of all parties. The 
liberal Democrats nominated Joseph H. Williams for governor, but 
he cut very little figure in the election. The contest resulted in Mr. 
Dingley's election for governor by a majority of 9,535 over all. 
He received 45,244 votes, Titcomb 32,924, Williams 2,160, scat- 
tering 625. On the 30th of December he held a conference with 
Mr. Blaine at the latter's home in Augusta, and on the 8th of Jan- 
uary he was inaugurated governor. The state capitol was crowded 
on that day. One of the Republican leaders and one of Maine's 
favorite sons was to assume the responsibilities attending the posi- 
tion of chief executive of the state. His record as a temperance 
man and an advocate of moral legislation had made him famous 
throughout the state ; and his inaugural address attracted wide at- 
tention. Among other things he said : 'Tn entering upon the dis- 
charge of the duties to which we have been respectively called by 
our fellow-citizens, it is fitting that we should recognize our de- 
pendence upon that Being who is over all and above all. We have 
cause for devout gratitude for the Divine favor which has been 
shown toward the state and the nation during the year which has 
just closed. In no period of the history of either, has our advance 
in population, material prosperity and other conditions, been more 
conspicuous. We may well congratulate ourselves that so marked 
progress has been made in healing the wounds of the terrible strug- 
gle for national existence and in re-uniting all sections of our be- 
loved country in a common devotion to a republic preserved from 
the enemies without and within, redeemed from the curse of slavery 
and consecrated to the grand work of maintaining the equal rights 
of every citizen. The financial panic which so recently threatened 
to cause serious derangement to the business of the country, has 
not been without its influence for good. It has given new emphasis 
to the great economic law, that the savings rather than the incomes 
of the people are the measure of their material prosperity. The 
careful observer of the tendencies to extravagance so noticeable 
everywhere, cannot but recognize the truth that economy is the one 
word that needs to be spoken and put in practice in private as well 
as public circles. Fortunately the wave of extravagance has not 
been fett in this part of the country with as much force as elsewhere. 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 105 

Although the public affairs of the state have been managed with 
such exceptional prudence and integrity, that the opportunities for 
retrenchment are few ; yet you will undoubtedly consider it an im- 
perative duty at this time to study the closest economy and to con- 
fine your appropriations within as narrow limits as is consistent 
with the public welfare. In wisely prescribing the extent of public 
expenditures, and in determining such cases of compensation of 
public officers as may arise, you cannot fail to recognize those rules 
which are at once the safety and glory of a popular government — 
that frugality and simplicity are essential characteristics of free in- 
stitutions; and that official position should be sought less for the 
salaries attached to them than for the satisfaction and honor which 
comes from faithful public service. In every endeavor to maintain 
and promote the highest efficiency, economy and integrity in all the 
departments of the state government, you will have my earnest co- 
operation. * * * j(. ^yjji ijg observed that up to the present 
time almost the only resource of the state to meet both ordinary 
and extraordinary expenditures, has been direct taxation. The 
state tax last year was five mills on the dollar, but it is the judgment 
of the treasurer that the tax may be reduced the present year to 
41-2 mills providing the legislature shall make no unusual appro- 
priations. I most earnestly urge, however, that you should con- 
sider whether it is not advisable to devise some method other than 
direct taxation to secure a part of the revenue required for state ex- 
penditures ; so that the rate of taxation may be still further reduced. 
Pennsylvania finds no difficulty in securing sufficient receipts from 
indirect taxation to support the state government. A large share 
of the state expenditures of Massachusetts is met by the proceeds 
of a state tax upon the valuation of the corporate stock of railroads 
and other corporations over and above municipal taxation for real 
estate and machinery; and upon the business of the fire and life in- 
surance companies. Without indicating more in detail what sources 
of revenue may be made available in this state, I desire to call your 
attention to the subject, and to suggest a careful investigation and 
inquiry, with a view of devising methods of lifting some portion of 
the burden of taxation from real estate. Such a policy would give 
needed encouragement to our agricultural interests and promote 
the developments of the resources of the state. * * * The re- 
port of the superintendent of common schools presents an encour- 
aging view of the conditions and prospects of the educational inter- 
ests of the state. The increase in school money arising from the 
state mill tax and the tax on savings banks ; the improvements in 



io6 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

methods of teaching growing largely out of the work of our normal 
schools; and the already marked influence of the free high school 
system adopted by the last legislature, have materially improved 
the character and et^ciency of our public schools and aroused a new 
interest in the cause of education. The free high school system, 
although in practical operation but little more than half of the year, 
has already achieved so great a success as to surpass the utmost ex- 
pectations of its warmest friends and to promise within a reason- 
able time, results that but satisfy all of the wisdom of the policy. 
The official reports show that 150 free high schools, in 133 different 
towns and plantations, representing every county in the state, have 
been maintained from one to three terms each, since the first of 
March last; and that these schools have been supported by munici- 
pal appropriations to the amount of $83,523, and state aid to the 
amount of $28,134. In these schools 10,286 pupils have received 
instructions in those branches usually taught in the common 
schools, including primary studies; and also in such other direc- 
tions as are demanded by the increasing industrial and business 
wants of the time. * * * Many youths who will hereafter 
make valuable teachers of our common schools are receiving in the 
free high schools that broader and deeper culture so essential to 
prepare them for this high work. * * * It was feared by some 
that the system would be impractical for small towns ; but some of 
the most successful free high schools maintained during the autumn 
have been in just such localities. =!= * * indeed, thus far the 
most complete success of the free high school system has been in 
exclusively farming towns where this adjunct of the common school 
system is aft'ording such facilities of education as can serve to in- 
crease the attraction of that rural life which is the source of our na- 
tional strength and purity. With a continuance of the system there 
can scarcely be a doubt that within a brief period these schools will 
be established in most all the towns of the state ; and will give such 
an impetus to our educational interests as nothing else could. 

'Tt is cheaper and more effective and beneficent to prevent 
crime by removing its causes, than to allow these to ripen into crim- 
inal acts which require punishment. A large part of this work of 
prevention is within the sphere of personal moral effort ; yet that 
important portion which consists in removing the hindrances to 
right conduct, and repressing the temptation to vice interposed by 
men in their relations as citizens, comes confessedly within the do- 
main of the law. Indeed no government fulfills its mission which 
forgets that the state can in this way do much to make it easy to do 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 107 

right and difficult to do wrong. So large a proportion of pauperism 
and crime arises from intemperance of which the dram shop is the 
prolific cause, that all citizens who have regard for the public safety 
and welfare, as well as the highest court of the nation, unite in af- 
firming the principle that the liquor traffic is a source of great peril 
to society, against which it is the duty of the state to protect itself 
by such enactments as the legislative authority shall consider best 
calculated to that end. On this well settled principle has rested all 
the legislation ever had in restraint of the liquor traffic, whether in- 
volving the principle of license or prohibition. For more than 200 
years, first in the parent province and commonwealth and subse- 
quently in the state of Maine, a thorough trial was had of the 
license system in every form that could be devised. This experi- 
ence led to so wide-spread conviction that any system of licensing 
dram shops is nearly powerles.-^ to repress the temptations which 
promote intemperance, that in 1851 this state adopted the policy of 
prohibiting drinking houses, and tippling shopes altogether, and of 
authorizing the sale of intoxicating liquors only for medicinal and 
mechanical purposes, by agents appointed for that purpose. This 
system has had a trial of only 22 years ; yet its success in this brief 
period has on the whole been so much greater than that of any 
other plan yet devised, that prohibition may be said to be accepted 
by a large majority of the people as the proper poHcy of this state 
toward drinking houses and tippling shops, and to be acquiesced in 
to a great extent by others, as an experiment which should have as 
thorough a trial as other systems which preceded it. By dealing in 
this spirit with a question affecting so momentous interests, there 
will ultimately be substantial agreement among all good citizens on 
such a policy as experience shall have shown to be the most effec- 
tive in repressing the evils of the liquor traffic. To this end such an 
investigation into the effects of the traffic, and the results of the 
legislation to suppress or restrain the same, as is contemplated by a 
proposition introduced into congress by one of the representatives 
from this state, could not fail to be in the highest degree beneficial. 
It would be unwise for anyone to claim that prohibition has entirely 
suppressed or can entirely suppress the dram shop. That is no 
more possible than it is for human enactments to entirely prevent 
theft, robbery, arson, or even murder. Indeed, any effective en- 
actments against practices which are exceptionally profitable, and 
at the same time pander to mens' appetites and passions, are pecul- 
iarly difficult of thorough enactment as has already been found the 
case with statutes prohibiting gambling saloons, as well as drink- 



io8 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

ing houses and tippling shops. The true test of the merits of such 
legislation of whatever character, is not whether it entirely uproots 
the evils prohibited, but whether on the whole it does not repress 
them as effectually as any system that can be devised. Where our 
prohibitory laws have been well enforced, few will deny that they 
have accomplished great good. In more than three-fourths of the 
state, especially in rural portions, where forty years since intoxicat- 
ing liquors were as freely and commonly used as any article of mer- 
chandise, public sentiment has secured such an enforcement of 
these laws that there is now in these districts few open bars ; and 
eten secret sales are so much reduced as to make drunkenness in 
rural towns comparatively rare. The exceptions to this state of 
things are mainly in some of the cities and larger villages, where 
public sentiment on this cpiestion is usually not so sustained as in 
towns more remote from the tide of immigration. But even in these 
places our prohibitory legislation has always been enforced to some 
extent, and not infrequently with much thoroughness ; and has 
never been without that important influence for good which all laws 
in moral directions exert. * * * Valuable and indispensable 
as is the prohibitory system of legislation for the repression of 
drinking houses and tippling shops, whose fruits are drunkenness, 
ignorance, brutality, waste, pauperism, crime, impaired health, 
shattered intellect, premature decay and untimely death, it should 
not be forgotten that the efficiency of law, as well as the power of 
those moral instrumentalities which law only supplements, depend 
upon the constancy and energy with which labors are directed to 
maintain a high standard of public sentiment on this question. In 
so glorious a moral work as this, every good citizen should unite his 
sympathies and efforts. * * * q^j- obligations to the men who 
took their lives in their hands and went forth to the call of their 
country, will not be redeemed so long as there shall remain a desti- 
tute boy in blue or an indigent family of a living or dead soldier 
^^hose necessities are not supplied, and supplied, too, not as 
paupers, but as citizens, who are only receiving what they have 
niore than earned. * ^'' * In view of the fact that the 30th day 
of May each year has been designated by the Grand Army of the 
Republic as the soldiers memorial day, there seems to me to be 
eminent propriety in giving the same legal recognition to the day 
in this state as is given to other holidays. * * * j suggest 
whether it would not be more in accord with the dignity of the state 
and the independence of the offfce of railroad commissioner, if the 
salaries of the commissioners should be paid from the state treas- 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 109 

ury and the state itself should assess the several railroad corpora- 
tions for the amount of the same. Railroads have become so in- 
dispensable an agency in the material development of the state and 
exert so important an influence over the public interests, as to make 
the laws relating to them worthy of your thoughtful attention. 

"The pressing necessity for the extention of new railroads into 
large sections of our state, have thus far made restrictions on 
railroad corporations in the public interest, seem to be less essential 
than in many other states. The fact that such a feeling of confi- 
dence exists to a great extent, makes the present time peculiarly 
favorable for such a careful revision of our railroad legislation, as 
will, on the one hand, impose upon railroad corporations just re- 
sponsibilities and restraints, and on the other hand, properly pro- 
tect capital and inspire that public confidence which is so essential 
to the true interests of railroads as well as communities. Inasmuch 
as railroad corporations are granted extraordinary powers which 
partake of the nature of sovereignty, it is only after many Hmita- 
tions and restrictions that they can be said to be private corpora- 
tions at all. Railroads should not and cannot be regarded simply or 
even principally as the property of individuals to be managed as 
they please. They are public works, no matter by whose capital 
built ; and while the rights of the property in them may not be vio- 
lated, yet it is the right and duty of the state to see to it that they 
are so managed as to serve the public. So superior are they to 
every other means of land transportation, and so expensive is the 
construction of competing lines, that railroads are practically and 
not necessarily in any offensive sense, monopolies along their re- 
spective lines of business ; and unless there is some power to re- 
strain them expressly or impliedly reserved, in the control of the 
state, as there always is in other grants of exclusive privileges, 
they may not only impose such freight and passenger tax on the 
people as to control markets and destroy or build up communities, 
but they may discriminate between citizens at pleasure. Valuable 
and even indispensable as railroads may be to a community so long 
as these corporations are servants, yet, in view of the tendency to a 
combination of their interests and aggregation of their capital in 
the hands of a few, if they are allowed to become masters, a large 
part of the benefits which the public have a right to expect from 
them, will be lost and the corporations become sources of oppres- 
sion and public peril. * * * The question as to how far the 
legislature may exercise control of the railroad' corporations which 
it has hitherto chartered — the most of them with peculiar privileges 



no LIFE AND TIMES OF 

and powers — is still in some important aspects an open one, al- 
though judicial decisions are gradually developing legislative rights 
which these corporations have steadily denied. It has been held by 
the supreme court of the United States that railroad corporations 
are common carriers, as that office is defined by the common law^ 
at least as far as to require them to provide sufficient and conven- 
ient methods of transportation and to carry passengers and freight 
for all persons without distinction and without unjust discrimina- 
tions ; even if not on such terms as may be determined to be reason- 
able. It has also been held that a railroad corporation may be 
judicially deprived of its franchises for non-use or misuse of 
them ; and that notwithstanding the ownership of a railroad 
may be private, yet the use is public, and the road itself a public 
highway. And as a necessary consequence of this the court added 
by way of argument that 'the legislature is the executive judge of 
the mode of use,' and this carries with it the right to make such 
pro\'isions and impose such restrictions as the legislature may 
think necessary for public convenience as well as safety. * * * 
I recommend a general law for the formation of railroad cor- 
porations and construction of railroads. Hitherto this has been 
done by special charter and has involved not onl}^ all the erUs 
incident to all special ordinary legislation, but also, at least 
in some other states, in cases where proposed railroads are 
supposed to conflict with existing railways, those fearfully 
demoralizing practices to w'hich great corporations sometimes 
resort to defeat or promote legislative measures. These evils 
would be entirely removed by a general law authorizing a suitable 
number of persons, under restrictions which carefully protected pri- 
vate as well as public interests, to construct railroads between such 
points as they desire and could obtain the means to build. * * =i= 
Inasmuch as it must ever be the aim of the managers of a railroad 
corporation to make the net earnings sufficient to pay the interest 
on the bounded indebtedness and stock of the road, the law should 
guard against the serious evils which have resulted in some states 
from what is popularly known as 'watering stock' by absolutely 
prohibiting the issuing of any stock except for a consideration of 
money, labor or property equal to the par value of such stock; or 
any bonds or other evidence of indebtedness except for such con- 
sideration equal to perhaps So per cent of their value. * * * 
So much danger is incident to Ihe growing practice of railroad cor- 
porations in purchasing and holding real and personal property for 
other purposes than those necessary to carry on the business for 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. iii 

which they are incorporated, that it may be well to consitler 
whether all such transactions should not be clearly forbidden by 
law. * * * You will rejoice with me that Maine has entered 
upon a career of marked prosperity. We have been ready, perhaps 
too ready, to conceive that Maine is not a good agricultural state, 
yet with all its drawbacks of climate and soil, it is capable of demon- 
strating that the farmers in those sections of our state where manu- 
facturing and industrial operations have developed home markets, 
are as prosperous as those of states which have a more genial cli- 
mate, and a more fertile soil but are further removed from the con- 
sumer. * * * It is such a development of our natural re- 
sources as will create home markets, that those engaged in agricul- 
tural pursuits must look for a permanent promotion of their inter- 
ests. * * * In this great work as well as in every measure cal- 
culated to promote the material and moral interests of our beloved 
state I shall take pleasure in earnestly co-operating. Invoking the 
favor and guidance of that kind Providence who is over states and 
nations as well as individuals, may we severally consecrate our- 
selves to the work before us." 

This message was received with almost universal approval. It 
was deemed a non partisan docvmient commending itself to every 
good citizen. The following constituted Governor Dingley's ex- 
ecutive council : E. C. Spring. Jonathan Fogg, F. A. Chase, A. B. 
Shaw, A. R. Reed, E. Hanson, and L. L. Lowell. 

In accordance with the governor's recommendation, Hon. A. 
W. Paine of Bangor, formerly insurance commissioner, was ap- 
pointed to inquire into the tax system of Massachusetts and other 
states, with a view to devising resources other than direct taxation, 
to meet state expenditures. Governor Dingley wrote that "it is es- 
timated there are more than 20 out of the 30 or 40 millions of rail- 
road property in Maine not taxed a cent for any purpose." He was 
also in favor of taxing foreign insurance companies, believing that 
they should contribute to the revenue of the state. As a result of 
the agitation relative to the taxation of railroads and other corpor- 
ations, about the middle of February agents of railroad and insur- 
ance companies appeared to oppose all such legislation. They hired 
able lobbyists and employed every means to defeat the plan pro- 
posed and inaugurated by Governor Dingley. But success crowned 
his efforts, and a law was enacted providing for the taxation of rail- 
roads, based upon their capital stock, the par value of their shares 
and the length of their lines. Such railroads were to pay annually 
into the state treasury a tax of one and one-half per cent upon their 



112 LIFE AND TIxMES OF 

corporate franchises. This act was approved March 4, 1874, and 
together with amendments made in 1880 and 1881, is substantially 
the railroad law today relative to the taxation of railroads. A bill 
was also passed taxing foreign insurance companies ; and the princi- 
ple incorporated in the law is on the statute books today. Another 
law resulting from the Governor's efforts was one providing that 
railroads should make annual reports to the comity commissioners, 
giving their receipts, indebtedness, etc. Concerning this new rail- 
road legislation, the Governor said : 'Tn April the railroads are to 
be taxed one and one-half per cent on their market value as ascer- 
tained by multiplying their number of shares by the market price 
per share, and deducting therefrom the valuation of real estate of 
the road taxed by municipalities." The general railroad incorpora- 
tion bill and the railroad connection bill, were defeated by the 
lobby. 

The railroads of the state resisted the payment of this tax. The 
Maine Central and the Grand Trunk appealed to the courts. The 
courts however sustained the law and the principle inaugurated by 
Governor Dingley was upheld. These cases can be found in the 
Maine reports — State of Maine vs. Maine Central 66 Maine, 488, ^ 
and State of Maine vs. Maine Central Railroad, 74 Maine, 382. ^ 
General Henry B. Cleaves was attorney general of the state when 
the suit was commenced against the Grand Trunk for the state tax 
of 1880 and 1881. The suit went through the courts of the United 
States and was finally argued before the supreme court by Hon. 
Charles E. Littlefield, attorney general of the state, and decided in 
favor of the state in the winter of 1 891-2. It is thus interesting to 
note that this important principle of taxing railroads originally on 
values, later on gross earnings, inaugurated by Governor Dingley 
in the state of Maine, was finally settled in the United States su- 
preme court by Hon. Charles E. Littlefield, Governor Dingley's 
successor in congress. 

Governor Dingley found time outside of his of^cial duties to 
make an address at the dedication of the Hollowell classical insti- 

1_66 Maine 4SS— An action of debt to recover of the defendant corporation. 
a tax duly assessed upon its corporate franchise in accordance with chapter 258 
of the laws of 1S74. Consolidation does not give a railroad exemption from taxa- 
tion. Immunity of taxation is not one of the franchises of a corporation. 

')_74 Maine 382— The tax authorized by the act of ISSO is a tax upon railroad 
corporations on account of their franchises, and not upon their real or personal 
estate- that while it is true the amount of the tax is measured by the value of a 
portion of the corporate property as well as the corporate franchises, still, it is 
not a tax upon real or personal estate, within the meaning of the constitution, 
but a tax upon the powers and privileges of these corporations: and that the 
tax is one which it was constitutionally competent for the legislature to impose." 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 113 

tute on the 14th day of January, to deliver a temperance address at 
Gardiner on the 19th of that month, to preside over the state tem- 
perance convention at Augusta on the 28th, and to preside at a pub- 
lic temperance meeting in Lewiston early in April. In May he 
started for Washington with his wife, where he conferred with the 
Maine delegation. Hannibal Hamlin and Lot M. Morrill were the 
two senators from Maine, and the members in the lower house 
were — John H. Burleigh, William P. Frye, James G. Blaine, Sam- 
uel F. Hersey and Eugene Hale. May 13 they made a social call 
upon Mr. and Mrs. Blaine, and there met the congressional dele^ 
gation. The next evening they dined at Mr. Blaine's. It is re- 
lated by Mrs. Dingley that there were thirteen at the table, and 
when Mr. Blaine discovered it, he called in his young son to break 
the unlucky number. The young man took his seat among the 
guests, but was too young to appreciate the dignity of the occasion. 
He was reproved by his father and sent away from the table; and 
the unlucky number of thirteen again confronted the host, who was 
strangely superstitious. 

Governor Dingley returned home the latter part of May, and 
attended the graduating exercises of the normal school at Castine, 
presenting the diplomas to the graduates. On the 30th of May he 
delivered a memorial address in Lewiston, and early in June ad- 
dressed a large delegation of Odd Fellows besides presiding over a 
temperance convention. June 17, Bates college, located in Lewis- 
ton, conferred the degree of LL. D., upon Governor Dingley, and 
on this occasion he made a notable address at the dinner. On the 
1 8th of June he was renominated for governor at the state conven- 
tion held in the city of Augusta. Thomas B. Reed was one of the 
delegates to this convention, and was selected as chairman of the 
committee on resolutions. There were 516 delegates, and Gover- 
nor Dingley was renominated by acclamation. The platform de- 
clared in favor of the resumption of specie payments at the earliest 
practical day, commended Grant's veto of the currency bill, 
thanked congress for its action in repealing the salary measure and 
abolishing the moiety system and cutting down expenditures, de- 
clared in favor of developing the resources of the state and ap- 
proved the prohibition policy of the party and the state executive. 
Of the latter the platform said: "The Hon. Nelson Dingley Jr., 
for the ability and fidelity with which he is discharging his duty as 
governor of Maine, giving careful personal attention to the various 
institutions and departments of the state, seeking equitable admin- 



114 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

istration to the extent of his constitutional powers, is entitled to the 
confidence of his fellow-citizens and to their cordial and united sup- 
port in September for re-election." He was re-elected in Septem- 
ber, 1874, receiving 50,865 votes, Joseph Titcomb, the Democratic 
nominee, recei^■ing 41.898 votes. 

From the first of July to the day of election Governor Dingley 
traveled about the state visiting dilTerent localities, addressing tem- 
perance meetings, educational conventions, political gatherings 
and the state muster at Bangor, where, as commander-in-chief of 
the volunteer militia, he rode at the head of his troops followed by 
his staff in glittering gold and brass buttons. He was serenaded at 
Camp Dingley and was given a public reception by General Cham- 
berlain. September 3ath he was sent as one of the delegates to the 
national Congregational council at New Haven, Connecticut. Re- 
turning home in October he found time, outside of his duties as 
governor, to address a temperance meeting at Bangor, one atHoul- 
ton and another at Caribou. October 12th he went to Madawaska 
where he was welcomed by a large cavalcade, such as is known only 
in that region. December 28 he went to Augusta, and prepared for 
his second inauguration as governor. 

He was inaugurated governor for the second term on the 7th 
day of January, 1875. In his address to the legislature he called 
attention to the fact that the financial condition of the state was 
very favorable. The state debt Jan. i, 1875, was $5,561,076. Dur- 
ing the year the debt had been reduced $321,575. He suggested a 
reduction of the assessment on account of the debt from three to 
two mills and a renewal of a certain portion of the loans by the 
isue of bonds payable in the sum of $200,000 so that sinking funds 
could be done away with. The amount of money collected from 
railroads under the corporate franchise tax passed by the previous 
legislature in accordance with Governor Dingley's recommenda- 
tion, amounted to $105,069.33. The Atlantic and St. Lawrence and 
Maine Central railroads "claim that a clause in their charters ex- 
empts them from all taxation until the net income is 10 per cent on 
the cost of the road." The governor recommended an amendment 
to act 258 authorizing the supreme judicial court to issue an in- 
junction restraining these railroads from the prosecution of busi- 
ness until they paid the tax. The provision of the special charters 
the roads claimed to be in the nature of a contract exempting them 
from taxation. The governor said that "any provision in a charter 
which pretends to exempt a corporation from taxation, must be 
held to be void — first because it is not in the power of one legisla- 




MAINE STATE CAPITOL. 
RESIDENCE OP J. G. BLAINE, 
AUGUSTA, MAINE. 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 115 

ture to bind successive legislatures not to exercise in behalf of the 
people so essential a sovereign power as the right to impose a tax. 
and secondly because such a provision is in contravention of the 
constitution of Maine which declares that all taxes upon real es- 
tate, assessed by authority of this state,, shall be apportioned and 
assessed according to the just value thereof." 

He referred to the tax on foreign insurance companies which 
was bringing a good sum of money into the state treasury and 
equalizing the burdens of taxation. He said it was the duty of the 
legislature to make the burdens of taxation as equal as possible and 
added that "without such a radical reformation as will lead all men 
to be honest and truthful in rendering statements of their property, 
it is of course impossible to devise any system of taxation which 
will be absolutely equal ; as capital which is represented by stocks, 
bonds, loans and currency, cannot be reached by the assessor as 
readily as that invested in farms, houses, stores, mills, work-shops, 
ships and other valuable property. At the same time this liability 
to inequality should be corrected as far as possible. So far as capi- 
tal is invested directly or indirectly in banking, railroads, tele- 
graphs, express and insurance business, it may be and should be 
reached. The last legislature inaugurated steps in the right direc- 
tion with reference to a part of these interests. I earnestly hope 
that you will continue to press forward measures looking to such a 
system of taxation as will tend to equalize the public burden. The 
educational interests of the state are gradually improving. The 
free high school system inaugurated in 1873 has been very success- 
ful. During the year 161 towns have maintained 540 terms of free 
high schools, affording instruction to 14,000 pupils, at a cost of 
about $100,000." 

Of the enforcement of the prohibitory laws he said that "laws 
will accomplish but little alone. But sustained and applied by a 
public sentiment which brings vividly home to a large majority of 
citizens the magnitude of the evils of intemperance, it has proved in 
this state to be an important and indispensable adjunct to the pro- 
motion of temperance." 

He discussed the loose divorce laws, and recommended an 
amendment thereof. The supreme court, in answer to questions 
propounded by the governor and council, had given an opinion that 
women could not under the constitution act as justices of the 
peace, or hold any office mentioned in that instrument. The gov- 
ernor suggested the propriety of a commission to propose an 



Ii6 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

amendment to the constitution, saying: "I know of no sufficient 
reasons why a woman, otherwise quahfied, should be excluded." 

The governor then proposed a revision of the state constitu- 
tion. He said that 55 years had passed since the constitution was 
framed. It was a series of patch-work, and there was only one way 
to remedy it, and that was for two-thirds of both houses to vote for 
a revision, and then have the matter submitted to the people. He 
recommended that a commission be authorized by the legislature 
to make such revision. 

Referring to the recent business depression, he said that the 
worst had passed. The country was paying the penalty for indulg- 
ing in a decade of unparalleled extravagance and speculation, ag- 
gravated by an excessive and depreciated currency "to which the 
necessities of the case obliged us to resort." 

He concluded : "The financial panic of the last fifteen months, 
has exposed the delusive character of the prosperity measured by 
a false money standard and resting largely on credit, and convinced 
a whole lot of people that they were living too fast. * * * f he 
obvious remedy lies in an ultimate restoration of the currency 
to the basis recognized by the civilized world." 

In commenting on his second address to the legislature, he 
wrote : "The governor calls attention to the fact that nearly all the 
railroad companies assessed by direction of an act of the last legis- 
lature, refuse to pay their taxes, and recommends the enlargement 
of the remedy for the collection of the same by an injunction from 
the supreme court. This will bring fairly before the legislature the 
question as to whether or not a tax against railroad corporations 
shall be collected. The reasons for the taxation of railroads and 
the enforcement of the tax are presented briefly ; and we are sure 
that the people will sustain the position taken, both with reference 
to this class of corporations and insurance companies, and also with 
reference to the question of taxation in general. * * * -pjig 
gradual improvement in the enforcement of the law prohibiting 
dram shops is commented on, and the necessity of maintaining an 
active temperance sentiment pointed out, as a means of further pro- 
gress. While nearlv all the sheriffs have endeavored to do their 
duty, a few have failed. As sherilYs and county attorneys are 
elected by the people of the counties, and cannot be appointed or 
removed by the governor — as Governor Dingley thinks they ought 
to be, in order to secure the highest efficiency in the enforcement of 
the law — it is the duty of the temperance voters of the several 



& 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 117 

counties to see that the right men are elected to the positions. * * 
He also urges important modifications in our divorce laws, so as to 
restrain the increasing tendency to sunder the marriage bond. The 
statistics and remarks of the governor on this point cannot but 
arouse the public to the necessity of immediate action in this direc- 
tion. The governor also recommends the abolition of imprison- 
ment for debt where no fraudulent practices are alleged against the 
debtor; and we regard the position taken as sound and humane. 
* * * For some years there has been a growing conviction of 
the necessity of some important changes and additions to our state 
constitution ; but the legislature has had no time to give to the 
subject. Governor Dingley recommends that the object be reached 
through a commission of ten eminent citizens from both political 
parties, who shall meet at Augusta this winter and consider and 
prepare amendments for the legislature to act upon and submit to 
the people next September." 

A large amount of interest was taken in the election of members 
of the legislature, the preceding September, as the duty of electing 
a United States senator was to devolve on that body, and a good 
deal of activity was displayed by those who favored Hannibal Ham- 
lin for re-election and those who were opposed to him. The legis- 
lature was overwhelmingly Republican and Hannibal Hamlin was 
nominated, and re-elected United States senator on the 19th day of 
January. The governor's council this year were: J. M. Mason, 
Geo. Warren, F. C. Perkins, F. E. Richards, Henry Williamson, 
William Grindle, and Chas. Buffum. 

As the result of the recommendations of the governor relative 
to the collection of railroad taxes, the legislature passed an act to 
enforce their collection. This law is chapter 16 of the acts of 1875, 
authorizing the state treasurer to issue his warrant directed to the 
sheriff of any county, to compel railroads to pay their taxes. Chap- 
ter 44, (relating to foreign insurance companies), and chapter 46, 
(relating to the legal reserves of insurance companies) of the acts of 
1875. are the immediate results of Governor Dingley's recommen- 
dations. 

Perhaps the most important act of this legislature was the pas- 
sage of a resolution (recommended by the governor) authorizing 
him to appoint a constitutional commission to recommend certain 
revisions of the state constitution. The resolution was that "the 
governor be and hereby is authorized to appoint a commission, con- 
sisting of ten persons, to consider and frame such amendments of 
the constitution of this state as may seem necessary, to be reported 



ii8 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

by them to the legislature for such action as may seem advisable, 
and for final submission to the people at the annual election in 
September next. Said commission shall assemble as soon as may 
be, at the state capital and finally submit the result of their labors 
to the present legislature on or before the 15th day of February 
next." The resolution was approved by the governor Jan. 12th. 
He appointed as members of the constitutional commission : Ed- 
ward Kent, of Bangor; William P. Haines, of Biddeford; George 
F. Talbot, of Machias ; James C. Madigan, of Houlton ; Fred A. 
Pike, of Calais; Washington Gilbert, of Bath; A. P. Gould, of 
Thomaston ; William M. Rust, of Belfast ; William J. Kimball, of 
Paris ; Henry E. Robins, of Waterville. 

This commission, after due dehberation, submitted 17 amend- 
ments to the legislature. Nine were submitted to the people by a 
resolution adopted Feb. 24th, and all were adopted at the annual 
election Sept. 13, 1875. These amendments were as foUows : 

I — XIII — In relation to the election of senators by a plurality 
vote. 

2 — XIV — Special legislation and corporations. 

3 — XV — Power of governor to pardon. 

4 — XVI — Appointment of judges of municipal and police 
courts. 

5 — XVII — Taxation. 

6 — XVIII — Abolishing the land agency. 

7 — XIX — Constitutional conventions. 

8 — XX — Bribery at elections. 

9 — XXI — Codification of the amended constitution. 

The railroads of the state, especially those which resisted the 
payment of the tax. fought bitterly the recommendations of the 
governor and the proposed legislation to force the collection of un- 
paid taxes. Hon. Anson P. Morrill appeared before the judiciary 
committee for the Maine Central railroad and denounced the gov- 
ernor and his recommendation. Chas. Goddard, who was em- 
ployed by the Maine Central, tried to have the matter postponed 
until the court settled it. Mr. Morrill threatened to have the mat- 
ter carried into the courts ; but Governor Dingley held his ground, 
and the legislature stood by him. The fight between the state and 
the railroads, as has already been stated, was carried on. through 
the courts, for five years, before it was finally settled. 

Governor Dingley was urged to be a candidate for governor for 
a third term, but on the 12th day of April lie recorded in his diary 
that "he had decided not to be a candidate for governor." But the 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 119 

state convention which met in June of that year, did not adjourn 
without paying him a just tribute. One of the resolutions recited 
that "Hon. Nelson Dingley Jr., the able and upright executive of 
Maine, is entitled to the thanks of the people of the state for the 
intelligence, the integrity, the fidelity and the ability with which he 
has discharged the responsibilities and duties of his of^ce." 

Throughout his second term as governor, Mr. Dingley kept in 
close touch with the people of the state. On the 21st of January he 
presided over the state temperance convention held at Augusta. 
On the 1 8th of April he was in Boston attending the celebration of 
the commemoration of Robert Newton's signal to Paul Revere. 
Services were held at the old North church. On the 19th of April 
he was at Concord, Mass., ^ where he delivered an address at the 
centennial celebration of the Concord fight. Tables to accommo- 
date four thousand persons were placed in rows running across the 
tent from side to side. On the platform were tables to accommo- 
date two hundred. At the center table were the president of the 
day, E. Rockwood Hoar, R. W. Emerson, Hon. James G. Blaine, 
and Hon. Joseph R. Hawley. On the right were Gov. Ingersoll of 
Connecticut and staff. Gov. Dingley of Maine and staff. Gov. Peck 
of Vermont and staff; and on the left G. E. Boutwell, G. F. Hoar 
and President Eliot. On the 29th of April he went to Biddeford 
where he was received and escorted by the military of Saco and 
Biddeford and in the evening given a reception. In May he was at 
Belfast and Castine (where he attended the exercises of the normal 
school), and at Biddeford on the 30th day of the month where he 
delivered a Memorial day address. June 3rd he was at Kent's Hill 
where he addressed the graduating class. Thence he went to Au- 
gusta, Waterville, Bucksport, and Ellsworth, where he conferred 
with Congressman Hale, and where he was serenaded in the eve^ 
ning. June nth he was at Cherryfield and Machias, receiving a 
serenade at the latter place. The next day he made an address at 
the centennial celebration of that city and on the 13th went to East 
]\Iachias and Machiasport, thence to Portland by steamer. On the 
i6th of June he started for Boston to attend the centennial exer- 
cises commemorating the battle of Bunker Hill. At Portland he 
was joined by his staff, and escorted to Music hall by the Portland 
cadets and there given a reception. On the 24th of June he made 
an address at the Maine central institute, and later in the month at 
Farmington where he was serenaded. On the following day he 

1 — See Appendix. 



I20 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

presented the diplomas to the graduates of the normal school in 
that city. July 7th he visited President Chamberlain at Bowdoin 
college, where he heard Longfellow read his poem before the class 
of 1825. July 28th he attended commencement at Waterville col- 
lege, and on the 17th of August addressed a temperance camp- 
meeting at Old Orchard. The latter part of August he addressed 
a Republican mass meeting in Lewiston and early in the following 
month addressed a temperance meeting at Portland. Thus he led 
a busy and active life. 

The state election was held September 13th, and Selden Con- 
nor was elected governor by 4,500 majority. The result was a dis- 
appointment to the Maine Republicans. The Democrats had 
gained over 12,000 votes over the year before, and the Republicans 
were very much surprised. Gov. Dingley said : "If there are any 
Republicans who think that the presidential contest of next year is 
to be a holiday affair, they may as well open their eyes to the situa- 
tion." In this election the Republicans stayed at home. They 
seemed to be alarmingly apathetic. The Greenback party was just 
making its appearance in state affairs, and Gov. Dingley began the 
discussion of the currency question in earnest, preparing for the 
contest of 1876. He wrote that "nothing but gold redemption will 
make the greenback as good as gold." 

On the loth day of October there was a great temperance re- 
form meeting in Lewiston addressed by Governor Dingley. Later 
in the month he addressed the West Oxford Agricultural society, 
visited the Indians at Oldtown, the normal school at Farmington 
(where he delivered a temperance address), and on the 15th of No- 
vember went to Augusta to prepare for his departure from the ex- 
ecutive office. In Augusta he was the guest of General Connor. ^ 
Gov.-elect. January 3rd he went to the state capitol as governor for 
the last time, and on the following day he was busy closing up state 
affairs. On the 5th day of the month the state legislature was or- 
ganized, and Governor Dingley administered the oath of office to 
the members. While sitting in the governor's room that evening, 
his military staff and other friends visited him and through General 
Murray, presented him with a costly and beautiful statuette of "The 
Muse of History." He was taken greatly by surprise, and replied 
fittingly and feelingly to the brief presentation address. On the 

1 — Former Governor SeWen Connor writes the author of these volumes: "My 
clearest and pleasantest recollection of Mr. Dingley relates to the week he was 
our guest while attending the last meeting in his administration, of the governor 
and council. We all enjoyed his society exceedingly, and he gave me much valu- 
able information in regard to the duties I was about entering upon as his suc- 
cessor in office. Mr. Dingley was my friend and supporter." 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 121 

next day, Jan. 6th, 1876, Gov. Connor was inaugurated; and Gov. 
Dingley retired from the gubernatorial office ^ after serving two 
years successfully and ably. In the afternoon he was at the state 
house where he bade adieu to his council. He wrote in his diary: 
"We all felt sad at parting. This is the pleasantest part of official 
position — retiring from office." January 7th he returned to his 
home in Lewiston and recorded this brief but feeling comment : "I 
am glad to be at home again, free from official cares." Thus Gov- 
ernor Dingley retired from public office until, five years later, he 
was called to higher duties in the city of Washington. 

During these years of arduous public labor, Mr. Dingley's do- 
mestic life was unusually happy, and his family circle a source of 
joy to him. Five sons and one daughter had come to him. one de- 
parting this life in infancy. He was fond of his children and deeply 
devoted to his wife. While absorbed in the responsibilities of the 
office of governor and absent from his dear ones, he recorded in his 
diary: "God enable me to be entirely devoted to my dear wife. 
" 'Take the bright shell from its home on the lea 
And wherever it goes, it will sing of the sea ; 
So take the fond heart, from its home and its hearth, 
'Twill sing of the love to the ends of the earth.' '" 

1— Hon. S. J. Chadbourne writes of Governor Dingley as follows: "He was 
twice governor of the state, first in 1874, succeeding himself in 1875. His adminis- 
tration was an able one. marked for its economy in all branches of the public 
service wherever his influence was felt. His ability was recognized by the lead- 
ing men of both parties and there are those today. Republicans and Democrats, 
who fully believe he was one of the best, if not the best governor Maine ever had. 
He distinguished himself by his efforts to secure revenue for the state from 
sources heretofore not availafale and he urged a strong hard flght which resulted 
in 1874 in the passage of 'an act for the taxation of railroads." The railroads 
continued the flght and carried the matter to the courts, but it was finally de- 
cided in favor of the state, and has resulted in the production of a large annual 
revenue, which has tended to lessen the burden of the tax payers and endeared 
him to the hearts of the farmers of the state who still remember him as a bene- 
factor. It was a "hard fought contest and his efforts were most bitterly resisted 
by some of the railroads, but it made his administration celebrated because of 
his espousal of the cause of the common people. It was a great victory for Gov- 
ernor Dingley." 



CHAPTER IX. 
1 876- 1 878. 

In 1876, Seldon Connor, was renominated by the Republicans 
of Maine for governor on a distinctly sound-money platform. This 
was on the 21st of June. Mr. Dingley was present and made a 
notable speech at this convention. He urged the Republicans to 
take a firm stand on the money question, denounced the proposi- 
tion of the Greenbackers and advocated the resumption of specie 
payments. 

A notable event at this period in Mr. Dingley's career, was the 
famous Brooklyn council, summoned by the Congregational 
churches of the country to determine the guilt or innocence of 
Henry Ward Beecher. Mr. Dingley and Dr. Warren were selected 
as delegates from the Congregational church in Lewiston to attend 
this Plymouth church advisory council. There were 191 ministers 
and 171 laymen. The council assembled in the city of Brooklyn 
February 15, 1876. Rev. Dr. Bacon was chosen moderator, and 
Mr. Dingley was chosen assistant moderator. ^ On the 17th, Mr. 
Dingley presided over that notable assembly. The several ques- 
tions were first considered by very able committees and then re- 
ferred to a special committee of nine, consisting of President Por- 

1— Mr Dinglev received the foHowing letter from Mr. Beecher: Monday, 
February. 1S67. Oov. Dingley. My dear sir: Will you not request eight or ten 
gentlemen of the council to meet the church committee at Mr. Sherman s at 
nine tomorrow morning. We want to speak with you respectmg Moulton— the 
new evidence so called and a few other matters bearing upon a thorough and 
final work by council. You will know who are astute, thorough and impartially 
wise- and if you will select them and ask them to meet at nine a. m. (perhaps it 
will be just a"s well to make the request openly and say that you had taken the 
liberty of selecting the persons) it will. I think, be worth all the trouble. Please 
say to bearer if you deem it wise to comply. Cordially yours, Henry Ward 
Bi-echer. 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 123 

ter of Yale college. Rev. Dr. Bacon of New Haven, Rev. Dr. 
Strong of Boston, Rev. Dr. Salter of Iowa, President Sturtevant 
of Illinois college. President Fairchild of Oberlin, Judge Wood of 
Albany, Judge Wythe of Minnesota, and Former Governor Ding- 
ley of Maine. It is needless to say that the proceedings of the 
council attracted crowds of people. On the 20th of February Mr. 
Dingley heard Mr. Beecher preach and Moody and Sankey sing. 
Under the circumstances it was a most impressive religious exer- 
cise. The sub-committee made its report and expressed regret 
that the course provided in Matthew XVIII was not adopted at 
the beginning of the controversy. The church had already 
thoroughly investigated the scandal. 

On the 24th of February the council closed with a public meet- 
ing. Plymouth church was packed and President Porter, and Dr. 
Bacon made notable speeches. Mr. Beecher replied, stating in the 
course of his speech most dramatically: "Before God I am utterly 
incapable of committing the crime charged against me. My soul 
revolts at the thought." Then the vast congregation sang "Jesus 
Lover of My Soul," and dispersed. Thus closed the largest and 
most notable ecclesiastical council of the kind ever convened in this 
country. Throughout this trying affair, Mr. Dingley stoutly main- 
tained that Mr. Beecher was innocent ; and the latter expressed his 
deep appreciation of Mr. Dingley's loyalty and support, in subse- 
cjuent acts of kindness and manifestations of deep regard. His per- 
sonal letters to Mr. Dingley were marked by expressions of gen- 
uine affection. 

It was about this time that James G. Blaine was talked of for 
president. He had made a brilliant record as a member of the 
lower house of congress, and had promoted the interests of his 
party and his country, and had taken a popular and impregnable 
stand on the questions of amnesty and currency. Maine was 
anxious to honor her chosen son, and on the 20th of January Mr, 
Dingley, at the request of Mr. Blaine, was chosen by the state legis- 
ture, chairman of the Maine delegation to the national Republican 
convention. ^ 

The friends and supporters of Mr. Blaine in his own state — 
those who knew him best — were not disturbed by the cruel charges 
made against him on the floor of the national house. Mr. Blaine's 

1 — Mr. J. H. Manley writes the editor of these volumes: "I remember very- 
well why Mr. Dingley was selected as a delegate. It was at Mr. Blaine's sug- 
gestion. He said to me and others that he desired Mr. Dingley to be a delegate 
and represent him because he was his loyal friend, a man of great discretion and 
rare judgment of men, and one of the representative men of Maine, who knew 
many of the public men of the country. Mr. Dingley shared Mr. Blaine's confi- 
dence and he had unbounded faith in his judgment." 



124 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

own vigor and brilliant qualities, had made him enemies; and it was 
not surprising that at this critical juncture in his political career, 
some of them searched high and low for material with which to 
forge an instrument to stab him in the back and strike him down 
before liis state and the nation. His answer to these charges on 
the floor of the house April 24th, 1876, were deemed a complete 
exoneration, not only by his immediate friends, but by impartial 
observers and students of political history. The second district Re- 
publican convention to elect delegates to the national convention 
was held in the city of Auburn. Mr. Dingley was chairman of the 
committee on resolutions, and framed the resolutions that were 
adopted. They congratulated the Republicans and the country 
"on the signal manner in which the people have expressed their 
condemnation of the wicked attempt to overthrow the popular ver- 
dict at the polls;" declared for Blaine "as the candidate of the Re- 
publican party for president, beheving that he is a man pre-emi- 
nently fitted to lead the Republican party to victory in the coming 
national campaign, and to fill the presidential chair with ability and 
success." Concerning the temperance cause, the resolutions said : 
"In spite of jeers, in spite of opposition, in spite of declarations, 
that the temperance cause is retrograding instead of advancing, the 
good work will go on in Maine, and year by year will show new 
triumphs in the great battle against King Alcohol." 

At the second district congressional convention in Auburn, 
Congressman Frye was renominated ; and Mr. Dingley on this oc- 
casion said in the course of his speech: "I predict that the Repub- 
licans will nominate at Cincinnati Maine's true and tried statesman, 
James G. Blaine." At a meeting of the state Blaine club held at the 
Augusta house, Frederick Robie presided. Mr. Dingley was pres- 
ent and spoke in behalf of Mr. Blaine. Hon. John L. Stevens and 
Hon. C. A. Boutelle, were also present and made vigorous ad- 
dresses. There was great enthusiasm among the followers and ad- 
mirers of Maine's chieftain, and it was voted that the delegation 
from the state of Maine should establish its headquarters at the 
Burnett house and the Grand hotel and should leave Portland June 
9th in special cars. The delegation left for the scene of the conflict, 
at the appointed hour. The delegates were as follows : Nelson 
Dingley Jr., John L. Stevens, J. H. Drummond, Francis Cobb, J. 
M. Brown, J. M. Stone, William P. Frye, Enoch Foster Jr.. R. B. 
Shepherd, Edwin Flye, C. A. Boutelle," J. M. Mayo, S. L. Millikin 
and Eugene Hale. The Blaine and Maine headquarters were in two 
spacious parlors on the second floor of the Burnett house. At the 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 125 

Grand hotel were the friends of Conkling with one thousand trained 
workers and many brass bands. There was intense excitement. 
The headquarters of the different candidates were thronged with 
poHtical workers, and the air was blue with the smoke of the con- 
flict. The city was beautifully decorated, Blaine's pictures adorn- 
ing every window and every available space. 

June 1 2th, while Mr. Dingley and the other members of the 
Maine delegation were busy canvassing the situation, circulating 
among the different delegations, and urging upon them the claims 
of their favorite candidate, they were stunned by the report from 
Washington that Mr. Blaine had received a sun stroke. This 
startling information came like a flash of lightning from a clear sky; 
but a second dispatch announcing that it was not a sun stroke but 
only a slight ill-turn due to excessive excitement, quieted the fears 
of the friends of Air. Blaine, and they redoubled their efforts to se- 
cure his nomination. Mr. Dingley and Mr. Hale received frequent 
messages from Mr. Blaine in Washington, the Maine candidate 
having arranged for a special wire in his residence at the capital. 
There was a lobby doing eft'ective work for Senator Morton of Indi- 
ana, while a large delegation of New York Greeley Republicans 
circulated about the hotels and the different headquarters and made 
things lively. All day long, June 13th, the canvassing was pro- 
ceeding and excitement rising to fever heat. The convention met 
in Exposition hall, where Greeley was nominated in 1872. The 
committee on resolutions of which Mr. Dingley was the member 
from Maine, met early in the evening at the club room and dis- 
cussed matters in a desultory fashion until nearly midnight. No- 
body had prepared full resolutions. The only resolution ready 
for consideration was one prepared by Former Attorney-General 
Speed on civil service. This was promptly adopted. The money 
question, the tariff and every other public question was informally 
discussed ; but httle was accomplished. Finally about midnight, it 
dawned upon the members of the committee that a sub-committee 
must be appointed if anything was to be accomplished. This was 
done, and at half-past twelve in the morning tlie sub-committee, 
consisting of Gen. Hawley of Connecticut, Gen. Speed of Ky., Gov. 
Chamberlain, of S. C, Former Gov. Dingley of Maine, Chas. Emory 
Smith of N. Y., (postmaster general in President McKinley's cabi- 
net) and Judge Howe, of Wisconsin, retired in private. Mr. Ding- 
ley was particularly interested in the question of schools and 
framed the section that was adopted declaring that "the public 



126 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

school system of the several states is the bulwark of the American 
republic ; and with a view to its security and permanence, we recom- 
mend an amendment to the constitution of the United States, for- 
bidding the application of any public fund or property for the bene- 
fit of any schools or institutions under sectarian control." The 
money ^ and tariff planks were the products of the combined efforts 
of the members of the sub-committee, each submitting his views. 
At the last moment Mr. Smith, who was the youngest member and 
secretary of the sub-committee, suggested that there should be a 
brief but sharp indictment of the Democratic party. He read what 
had been inserted in the New York Republican state platform that 
year (he was then a resident of New York) which so pleased the 
committee that it was adopted at once as section sixteen of the 
platform. The sub-committee did not finish its labors until six 
o'clock in the morning and reported to the full committee shortly 
before nine in the morning. Through its chairman, Gen. Hawley, 
the full committee reported to the convention. 

The convention met at lo o'clock in the morning June i6th, and 
proceeded to ballot. It was a very hot day, and the delegates were 
at a very high temperature. The story of that convention is well 
known to students of political history. The name of Mr. Blaine had 
been presented by that matchless orator, Robert Ingersoll, who in a 
speech of remarkable power and unusual eloquence, carried the 
convention off its feet. It was in this speech that Mr. Ingersoll re* 
ferred to Mr. Blaine as the "Plumed Knight," which sobriquet at- 
tached to Mr. Blaine for the remainder of his life. This speech was 
the event of the convention. Mr. Blaine's nomination was regarded 
almost certain when the balloting began. The other prominent can- 
didates were OHver P. Morton, of Indiana, Roscoe Conkling. of 
New York, Benjamin F. Bristow. of Kentucky, and James F. 
Hartranft, of Pennsylvania. Bristow's power came from the ele- 
ment dissatisfied with Grant's administration. Bristow, after a per- 
sonal quarrel with Grant, had resigned from the cabinet. The sup- 
porters of Blaine came to him by reason of his popularity and his 
reputation as a congressional leader. 

For six ballots the delegates struggled between the several can- 
didates. The friends of Mr. Blaine rallied their forces and did 

1 — The financial plank of these resolutions was as follows: "In the first act 
of congress signed by President Grant, the national government assumed to re- 
move any doubt of its purpose to discharge all just obligations to the public 
creditors, and solemnly pledged its faith to make provisions at the earliest prac- 
tical period for the redemption of the U. S. notes in coin. Commercial prosper- 
ity, public morals and national credit demand that the promise be fulfilled by a 
steady progress to specie pajTnent." 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 127 

everything in their power to secure the desired result. The enemies 
of Mr. Blaine, headed by Roscoe Conkling and his followers, find- 
ing that Mr. Blaine was likely to be nominated, if they adhered to 
their original plan, on the seventh ballot changed front, concen- 
trated their forces on Rutherford B. Hayes and nominated him 
amid wild excitement. 

It is needless to say that Mr. Blaine's friends, not only in Maine, 
but all over the country, were disappointed over the result. But 
Mr. Blaine, with characteristic generosity, immediately telegraphed 
to Mr. Hayes, congratulating him upon his nomination. He also 
sent messages to Mr. Dingley, the chairman of the Maine delega- 
tion, and to the others who did such noble work in keeping the 
Blaine lines intact. It is needless to now discuss the causes of Mr. 
Blaine's defeat. Like all positive public men, he had bitter enemies 
as well as warm friends ; and the influence of Cincinnati and of a 
large percentage of those in attendance upon the convention as 
spectators, was against the candidate from Elaine. But Mr. Blaine 
apparently was the least disappointed of all ; and it is interesting to 
note that he predicted a fortnight before the convention, to Jere- 
miah S. Black, that in all probability "The Great Unknown," would 
be nominated. This prediction came true. 

Mr. Dingley returned to Maine by way of Washington, and 
when in the latter place called upon Mr. Blaine. This was June 18, 
1876. Mr. Blaine received the chairman of the Maine delegation 
with unusual warmth. His deepest regret was that he had caused 
his friends so much labor and so much anxiety. On the 20th of 
June Mr. Dingley was once more in his home circle. 

The state campaign opened August 21st. Mr. Blaine and Mr. 
Ingersoll spoke at a Republican rally in the city of Lewiston. Mr. 
Dingley entered this campaign with his usual zeal, speaking every 
night for ten days and advocating the election of Governor Connor 
and the triumph of the Republican sound money platform. Septem- 
ber 9th, the day before election, Mr. Blaine spoke in City hall, Lew- 
iston. It is unnecessary to state that the meeting w'as a grand suc- 
cess. The defeated candidate for president was received by his 
friends and admirers in Lewiston with unbounded enthusiasm. 
Governor Connor was re-elected by about, 1 5,000 majority ; and the 
event was celebrated in Lewiston by a torchlight procession. The 
entire Republican congressional ticket was elected — Thomas B. 
Reed, William P. Frye, Stephen D. Lindsey, Llewellyn Powers and 
Eugene Hale. Connor received 75,867 votes, Talbot, the Demo- 



128 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

cratic nominee for governor, 60,423 votes. Almon Gage, the 
Greenback candidate for governor received only 520 votes. 

The national campaign followed quickly on the heels of the state 
campaign ; and in this Mr. Dingley took part. Hayes was elected 
president November 7th, receiving 4,033.768 votes and Tilden 
4,285,099 votes. There were 81,737 Greenback votes and 9,522 
Prohibition votes. Tilden had a majority of the popular vote, but 
Hayes, after a memorable struggle in which the aid of an electoral 
commission was invoked, was declared elected by a majority of one 
in the electoral college. Mr. Dingley warmly defended the electoral 
commission as the only safe and constitutional way out of the ditifi- 
culty ; and it is to the everlasting credit of the American people and 
their form of government, as well as the Democratic party, that the 
decision was acquiesced in on all sides, and peace and quiet re- 
stored. 

In addition to his political and journalistic duties, Mr. Dingley 
found time to deliver several lectures, attend temperance conven- 
tions and farmers' gatherings during the fall and winter. Novem- 
ber 15th, Henry Ward Beecher lectured in Lewiston and was a 
guest at Mr. Dingley's home, where old friendships were renewed. 

On the 1 2th day of January, 1877, Mr. Dingley received an in- 
vitation to attend a reception at Mr. Blaine's home in Augusta, but 
sickness prevented him from accepting. Late in January he at- 
tended a state temperance convention, and on the 15th of March a 
banquet given to Congressman Frye at his home in Lewiston. 
From the first of April to the first of July he devoted his time to 
journalistic labors, temperance addresses and Sunday school con- 
ventions. 

The Republican state convention held August 9th, was a stormy 
gathering. There was a fight over the platform as well as the nomi- 
nee. Governor Connor, however, was renominated. Joseph H. 
Williams was the regular Democratic candidate for governor and 
Henry C. Munson the Greenback candidate. In that election the 
Greenback vote was about 4,000, and Selden Connor was elected 
governor by about 6,000 majority. The election over, Mr. Dingley 
on the 20th of September spoke at Skowhegan on "Farming as a 
Remedy for Hard Times." This lecture was really a campaign 
speech ; for it was intended as a complete answer to the complaint 
of the farmers of the state that the Republican policy had brought 
about the panic of 1873. It was the hard times accompanying and 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 129 

following this panic, and the struggle to place the country again 
upon a specie basis, that caused the financial stress of the times. 

October 17th Mr. Dingley attended the triennial Congrega- 
tional council in the city of Detroit; ^ and on the 25th delivered an 
address on "The Scholar and the State," ^ before the national Zeta 
Psi convention at Cleveland. From Cleveland he went to Chicago 
and thence to St. Paul and Minneapolis where he met many old 
friends from the state of Maine. Returning home early in Novem- 
ber, he made a temperance address at Portland November 6th, lec- 
tured in West Falmouth on "Duties of Citizens of the Republic," 
spoke at Pittsfield December 4th on the currency question, lectured 
December 6th at East Winthrop on the Mormons; and at Win- 
throp addressed the state reform temperance convention. In addi- 
tion to all this, on the i6th of December he successfully carried 
through an effort to raise the debt of the Pine street Congrega- 
tional church, of which he was a member. In one Sunday through 
his earnest efforts as a leader, $10,500 was raised among the mem- 
bers and attendants of the church. 

From early manhood Mr. Dingley had been a consistent advo- 
cate of the cause of temperance. The state of Maine through the 
efforts of men like Mr. Dingley, had taken an advanced position on 
this question, and had incorporated the principles of prohibition 
in the state law and finally in the constitution. The first important 
movement in behalf of prohibition was in 185 1, when leading mem- 
bers of the Sons of Temperance — Joshua Nye of Waterville, John 
S. Kimball of Bangor, H. K. Morrill of Gardiner, and Samuel L. 
Carleton of Portland — advocated a state movement. The organi- 
zation known as Good Templars was founded in i860. ^ It was the 

1 — Five names were proposed for moderator and two hundred votes cast, out 
of which President Chapin of Beloit college. Wis., received fifty: Ex-Gov. W. 
B. Washburn of Massachusetts, eighty-three; Nelson Dingley Jr., of Maine, 
twenty-flve; Col. C. G. Hammond of Chicago, forty-one; and Rev. J. F. Gaylord, 
one. Mr. Dingley and Col. Hammond withdrew on the second ballot which re- 
sulted in the election of Mr. Washburn. For first assistant moderator President 
Chapin was chosen without opposition and for second assistant Mr. Dingley's 
name was again proposed but he withdrew in favor of Col. Hammond before a 
ballot was taken. 

During the session of the council Mr. Dingley was placed upon the commit- 
tee on the American Missionary report. He was also chosen one of the five dele- 
gates to the general conference of the Methodist Episcopal church, he being the 
only lay delegate selected. 

2 — See Appendix. 

3— Grant Rogers, grand secretary of Maine Good Templars, writes the editor 
of these volumes: "Hon. Nelson Dingley Jr. was initiated into membership by 
United Lodge No. 13, Independent Order of Good Templars, of Lewiston, Feb. 11, 
1S67. At none of the anniversaries of United lodge are the names of the lamented 
brothers forgotten. It is ever the proud boast of this lodge that Nelson Dingley 
was a member until his death. At the 9th annual session of the grand lodge of 
Maine, held at Bangor, beginning April 9, 1867, Mr. Dingley was elevated to the 



I30 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

first order to acknowledge the right and duty of women to labor 
equally with the men in the temperance reform. This included in its 
ranks a large number of most faithful and efficient friends of the 
cause, men and women, who were never tired of doing good. Neal 
Dow, the famous apostle of prohibition says in his reminiscences: 
"I recall as having been connected with the order such men as 
Major H. A. Shorey, Rev. David Boyd, Rev. Smith Baker, Rev. H. 
C. Munson, George E. Brackett. At the head of the Good Tem- 
plars in Maine for a time was Nelson Dingley Jr., afterwards gov- 
ernor of the state, and now (1885) a member of congress from this 
state. Able, honest, indefatigable, and conscientious in everything 
he undertakes. Governor Dingley is sure to be useful and influ- 
ential in any movement that is fortunate enowgh to receive his ap- 
proval and assistance. Maine owes much to him for what he has 
done for her in various fields, but friends of temperance here and 
everywhere have reason to be especially thankful for his constant, 
unswerving, and consistent devotion to that cause." 

The Maine law enacted in 1851 was entitled an act "to suppress 
drinking houses and tippling shops." The political efTect of the 
Democratic opposition to the Maine law, is best shown by noting 
the fact that in 1852 the Democratic majority in the state was 
33,000, while in 1856 the Republican majority was 19,000. The 
Democrats sought to punish Governor Hubbard for approving the 
law; but the people took the matter in their owm hands, and re- 
buked the party that dared to oppose the suppression of the liquor 
traffic. 

At that time Rev. John L. Stevens was one of Neal Dow's co- 
laborers. He was then a Universalist clergyman, but later went 
into politics. He was a personal friend and political confidant of 
James G. Blaine, receiving several appointments at his hand, the 
last being minister to the Hawaiian Islands. 

highest office in the gift of the grand lodge, that of Grand Worthy Chief 
Templar, which office he held for two years. During the last years of the sixties, 
a*o in the seventies his name is often found on important committees with 
Joshua Nye, Major H. A. Shorey, and other temperance leaders of those days. 
He was several times sent as a representative to the right worthy grand lodge 
which is now known as the international supreme lodge. He was universally 
respected and admired by all of his temperance associates. No greater praise of 
him can be said than that he withstood the contaminating influence of politics 
and the investigations incident to the holding of high political office, and came 
through it all with a clean record and enjoying the same high confidence of the 
temperance leaders, which was his in private life. His name is the synomyn 
of lovaltv and unfaltering devotion to the principles taught by Good Templary. 
■RHien surrounded by the social customs of public life in congress, where weaker 
men would have compromised he remained true to the doctrine taught by Good 
Templary: 'Total abstinence for the individual and prohibition for the state and 
nation.' " 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 131 

A convention of bolting Democrats in 1853 nominated Anson 
P. Morrill for governor. Ten days later he made a speech de- 
nouncing the position of the Democratic party on the Maine law. 
This led to his nomination by the Maine Law party in 1854. Neal 
Dow said that "Anson P. Morrill was a man of ability and integ- 
rity, of courage, of political skill and experience." 

William Pitt Fessenden's first election to the United States 
senate was due to the disafifections in the Democratic party largely 
growing out of the temperance question ; and it is interesting to 
note that no Democrat has been sent to the United States senate 
from the state of Maine since 1847, when James W. Bradbury was 
elected for the term beginning in 1847 and closing in 1853. This 
was largely due to the temperance movement in politics. Lot M. 
Morrill was the regular Democratic candidate for United States 
senator, but was defeated by William Pitt Fessenden. There was 
great excitement at this legislative convention, the temperance 
forces carrying the day. Subsequently Messrs. Fessenden and 
Morrill were colleagues in the United States senate and both were 
afterwards secretaries of the treasury. In 1857, Lot M. Morrill 
was elected governor, and the Maine law, which had been super- 
seded a short time previous by high license, was re-enacted; and in 
1883 prohibition was placed, by a vote of the people, in the consti- 
tution of the state. 

Neal Dow and Mr. Dingiey were warm personal friends. The 
latter, however, believed that it was better for the temperance 
forces to remain within the ranks of the Republican party than to 
form a separate party which would inevitably draw its greater pro- 
portion of voters from the Republican party. Mr. Dingiey looked 
at the question from a practical point of view, desiring to accom- 
plish results. He was a temperance man not only in theory but in 
practice, and held a spotless reputation in his own home and dis- 
trict as well as in the state and country at large. Notwithstanding 
this, it is strange to relate, that the third party Prohibitionists al- 
most invariably nominated candidates against him. But Mr. Ding- 
ley recognized the true worth of Neal Dow ; and when that veteran 
warrior in the cause of temperance passed away at a ripe old age, 
he paid him this tribute : "And as the years pass, the nobility of hfs 
character, the fidelity of his life, and the unselfishness of his aims 
will be more and more recognized." 

As an editor and a public speaker, Mr. Dingiey advanced the 
cause of temperance. Beginning in his boyhood, he was a cham- 



132 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

pion of its principles. He was active in nearly all the organizations 
by which temperance was promoted and encouraged. Through the 
Lewiston Journal and by his public addresses he did most effective 
service in the cause. One of the most notable addresses he made 
was at a mass temperance convention at Sebago Lake, in August, 
1879. Among other things he said: "While on the one hand 
Maine is pointed to by the friends of temperance abroad as well as 
at home as an example of temperance progress, on the other hand 
it is earnestly contended that there has been no real advance, and 
that there is proportionately as much liquor sold and drank in the 
state as ever. This controversy is due to the fact that Maine ha? 
combated King Alcohol with a two-edged sword — moral suasion 
and legal agencies instead of the former alone. Had we been con- 
tent to use only moral agencies, the enemies of temperance would 
certainly have found no fault with our policy. The activity which 
they now show in representing that our prohibitory policy is a fail- 
ure is evidence that it has touched the liquor trade in a weak spot. 
Those who deny that there has been any improvement in the drink- 
ing habits of the people of Maine, endeavor to create the impres- 
sion that we have abandoned moral means and are relying entirely 
on legal agencies. These men wilfully overlook the fact that in no 
other state has there been so general a use of moral agencies in 
promoting temperance reform as in Maine. The most potent 
moral movements that have ever been known, had their origin here. 
The prohibitionists of this state have ever been foremost in moral 
work. They have simply used legal as a buttress of moral suasion. 
They have done this in order that the men saved by moral agencies 
might be aided in keeping their good resolutions by the removal 
of the dram shop temptation. They have felt, also, that in the 
realm of morals, as well as religion, the law is a school-master to lift 
men to a better life. We are told that the use of law in promoting 
sobriety and virtue is inconsistent with the use of persuasion ; that 
men cannot be made sober by law. It is amazing that candid men 
should present this objection, when they see no inconsistency in the 
use of the other laws to aid moral agencies. It is admitted that 
laws prohibiting gambling saloons and other vices are powerful 
aids to moral means in promoting virtue. They remove temptation 
which would seriously weaken the influence of good resolutions. 
So laws prohibiting dram shops, not only brand the drinking habit 
as wrong, but also lessen the temptation which otherwise would 
stare men in the face, and destroy much of moral work." In con-- 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 133 

elusion, Mr. Dingley urged the friends of temperance to stand on 
tlie rock of total abstinence as the only platform on which perma- 
nent temperance triumphs can be won. 

The influence which Mr. Dingley had on the social and tem- 
perance side of the community, cannot be over-estimated. Former 
Governor Perham undoubtedly voices the sentiment of the tem- 
perance people of Maine and of the whole country when he says : 
"As a constant observer, and to some extent, a co-worker with him. 
I feel justified in expressing the opinion that with the exception of 
Neal Dow, no other man in Maine has done so much to create and 
maintain the strong public sentiment in favor of total abstinence for 
which the state is distinguished." Verily his works live after him. 



CHAPTER X. 
I 878- I 879. 

The Greenback party made its first appearance in American pol- 
itics, with the nomination of William Allen for governor of Ohio, 
by the Democratic state convention of 1874, in opposition to Ruth- 
erford B. Hayes, upon a platform containing a soft-money clause. 
This party made its first appearance in Maine with the introduction 
into the Democratic state convention of 1875, by Solon Chase, of 
Turner, of a resolution containing this Ohio clause. The resolu- 
tion was rejected. Before the next campaign, Solon Chase estab" 
lished a Greenback paper, and a party was formed which nominated 
Almon Gage of Lewiston for governor, who received 520 votes. 
The Republican state convention which renominated Gov. Connor 
in 1877 adopted this financial plank: "A sound currency — based 
on coin and redeemable in coin — is essential to the prosperity of the 
people. Its attainment would impart confidence to capital, secure 
remunerative employment to labor, decrease the expense of living, 
remove stagnation from trade, and greatly promote the develop- 
ment of commerce in which Maine is so deeply interested. We 
therefore demand that in the resumption of specie payment, the 
promise of the national government be kept in an honest, straight- 
forward manner, and that no backward or sideway steps be taken." 
Senator Blaine was a member of the committee on resolutions. 

The Greenback vote this year was about 5,000; and the Repub- 
licans of the state were beginning to be somewhat alarmed over the 
growth of the new financial doctrine, plausible on its face, but ab- 
solutely false in principle. Solon Chase with his paper and "them 
steers," exercised a hypnotic influence over the voters who em- 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 135 

braced the new financial doctrine as a panacea for all ills. He cam- 
paigned over the state with this yoke of oxen and rallied to the sup- 
port of his ideas thousands of farmers who were suffering from the 
hard times which followed the panic of 1873 ^^^^ accompanied the 
return of the country to a sound specie basis. 

Solon Chase, the chief apostle of Greenbackism in Maine, was a 
rare and shrewd character. He had had experience in the state 
legislature and used the vernacular of the farmer and backwoods- 
man that captivated the tillers of the soil. Moreover he was a 
quick witted man, a glib talker, and a debater full of sophistry and 
plain homely illustrations drawn from the farmer's experiences, 
that were dangerous to the Republican party and the whole state. ^ 

The Republican national convention of 1876 demanded "con- 
tinued and steady progress to specie payment." The Democrats 
denounced the Republican plan of resumption and predicted that it 
would end in a new suspension which would be a "fresh calamity, 
prolific of confusion, distrust and distress." The election of Ruth- 
erford B. Hayes gave the country fresh confidence and courage, 
and the greenback rose to 94.7 cents in gold in May, 1877. But the 
Greenbackers thought the Republicans were in league with the 
money kings to rob the people ; and they denounced the payment 
of the greenbacks in coin. They said that fiat money was good 
enough for them, and advocated the issue of greenbacks until all 
should be rich, happy and prosperous. 

As editor of the Lewiston Journal, Mr. Dingley was one of the 
first men of prominence to sound the note of alarm and to combat 
the false financial theories of the Greenbackers. In the state and 
national campaigns of 1876, and in the state campaign of 1877, he 
fought with voice and pen the false and pernicious doctrine of 
greenbackism as taught by Solon Chase and "them steers." In the 
winter of 1877-78, the Republicans of Maine were alarmed over the 
situation. The farmers were flocking to the support of the new 
doctrine and it looked as if the Greenbackers would sweep the state 
in the next election. Some of the Republican leaders wanted to 
compromise and yield to the craze ; but Mr. Dingley urged a bold 
and steady opposition. He argued that greenbackism was a craze 
founded on false principles and would soon pass away. He main- 
tained that the Republicans could not afford to yield one iota ; that 
they should stick to their colors and fight it out "if it took all sum- 

l"~The New York Times attributed Solon Chase's success to his great energy, 
homespun pride and shocking bad hat, and to his discussions at the corner 
grocery. 



136 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

mer," and he might have added if it took all winter. The Lewiston 
Journal was in the thickest of the fight. It was a light unto the Re- 
publican hosts in their hour of trial; and Mr. Dingley was their 
guide — their rock to which they clung. With implicit faith they fol- 
lowed his leadership, trusting in his wisdom and wise generalship. 

Early in February of that year, a committee from the state 
Greenback organization sent a challenge to ;\Ir. Dingley to debate 
with Solon Chase, the financial issues of the hour and the doctrine 
of greenbackism. Mr. Dingley promptly accepted this challenge 
and agreed to meet Mr. Chase in a joint discussion at Auburn hall. 
That evening Auburn hall was packed; and Solon Chase the idol 
and apostle of the Greenbackers, exhausted all his logic and wit in 
support of his pet ideas. But Mr. Dingley in a calm and candid 
manner, with solid chunks of reason bolstered up by facts, dealt 
blow after blow against the fortress erected by Mr. Chase, and be- 
fore the discussion was over completely demolished it. ^ The sup- 
porters of both Mr. Dingley and Mr. Chase were out in large force, 
and loudly applauded every good point. This debate was reported 
stenographically by J. D. Pulsifer of Auburn, and published in full. 
This report of a discussion between the two giants of Maine repre- 
senting both sides of the controversy, did more to clear up the 
political atmosphere and hold in line wavering Republicans, partic- 
ularly farmers, than anything else that occurred that year; and Mr. 
Dingley displayed his wide and accurate knowledge of the sub- 
ject, thus placing himself among the foremost students of finance 
not only in the state, but in the whole country. Throughout that 
spring, Mr. Dingley made political and temperance addresses and 
delivered many of his popular lectures. On the 29th of July he at" 
tended a conference of the state Republican committee in Portland 
and on the next day, July 30th, attended, as a delegate, the state 
convention which renominated Governor Connor. In this conven- 
tion Mr. Dingley was a member of the committee on resolutions 
and framed the financial plank which read: "We demand honest 
money for the people. Our currency must be made as good as coin 
and redeemable in it. The government promised this. The Re- 

1 — Solon Chase writes: "I served two terms in the Maine legislature with Mr. 
Dingley and knew him and respected him during his active life. The secret of 
his success was the pains-taking hard work he put into whatever he was en- 
gaged in. He was not an expert in everything, but he was an expert in what he 
undertook. T^Tien I began to preach the gospel according to 'them steers,' Nel- 
son Dingley did not meet me with ridicule. He met me with logic in joint de- 
bate. He presented the strong points of his side of the question with force and 
simplicity, and after twenty years of discussion no points that he did not then 
make have oeen presented." 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 137 

publican party has legislated to perform it, and in the course of re- 
sumption, now nearly accomplished, there must be no steps side- 
wise or backwards. We congratulate our fellow-citizens on the 
unmistakable evidence that the near approach of a stable currency 
is preparing the way for an early permanent revival of business and 
industry, so long depressed by causes growing out of a gigantic 
civil war, among which a depreciated and fluctuating currency is 
the most prominent and greatly aggravated by the mischievous ag- 
itation of demagogues in and out of congress for measures which, 
if adopted as the policy of the government, would bring permanent 
disaster, and ruin to business, discredit and dishonor upon the na- 
tion, and tend to subvert many of those principles which are funda- 
mental to the existence of civilized society." Congressman Hale 
presented the report of the committee on resolutions, while Sen- 
ator Hamlin, General Stewart L. Woodford, Senator Blaine, and 
Congressman Frye, made addresses. 

The Greenback state convention was held in Auburn hall, June 
4th. Solon Chase, the temporary chairman, said : "I can see that 
the vote we are going to throw this fall will strike both parties like 
a streak of chain lightning." The platform declared in favor of "the 
principles of the national Greenback party; the abolition of all bank 
issues; the free and unlimited coinage of gold and silver; and the 
issuing by the government of full legal tender paper money, re- 
ceivable for all debts, public and private, in accordance with ex- 
isting contracts, and in amounts sufficient to meet the wants of 
trade." The platform further stated that the Greenback party "in- 
tends to restore the country to that purity which is in accordance 
with the civilization of the 19th century." Joseph L. Smith was 
nominated for governor. 

The Democratic state convention was held in Portland June 
l8th. It nominated Alonzo Garcelon of Lewiston for governor, 
and adopted a platform which declared "in favor of the payment of 
the bonded debt of the United States as rapidly as practicable; op- 
position to an irredeemable currency, but in favor of the same cur- 
rency for the government and people, the laborer and office-holder, 
the pensioner and soldier, the producer and bond-holder." 

The state campaign opened early in August. It was a fierce 
fight from beginning to end. Mr. Dingley took an active part in 
the fight, speaking nearly every night and writing vigorous edi- 
torials. In this campaign James A. Garfield spoke in Lewiston 
September 2nd. In discussing the evils of irredeemable currency, 



^o 



S LIFE AND TIMES OF 



Mr. Dingley observed that "in the face of the fact that the fluctua- 
tions of prices which have caused the wide-spread commercial dis- 
asters are largely due to a depreciated dollar measure, it is surpris- 
ing that any intelligent man can listen for a moment to the pro- 
posal to administer a remedy, increasing permanent doses of the 
very irredeemable, fluctuating paper money which has caused our 
troubles. It would be just as sensible for a physician to recommend 
his delirium tremens patient to drink harder and deeper as a rem- 
edy for his difficulties, as for a statesman to recommend more irre- 
deemable paper money to a country sufifering from the evils of a 
fluctuating currency." 

In answer to the query of a Greenback correspondent, he wrote: 
"The Greenbackers build their whole structure on the idea that the 
greenback is not a promise of the government to pay the value ex- 
pressed on it in coin (as the sound money men claim) ; but that it is 
absolute money itself, just as good and valuable as gold, made so 
by the government stamp, without any promise or purpose of re- 
demption. Whether the sound money men or soft money men are 
right in this fundamental principle our correspondent admits he 
don't pretend to know; yet in the face of this confession, he vir- 
tually proceeds to accept the doctrine of an irredeemable currency 
and found all his complaints on it. This is why the Greenback 
fallacy deludes so many men who are intelligent on other subjects ; 
they don't stop to consider that this fundamental question of re- 
deemable or irredeemable currency must be first correctly decided 
before anyone can intelligently decide all other questions of finan- 
cial policy. * * * The real question which all persons who are 
inclined to accept Greenback ideas, should first solve to their satis- 
faction is this : 'Can our paper currency be brought and kept at par 
without having it redeemable in coin ?' No intelligent man can con- 
sistently accept any of the Greenback complaints and remedies, tm- 
til he is prepared to answer in the affirmative and give good rea- 
sons for his conclusions." 

In discussing currency and business Mr. Dingley wrote: "It is 
a familiar theory of some of the Greenback papers and speakers, 
that rising prices are needed to revive business, and that in order 
to secure this paper money must be issued. This theory rests on 
the fallacy that the volume of paper money outstanding when the 
value of each dollar remains unchanged, whether productively 
used or not, determines prices — a theory which is utterly dissipated 
by the fact that we have today twice as much paper money per in- 
habitant as we ever had before the war; while prices, excepting in 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 139 

a few directions, where machinery and over-production have 
gUitted the market, are about the same as before the war; and that 
prices are 50 per cent or more lower than from 1868 to 1872, when 
our paper money was no larger than it has been the past two years. 
The principle of political economy is that the volume of money 
actually used, and not the volume outstanding, where each dollar is 
kept at par, affects prices simply by effecting the demand. In other 
words, it is demand and supply that regulates exchangeable values. 

"A fluctuation in the value of the dollar measure, however, with- 
out any change of the volume of paper money, does directly af- 
fect prices, just as any fluctuation in the length of the yard stick 
would affect the number of yards in a piece of cloth. This is why 
the paper dollar worth only 70 cents necessarily gave higher 
prices in 1868, than it does now, when it is worth nearly 100 cents 
without any change in the volume of paper money. But it should 
be borne in mind that as shortening or lengthening a yard stick 
would not increase or decrease the amount of cloth, so increasing 
or decreasing the value of the greenback dollar does not actually 
change the real or exchangeable value of any man's property. He 
may call himself worth more or fewer dollars ; but his steers and 
home and farm are unchanged, and will sell for the same amount 
of other products. In other words, a general rise of prices caused 
by a depreciation of the greenback dollar, helps no one except 
speculators, who purchase on the rise and take care to sell out be- 
fore the inevitable fall. 

"There is no way to increase prices or lessen the burdens of 
debt by issuing more greenbacks, unless the greenback dollar is 
to be depreciated. * * * 

"What the country wants is a stable currency based on coin, and 
the stable prices which they give under the operation of supply and 
demand. Changing prices arising from a fluctuating currency, as 
Webster so well said, are good for fortunate speculators, but ruin- 
ous to the people, as our own experience has shown. Now we have 
nearly reached this sound currency basis, and passed through the 
perils of a fluctuating dollar measure, it would be suicide to go 
back to a depreciated currency and be obliged again to go through 
greater suffering than ever." 

Again he wrote : "The Greenbackers seem to think that be- 
cause the greenback dollar is a legal tender, it must be ac- 
cepted by a creditor as a discharge for a dollar's indebtedness 
where there is no misunderstanding to the contrary, therefore it is 



I40 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

as good as a gold dollar even when it is at a discount as compared 
with gold. To be sure it will discharge a dollar's old indebtedness 
even though it may be worth only 75 cents in gold, but it don't pre- 
vent a gold dollar at the same time being voluntarily accepted in 
discharge of $1.25 of indebtedness, though the law may continue to 
say that each shall be accepted for a dollar. * * * When the 
government made its greenback promise a legal tender, it simply 
said that the creditor should receive the government as a sub- 
stitute for the private debtor's promise. The debt is not finally paid 
until the government redeems its promise. It is for this reason that 
the government cannot finally pay one of its own promises with 
anything but coin; for an exchange of one kind of government 
promise for another kind, is not payment. * =1= * When we 
come to the purchasing power of the greenback dollar — the chief 
use to which money is put — then it is received only at its value in 
coin, without regard to its legal tender qualities. Government 
never did, and can't compel anybody to sell his products at the same 
price for depreciated paper as for coin. If the depreciated green- 
back dollar is called a dollar, then prices quoted in greenbacks ad- 
vance to make up the depreciation. When greenbacks were worth 
50 cents in gold, one could buy twice as much for a gold dol- 
lar as for a greenback dollar and pay twice as large a debt. The 
greenback and the gold dollar are equal in value, that is purchasing 
power, only when the former is convertible into the latter; and this 
cannot come until the government is ready, or about ready, to re- 
deem in coin the promise written on the face of the greenback." 

In answer to the query "is not the laboring man better off in a 
country with an irredeemable currency, than in one on a specie 
basis?" Mr. Dingley replied: "No. The reverse is true, and every 
political economist of note, and every great statesman so says. 
The trouble is that the workingman is deceived as to what his real 
wages are when he is paid in a depreciated currency; and ulti- 
mately after a brief period of unhealthy stimulation, industry itself 
is ship-wrecked. The true measure of wages is the amount of ne- 
cessities of life they will purchase." 

In answer to the question, "what will be gained by resumption 
of specie payment?" Mr. Dingley wrote: "First, we shall then, 
and not until then, have a stable currency, every dollar of which will 
be worth just the same as a gold dollar, and practically unchange' 
able from month to month. This will prevent the further fluctua- 
tions of the greenback dollar, in which prices have been measured, 
and debts contracted, take away the most prolific cause of our busi- 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 141 

ness disasters, give us stable prices, inspire confidence in the fu- 
ture, unlock idle capital, gradually revive business, and start up the 
wheels of industry. Second, the volume of currency will at all times 
rise and fall with business wants, and take away from demagogues 
all opportunity to disturb confidence by proposals to remedy the 
evils of this life by printing more government notes. Gold is 
acknowledged by every commercial nation to be the most unvary- 
ing and reliable standard of value, and all accepted political econ- 
omists agree that paper money of a sufficient volume for business 
purposes, cannot be maintained at par with it in any other way than 
by redemption in coin." 

In discussing the bond question, and the proposition raised by 
the Greenbackers that "bloated bondholders" were being paid in 
coin, while the soldiers in the field were obliged to receive de- 
preciated currency, he said that "in time of peace the government 
pays its expenses month by month, with the receipts of taxation. 
In the struggle for the existence of the nation in the dark days of 
the war, the government found the current receipts insufficient to 
maintain its armies in the field, and hence it was obliged to buy 
and borrow on promises to pay in the future. It issued its promises 
in two forms — one in greenbacks, payable at no definite time, but 
understood to be after the war, without interest, having the legal 
tender or debt paying power (which means simply that a private 
debt may be discharged by a government promise to pay the 
amount) ; and the other the bond, payable at a definite time with in- 
terest. Those who furnished supplies or gave their services, were 
at liberty to take either kind of government promises. But neither 
greenback nor bond promises of the government to pay dollars will 
be finally discharged, until they are paid in coin. The fact that both 
bonds and greenbacks were sold or paid out for less than par in 
coin, because of the fear that the nation would not be able to pay 
them, cannot change the obligation of the government to pay ac- 
cording to the understanding, even if the same men now hold both, 
that originally received them at a discount. But the men and wo- 
men who now hold these securities, — rarely capitalists and men of 
large means — have bought them since in the market, generally at 
higher rate than they now command." 

Again he wrote: "A Greenback exchange says 'the country is 
suffering for want of money, and that government is the only power 
that can produce it. Let us have more greenbacks and our troubles 
will cease.' 



142 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

"Our trouble has largely come from getting off the stable 
money basis of the commercial world during the war, and attempt- 
ing to do business with a fluctuating currency which has disturbed 
prices by first inflating and then correspondingly depreciating 
them, and unsettled the foundation of business. When we are 
fairly back to a stable currency and all efforts to disturb it over, 
then, and not till then, — shall we have a return of confidence and a 
consequent revival of business." 

He observed that "it is surprising that anyone who has had an 
opportunity to study the science of wealth and the financial history 
of nations, or to observe our recent historj^ should adopt the 
absurd idea that whatever congress declares to be a dollar is a dol- 
lar, with the same value as a gold dollar. * * * Value is meas- 
ured by purchasing power." | '■ "'i 

The state election was held September 9th, in the midst of great 
excitement. Governor Connor, the Republican candidate, received 
56,554 votes; Alonzo Garcelon, the Democratic candidate, re- 
ceived 28,208 votes; and Joseph L. Smith, the Greenback candi- 
date, received 41,371 votes. There was no choice for governor by 
the people. Thus closed one of the most remarkable campaigns in 
the history of the state. For more than a year the Greenback ora- 
tors and papers had been constantly representing to the people that 
hard times were caused by the financial policy of the government 
since 1862 and not by the war and a depreciated currency. Taking 
advantage of the peculiar state of feeling engendered by financial 
depression, they had succeeded through a succession of school 
house meetings, papers, tracts, etc., in convincing thousands of 
people that resumption of specie payments was the cause of all our 
trouble, and that happiness, prosperity and industry would be at 
once revived by dismissing all thought of resumption and issuing 
a large amount of irredeemable greenbacks, which would in some 
unexplained manner find their way into every poor man's pocket. 
At no other time could such ideas have found lodgment in the 
minds of the people of Maine. The friends of sound money made 
the mistake of supposing that it was impossible that such Green- 
back views could make progress, and therefore neglected to present 
the other side except through a portion of the press, until the cam- 
paign opened the first of August. Aside from those leaders caught 
by this remarkable financial platform, the Greenbackers gathered 
into their net every element of discontent. 

The Republicans hesitated not a moment to take a square and 
manly ground on the currency question. They refused to cater in 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 143 

any manner to what they knew was wrong, in order to obtain any 
present advantage. Notwithstanding hard times had created a 
strong temporary sentiment in favor of Greenback ideas, yet they 
risked all in an earnest, manly effort to disabuse the public mind 
and present sound financial principles. Notwithstanding they had 
only a short time on the stump to combat the specious inculcations 
of more than a year, yet the Republicans succeeded in so success- 
fully resisting the greenback tide that it carried over not more than 
10.000 Republicans, against nearly three times that number of 
Democrats. The Democratic party was slowly being swallowed 
up in the vortex of Greenbackism. 

A revision of the count showed that in the legislative vote the 
Democrats had slid into the Greenback ranks. The senate con- 
sisted of 20 Republicans and 11 Greenbackers. The house consisted 
of 65 Repubhcans, 61 Greenbackers, 15 sound money Democrats, 
and 10 fiat money Democrats. The balance of power was there- 
fore in the hands of the 15 sound money Democrats. In this 
election Congressmen Hale and Powers were defeated by two 
Greenbackers, George W. Ladd and Thomas Murch. Three Re- 
publican congressmen were elected — Thos. B. Reed, William P. 
Frye, and Stephen D. Lindsey. 

Between the state and the November elections the soft money 
men kept up a continual warfare and made converts throughout the 
state. Mr. Dingley, however, met them with solid arguments. On 
one occasion he observed that "honest men who want to act in- 
telligently and wisely should ask themselves if it is safe to assume 
that the ablest and wisest men of the past five centuries have been 
all wrong in this matter of a paper currency ; and that the men who 
are leading the greenback movement — Voorhees, Butler, Ewing, 
Smith, Chase, Fogg, Perry, etc., — have within five years discovered 
principles of finance which overturn Adam Smith, John Stewart 
Mill, Edmund Burke, George Washington, and all the other great 
men of history." Again he said: "The historic fact stands uncon- 
tradicted that there never has been an instance where irredeemable 
paper, issued in sufficient quantity to transact business has not de- 
preciated." 

Benjamin Butler was a candidate for governor of Massa- 
chusetts this year, and Mr. Dingley wrote : "For a man with such 
a record, possessing two millions of property, receiving often 
$10,000 for a single law suit, to set himself up as the poor man's 
friend is the most astounding instance of brass that has ever been 
known." 



144 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

The silver question was also occupying the attention of the 
country and the people of the state of Maine. The Greenback con- 
vention of this year had indorsed the proposition to admit silver to 
free and unlimited coinage at the ratio of i6 to i. The act of 1873 
had been upon the statute book five years, and the agitation in 
favor of "more money" had set in motion the desire on the part of 
the financial reformers of the country to coin more silver dollars. 
The result was the passage of the so-called Bland-Allison act of 
1878. In discussing the silver question, Mr. Dingley wrote in June, 
1878: "Notwithstanding the claim that the people were ready to 
take any quantity of silver dollars at par, and that their coinage 
would at once revive business ; yet so far the performance fails to 
come up with the promise. About six million silver dollars has 
been coined, but as the government sells them instead of giving 
them away, nobody wants the dollars of the daddies. Secretary 
Sherman first offered them at par for gold, but nobody would take 
them. He then offered them at par in greenbacks, and only 
enough were taken to use in paying duties, while none went into 
general circulation. He then changed this programme and tried 
to get the 'dollar of the daddies' into circulation through the banks, 
in exchange for greenbacks, but the banks nearly all replied that 
they don't care for the silver dollars, because their customers 
object to taking them, preferring bank notes. On the whole the 
dollar of the daddies has benefited nobody, although when the 
amount coined is largely increased it may cause some mischief." 

Again in September of that year he wrote : "The silver dollar 
troubles the treasury department. Thirteen millions have been 
coined and constant attempts have been made to get them into cir- 
culation ; but four out of five of them have immediately found their 
way back to the treasury through the custom houses, where they 
are received instead of gold. In spite of the cry that money is 
scarce, nobody wants either these millions of dollars, or the 
hundred millions of greenbacks awaiting purchasers in the 
United States treasury and other places. Thus far only two mil- 
lions silver dollars have remained in circulation, and the other ten 
millions are back in the treasury. The difticulty is that everybody 
knows that they are really worth but 90 cents, and a dollar which is 
actually worth ten cents less than a gold dollar, and passes for 100 
cents only because there are only a few issued, and the government 
will give that for it, at the custom houses, necessarily hobbles 
through the paths of business — especially as everybody sees that as 
soon as enouph of these silver dollars are out to make this kind of 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 145 

redemption insufficient to maintain them at a higher figure than 
their real value, they must go down to their actual worth. Pay- 
ment of them to bondholders would amount to nothing, as they 
would be returned to the custom houses in 24 hours. Besides, such 
payment would stop the sale of four per cent bonds. The only 
chance that the government has to make the silver dollars stay out, 
is to get them into remote country districts where a longer time 
will be occupied in getting them back to the treasury. 

"P. S. We forgot to say that government does not give away 
these dollars, but sells them for a greenback or bank dollar!! It 
may be well to add that if government should print more green- 
backs it would simply sell them for 100 cents in coin — just as it is 
now ready to sell a hundred million of those already printed ! !" 

Again he wrote: "Notwithstanding large quantities of silver 
have been purchased by our government and coined into 'dollars of 
the daddies' yet the market price continues to depreciate. At the 
present nominal New York rates, the silver in a newly coined dollar 
is worth about 82 3-4 cents. The mint is continuing, and, under 
the statutes as they are, must continue to turn out from two to four 
millions of these coins per month. It would be folly to ignore the 
fact that under these circumstances the depreciation and distur- 
bance of our currency by the wholly unmanageable element of sil- 
ver in it, is only a question of time. If congress when it meets, 
passes a law to stop the further coining of these dollars, it will 
prevent serious injury to our national currency." He added : "The 
fluctuation in the value of silver renders it unfitted to be regarded 
as a standard of value. The suggestion often made that the sil- 
ver dollar should be made heavy enough to make it worth a gold 
dollar contains a dangerous fallacy. As long as the value of silver 
is fluctuating as it has fluctuated during the last three years, no 
such device would succeed. If for instance, even a year ago, we 
had begun coining the silver dollar with weight enough to 
make it equal to gold, it would now be five or six per cent below 
gold, and we would have to begin over again. There are only two 
ways out of our difficulty ; one is to restrict silver as legal tender to 
small amounts ; the other is to estrict the coinage of it to the 
amount which experience shows to be called for small change. 
Nothing is surer than if we go on coining silver at the present rate 
until enough is afloat for general use, we shall in a year or two lose 
our gold, as v.'e lost it in 1862, and have silver as our only standard, 
unless silver rises to 59 or 60 pence per ounce, in the meantime. 
The thing to be done now, and when congress meets, is to talk of 



146 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

this fact in the language and frame of mind of business men, with- 
out passion or poetry, and deal with It on business principles." 

In discussing the functions of money, Mr. Dingley observed: 
"It is fallacy to suppose money to be the creator or master of busi- 
ness. The truth is exactly the other way. Business is the master 
of money. Money is but a servant. It flows into circulation at the 
demand of business, and retires into idleness when business has no 
further profitable use for it. Contrive to stimulate business into 
activity, inspire confidence in business men, so that they shall 
dare risk their capital in business, and thus create employment for 
more money, and more money will very soon go out in response to 
the demand." Thus Mr. Dingley early espoused and defended the 
cause of sound money. 

The state constitution provided that in the election of gover- 
nor "if no person shall have a majority of votes, the house of rep- 
resentatives shall by ballot, from the persons having the four high- 
est number of votes on the list, if so many there may be, elect two 
persons and make return of their names to the senate, of which the 
senate shall, by ballot, elect one, which shall be elected governor." 
The legislature met early in January, 1879. The constitutional 
candidates selected by the house were Selden Connor, Joseph L. 
Smith, Alonzo Garcelon, and Frederick Robie. On motion of Mr. 
Wallace of Belfast, a committee was appointed to receive and count 
the votes for two candidates for governor to be sent to the senate. 
The result was declared to be as follows : Smith and Garcelon had 
85 votes each, Connor and Robie 64 each. Therefore the names of 
Smith and Garcelon were sent to the senate. The senate then pro- 
ceeded to vote upon these two names. The result was Alonzo Gar' 
celon 21, and Joseph L. Smith 10. Thereupon Alonzo Garcelon 
was declared to be the constitutional governor for the state of 
Ma'ine for the ensuing year. The Republicans in the senate pre- 
ferred to vote for Garcelon rather than Smith, because the former 
was elected on a platform opposed to an irredeemable paper cur- 
rency. 

The health of Mr. Dingley at this time was very poor. His 
labors on the stump, on the lecture platform and in the editorial 
chair had drawn upon his vitality to an alarming degree. Late in 
the spring of 1878, just before the campaign fairly opened, he was 
taken ill in his ofiice, and carried home in a state of physical col- 
lapse. His family and friends were very much alarmed and began 
to urge upon him the necessity of taking a much-needed rest. 
Therefore early in October of that year, after the state election was 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 147 

over, Mr. Dingley with his wife and Dr. Cheney, president of Bates 
college, sailed for Enrope, intending to be absent several months. 
They left New York on the 5th day of the month, and landed at 
Glasgow October 15th. Mr. Dingley's fame as a temperance ad- 
vocate had gone before him, and while stopping at the hotel in 
Glasgow he was given a reception and dinner. At this dinner he 
made a speech on the Maine law. From Glasgow he visited other 
parts of Scotland, was entertained by Sir Wilfred Lawson, and on 
the 22nd of the month attended the United Kingdom alliance coun- 
cil at Manchester, England, where he spoke in response to the 
toast "Canada." At Free Trade hall he spoke in the evening to an 
audience of 8,000 people. From Manchester he journeyed back to 
Glasgow, then to Edinburg. Here he visited many historic places 
including Melrose Abbey, Holyrood Palace, Parliament buildings, 
and the High Court. On the 31st he was at London, and on the 
6th of November crossed the channel and entered France. In 
Paris ^ he made a study of French laws and customs, especially its 
financial system. From France he journeyed through Italy, 
Switzerland, Holland, Belgium, Germany, Austria, Greece, and 
Turkey, and spent more or less time in Geneva, Berlin, Vienna, 
Rome, Florence, Athens, Constantinople, and other places 
of interest. He spent his last week in Ireland, whence he sailed 
the middle of May, landing in New York on the 8th of June. 
Throughout this trip Mr. Dingley wrote interesting and enter- 
taining letters to the Journal, giving in detail his experiences. The 
letters were quoted freely by the papers of Maine. 

June loth he reached home. He was met at the railroad station 
by a large number of his fellow-citizens, and a committee appointed 
at a meeting held the Saturday before. The spokesman of this 
committee informed Mr. Dingley that it was the wish of the citi- 
zens, irrespective of party, to tender him a public reception at City 
hall. Mr. Dingley expressed his grateful surprise at this token of 
regard and indicated his readiness to meet all of the people at the 
appointed time and place. At seven o'clock that evening, June 
lOth, with the Auburn Light Infantry as escort, Mr. Dingley went 

1 — Mr. Dingley when at Paris presented his credentials to Mr. R. R. Hitt, of 
Illinois, secretary of the American legation. Mr. Hitt had gained some reputa- 
tion as the man who reported stenographicaliy the famous Lincoln-Douglas de- 
bates in Illinois, and was subsequently a member of congress from that state, 
and assistant secretary of state under President Garfield. Mr. Hitt describes 
Mr. Dingley when he saw him in Paris, as a slight, black-haired, ascetic look- 
ing man, exceedingly scholarly and courteous. Mr. Hitt and Mr. Dingley did not 
meet again until 18S1 when they were both members of the lower house of con- 
gress. During the American-Spanish war, as chairmen of the ways and means 
committee and foreign affairs committee in the national house, they became in- 
timate associates and warm personal friends. 



148 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

to City hall. An audience of 2,500 assembled to welcome him. Af- 
ter music and an address of welcome, Mr. Dingley replied in a 
speech of three-quarters of an hour giving the conclusions he had 
reached during his tour concerning the comparative industrial, 
social and moral advantages of the various states of Europe and 
the United States, an"d saying in substance that the United States 
has the best institutions and the best material prosperity of any 
nation on earth. The address was frequently interrupted by ap- 
plause. It is needless to say that he returned from this extended 
trip in improved health, ready again to take up his journalistic. 
political and moral work. His success in the past had been great; 
his promise of future success was greater. 



CHAPTER XL 
1 879- 1 880. 

The Greenback state convention was held in the city of Port" 
land June 3rd, 1879. It was one of the most remarkable, revolu- 
tionary and tumultuous political assemblages ever held in Maine. 
Prominent Greenbackers were present from all over the state, 
among them Solon Chase, who seemed to be the favorite for gov- 
ernor. He had a large following among the delegates, and there 
was a plan formulated to nominate him with a rush. This plan, 
however, the leaders regarded as revolutionary and not to be tol- 
erated ; accordingly the managers of the affair promised Mr. Chase 
that if he would keep out of the contest for the governorship, he 
would be sent to the United States senate. His great faith in the 
coming power of his party inclined him to really believe that this 
promise could be fulfilled, and he was disposed to step aside. His 
friends and followers, however, did not take kindly to the pro- 
posed shelving of their candidate. The Democrats felt inclined to 
unite with their Greenback brethren, but after the members of the 
committee got together they found that the Greenbackers did not 
wish to unite. 

When the convention assembled, Mr. Chase stepped forward to 
make a motion, and the cry of enthusiasm fairly shook the hall. 
He was evidently the most popular man in the convention. The 
platform adopted, reaffirming the principles of the Greenback party 
of 1878, congratulated the people of Maine upon the reforms in- 
augurated by the national party and carried forward by the last 
state legislature of Maine. The platform further endorsed the un- 
limited coinage of gold and silver to be supplemented by full legal 



I50 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

tender paper money sufficient to transact the business of the coun- 
try. In the midst of the wildest confusion and charges of fraud, the 
balloting proceeded. Everybody was mad. For the first time in 
history, it is said, Solon Chase violated one of the commandments. 
Finally late in the afternoon Joseph L. Smith was nominated for 
governor, receiving 851 out of 910 votes, Solon Chase having only 
57. Mr. Dingley observed that "the state Greenback convention 
was a phenomenon well worthy the study of students not only of 
political but of mental science. No one who has followed the his- 
tory of greenbackism in Maine and noted the heterogenious ele- 
ments of which the party is composed, were surprised to learn that 
for nearl)' two hours the convention was a mob — utterly vmman- 
ageable, utterly unreasonable, in method utterly communistic, and 
in manner utterly crazy." 

The Republican state convention met in the city of Bangor 
June 26. It was one of the largest Republican state conventions 
ever held in Maine. The hotels were crowded and among the 
prominent men present were, Senators Blaine and Hamlin, Con- 
gressmen Reed and Lindsey and Former Congressmen Hale and 
Powers. The Androscoggin delegation met on the evening of the 
25th and favored the presentation of the name of Former Governor 
Dingley, notwithstanding he had steadily declined to allow himself 
to be considered a candidate. As he was not present, measures 
were taken to induce him to allow the use of his name, but he posi- 
tively declined. The resolutions reported and adopted contained 
the following: "The Republicans of Maine pledge their hearty 
support to the national administration in its efforts to uphold the 
financial credit of the government and to insist upon free elections 
and the right of the United States to enforce its own laws. They 
believe in honest money for the people, and oppose an irredeem- 
able paper currency as the worst curse that can be inflicted upon a 
nation. We rejoice that the government's promises to pay are now 
kept, and that the paper currency of the country is redeemable on 
demand in coin, so that now the dollar of the laborer is as good as 
the dollar of the capitalist. We condemn all schemes to tamper 
with the currency of the people and thereby again unsettle public 
confidence now happily fast being restored." At the con- 
clusion of a spirited address by Senator Blaine, Daniel F. Davis, on 
the third ballot, was nominated for governor. Mr. Dingley said 
that "the Republican state convention was one of the largest, most 
enthusiastic and harmonious political conventions ever held in 
Maine." 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 151 

The Democratic state convention met in Bangor July ist. The 
resolutions adopted recited among other things "that we are in 
favor of a currency of gold, silver and paper, the paper to be kept 
at par with coin at all times, and are in favor of the free, unlimited 
coinage of silver." Governor Alonzo Garcelon was re-nominated, 
but there was a manifest absence of enthusiasm. 

The campaign of 1879 was thus launched. Mr. Dingley, with 
renewed vigor and restored health, entered the contest and labored 
with voice and pen for the support of the Republican ticket and the 
principles of sound money. July 24th Secretary John Sherman 
made an address in Lewiston. Mr. Dingley met him at Portland 
and escorted him to Lewiston where the distinguished statesman 
of Ohio was given a rousing reception. From the 5th day of 
August to the 6th day of September, Mr. Dingley spoke every day. 
On the night of September 5th, in company with Senator Hamlin, 
he addressed a large gathering at Winthrop. The same night 
James A. Garfield spoke in City hall, Lewiston. On the night of 
September 6th the Republicans of Lewiston had a torchlight 
parade. Enthusiasm was at a high pitch, all of which augured a 
Republican victory on the following Monday. Concerning the 
issues of the campaign Mr. Dingley observed : "Last year thous- 
ands of well-meaning men went into the greenback movement be- 
cause they were made to believe that hard times were caused by the 
preparations for resumption. They accepted the prediction of the 
Greenback orators that redemption could not be successfully ac- 
complished, and that to attempt to bring it about, would destroy 
business, overturn industries, turn men out of employment and 
bring ruin upon the country. They heard the declaration of Re- 
publican speakers and sound money men that resumption could be 
easily brought about and was necessary to a permanent revival 
of business — but naturally found it easier in the stress of times to 
believe prophets of evil than prophets of good. A year has passed 
since the contradictory theories and predictions were made. The 
time set for resumption has passed, resumption has been easily 
brought about, the effects of it have begun to be felt, and every 
man can judge for himself, whether the Greenback prophets of in- 
creased woe and suffering or the Republican prophets of improved 
times are to be credited. We ask honest, well-meaning men who 
accepted the Greenback theory last year, to look about themselves 
and see if they were not deceived. The experience of the last year 
clearly shows that the soft money movement had no substantial 
foundation, and is based on an entire misapprehension of financial 



152 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

principles — in fact ought to lead honest, fair-minded persons who 
voted the Greenback ticket to revise their views, and give their 

vote for sound money." 

In discussing the free coinage of silver he wrote : "The propo- 
sition to allow the owner of silver bullion to take it to the mints 
and have it coined free into Bland dollars, is one of the most in- 
defensible discriminations in favor of the owners of one kind of 
property ever suggested. The government can now buy to any 
extent the bullion in a silver dollar for eighty-seven and a half 
cents. So long as the amount is limited to the amount that the 
people want to buy these silver coins can be sold for one hundred 
cents. Why then, should not the people of the country, whom the 
government represents have the profit of twelve and a half cents on 
every dollar, instead of a few owners of silver bullion? Will any- 
body give us any reason why Jones' or Germany's silver should be 
thus increased in value by the government? We believe in coining 
just so many silver dollars for government profit as can be main- 
tained at par with gold ; but we are utterly opposed to giving 
owners of silver mines any of the profits of coining; that belongs to 
all the people, and not to a rich few. At the same time every man 
who has studied this subject, well knows, that so long as four 
hundred and twelve and a half grains of standard silver are worth 
less than a dollar in gold, the only way by which the government 
can preserve the equivalency of value, is by carefully limiting the 
amount outstanding to the actual public demand. The fact that 
more than half of the silver already coined, have returned to the 
United States treasury, and stick there, shows that we have already 
more coined than the people are willing to buy. When silver bul- 
lion shall advance so as to be actually the equivalent to gold, it will 
be time enough to talk about more silver coinage. In the present 
state of the market, it will be suicide to adopt the free and un- 
limited coinage of silver. 

Notwithstanding the fact that the Greenbackers and the Demo- 
crats held separate state conventions, there were evidences com- 
ing to the surface that a movement toward a coalition had been 
started. "With two or three exceptions." wrote Mr. Dingley, "the 
Democratic and Greenback press of Maine appro\e the bargain 
made by the leaders of the two parties for a practical consolida- 
tion of their forces. This coalition is proposed in order to secure 
the spoils of office. If it be true that the principles of the two 
parties are the same, then not simply the fusion of the organiza- 
tions on one ticket, but also the union of members of both in one 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 153 

party would be right and commendable. But the simple fact that 
this is not squarely attempted, but coalitions are arranged privately 
on county and legislative tickets, while a show is kept up of sup- 
porting separate candidates for governor, is an admission by the 
leaders that their coalition is not to be defended on principle, but 
simply a bargain to secure the offices. The Greenback platform 
called upon the voters of the state to express disapproval of the 
Republican financial policy, but significantly omits to state whether 
it is proposed to substitute an irredeemable for a redeemable cur- 
rency. The design evidently was to leave the matter so indefinite 
that the platform could be construed either way to suit customers 
and promote a fusion with the Democrats. The Democratic plat- 
form calls on the people of the state to oppose Republicanism, by 
which is meant Republican ideas respecting reconstruction ; and 
dodges the financial question by declaring that the party favors 
gold, silver and paper money, without definitely stating whether or 
not it is to be paper redeemable in coin. It does go the whole 
length, however, in favor of the most indefensible financial pro- 
gram yet suggested, that is, the free coinage of silver. In such 
a state of things fusion becomes a mere truck-and-dicker afifair for 
offices without any semblance of principles. Honest Greenback^ 
ers as well as sound money Democrats cannot but see that they are 
being made the tools of leaders who are promoting fusion simply 
for personal ends." 

In answer to a question raised by a correspondent who desired 
a little light upon the question of the free coinage of silver, Mr. 
Dingley wrote : "The advantage to the owner of silver bullion 
is this : He can carry to the mint property that is worth only 87 1-2 
cents and have the government perform an operation on it without 
charge, which, if it makes it the equivalent of a gold dollar, in- 
creases its purchasing power or exchangeable value 12 1-2 cents. 
This is obviously doing for the few owners of silver bullion, what 
the government will not do for the owners of any other kind of 
property ; and is therefore an unjust discrimination. 'The wrong to 
the people' evidently lies in giving the profits of coinage of silver to 
a few owners of silver bullion instead of to the whole people repre- 
sented by the government, ^\'hen government does anything 
which increases the value of bullion, the whole people and not a few- 
silver bullionists should reap the advantage. There has never been 
a proposition before the American people so unjust and one sided 
as that of the Democrats and Greenbackers of Alaine to have the 
government coin 87 1-2 cents worth of silver bullion into Bland 



154 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

silver dollars without charge. Our correspondent is misled by his 
adoption of the greenback theory that whatever the law declares 
to be a dollar, whether 412 1-2 grains of silver, or a piece of paper 
with a greenback, is thereby made the equivalent of a dollar in coin 
without redemption. If this theory be true, we ask our corres- 
pondent why silver that costs 87 1-2 cents should be used up in 
making a dollar, when paper and lamp-black that cost scarcely two 
mills will make just as good a dollar ? And if this fiat money theory 
be true, why should the government give silver mine owners the 
12 1-2 per cent profit of silver coinage, when it may secure not 
only the same profit, but also (by using paper) nearly 100 per cent 
profit for the whole people? A little reflection ought to show hon- 
est Greenbackers that they are seriously mistaken in their theory 
of money. Calling a piece of paper a dollar by law does not make 
it a dollar equivalent to gold, unless somebody will give gold for it ; 
and certainly nobody will unless the government that issued it 
stands ready to do it. When our Greenback friends dismiss this 
'fiat moonshine,' and look at money as one kind of wealth, which 
can be obtained as other forms of wealth are, viz : by purchase or 
theft — then all the delusion and complaint which hang on the 
theory that government can make money without it costing any- 
thing, will at once be dispelled." 

In this memorable campaign Solon Chase used with great effect 
his appeal relative to the depreciation of the value of "them steers." 
In reply to this homely, but effective argument, Mr. Dingley said 
that "the steer argument looks very plausible to men who float on 
the surface of the currency question, but has no foundation the 
moment we understand its whole bearing. The complaint is made 
that the prices of steers and all other property have declined, so 
that we find today that we are not worth so many dollars as we sup- 
pose. Of course the appreciation of the greenback dollar from 30 
and 70 cents has changed the price of everything, but it has not 
taken awa)' any of our property. Our steers and other product, as 
a whole, will purchase more of everything farmers want than they 
would before the war, and full as much as they would at any period 
in the flush times. Estimated in greenback dollars, steers have 
depreciated, because greenback dollars have been brought up to 
par. as everybody said they ought to be ; but estimated in the arti- 
cles which a farmer wants, steers will buy more than before the 
war, and as much even as in flush times. Wool will buy much more 
of the necessities of life than ever before, and potatoes twice as 
much as before the war. The farmer very clearly has a deep in- 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 155 

terest in a redeemable currency, worth as much as gold ; and the 
men who are trying to get him to vote to overthrow resumption 
and go back to an irredeemable and therefore depreciated and 
fluctuating currency, are his worst enemies." 

The fight between the soft and the hard money men of Maine 
was thus fierce and bitter; but Mr. Dingley, by his courtesy, fair 
treatment and serious consideration of the arguments presented by 
the soft money men, wielded tremendous influence among the 
voters of the state. Among the notable Republican speakers in 
the campaign were, the candidate for governor, Daniel L. Davis, 
Congressmen Frye and Reed, Senator Blaine and Former Con- 
gressman Hale, Zachariah Chandler of Michigan, John D. Long 
of Massachusetts and William McKinley Jr., of Ohio. The columns 
of the Journal throughout this campaign were filled with lucid and 
sound arguments against the free coinage of silver and the issue of 
irredeemable money. The facts in the history of all nations were 
clearly brought forth and the fallacy of the soft money men ex- 
posed to the light of day. The arguments presented were un- 
answerable. They were all prepared and written by Mr. Dingley 
who clearly showed himself not only a master of the subject but 
the best posted man on financial matters in the state of Maine, with 
the possible exception of Mr. Blaine. In this campaign the Jour- 
nal was a tremendous power, and its articles tearing the mask from 
the fallacies of the fusion forces, were a powerful factor in stem' 
ming the tide of fiat money and saving the state from even a worse 
disaster than that which befell it in 1880. 

Although the Democrats and Greenbackers in this campaign 
nominated separate candidates for governor, nevertheless they 
practically united in nominating and supporting fusion candidates 
for nearly all the subordinate offices in the state, and in the various 
counties and towns. The election was held September 8th. Daniel 
F. Davis received 68,967 votes, Joseph L. Smith 47,643 votes and 
Alonzo Garcelon 21,851 votes. On the face of the returns the Re- 
publicans carried both houses of the state legislature. Of the re- 
sult Mr. Dingley wrote: "We congratulate the Republicans of 
Maine on their grand victory. It has been a hard fought contest. 
We have had opposed to us not one organization with clearly de- 
fined principles, but two with antagonistic principles. Circum- 
stances have favored their fusion for the time, but it will be im- 
possible for them to repeat it under so favorable circumstances 
Next year there can be no dodging of the national issue, and al' 
voters will be called upon to choose between the Republican anC 



^56 I-IFE AND TIMES OF 

Democratic candidates for president. Then it will be impossible 
for Greenbackers to fuse, and the square question on national 
issues will inevitably compel Greenbackers to choose between Re- 
publican and Democratic rule." Among those elected to the state 
house of representatives, were the following prominent Republi- 
cans : Former Congressman Hale. Former State Treasurer Hatch, 
Former Senators Mason and Brooks, Former Mayor Butler and A. 
A. Strout Esq. 

Maine greenbackism was three years old. It started at Chase's 
Mills, in the campaign of 1876. In 1877 the Greenback vote was 
about 5,000; in 1878 it was 47,000; this year, 1879. it was 47-643- 
Of the future of the party Mr. Dingley observed, a week after the 
state election: "Undoubtedly the Greenback party in Maine will 
maintain its organization until next year. But it is evident it has 
received a mortal stab here, and in order to play any part in the 
national campaign next year, it will be obliged to practically con- 
cede that the first idea which called it into being, has been dispelled 
by the stern logic of events. This however, is a confession that the 
mission of Greenbackism is ended ; for when resumption and a re- 
deemable currency is acceptable as an irrevocable fact, — as it must 
be — the financial question is settled." 

The state machinery was in the hands of the Democrats ; '■ and 
about the middle of November there were rumors afloat of an at- 
tempt on the part of the fusion leaders, to have the Republican ma- 
jority in the senate and house counted out by the governor and 
council. The Republican leaders became alarmed. Eben F. Pils- 
bury and other prominent Democrats had openly made the boast 
that the fusionists would, after all. have the legislature, and that 
Mr. Davis would not be governor. It was supposed however that 
these were mere idle threats; but about the 20th of November 
enough was known to warn the Republicans to keep a close watch 
on the proceedings at the capital between that date and the meet- 
ing of the state kgislature. The reports of the intentions of the 
council were so unsatisfactory to the leading Republicans, that Sen- 
ator Blaine, chairman of the Republican state committee, requested 
the members of the committee and other Republicans to meet him 
at his home in Augusta. Accordingly on November 17th, a large 
number of Republicans assembled at Augusta. Among them were 
Senator Hamlin. Congressmen Reed and Lindsey. Former Gover- 
nors A. P. and L. M. Morrill. Washburn. Perham. Coburn and 

1— Alonzo Garcelon was governor, and the following were members of the 
council: John B. Foster, Halsey H. Monroe. Charles H. Chase, Simon S. Brown, 
Frederick G. Parker, Edward C. Moody, and Frank M. Fogg. 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 157 

Dingley, and several state senators and representatives-elect. After 
consultation a committee was appointed to ascertain of the gover- 
nor and council whether the returns had been opened ; when sen- 
ators and representatives elect could have an opportunity to in- 
spect them ; for how long a time corrections would be received 
under the statute ; and such other information as would shed light 
on the situation. Mr. Dingley was chairman of this committee ap- 
pointed to wait on Governor Garcelon. On reaching the state 
house the chairman of the committee waited on the governor who 
expressed some indignation because of the stories afloat respecting 
the counting of the returns, and also because of the gathering of 
Republicans at Augusta, and stated that the council would not be 
in session for some time. 

Ascertaining that the governor would furnish to the committee 
whatever he possessed, Mr. Dingley, Congressman Lindsey and 
Former Attorney General Emery were deputed to confer with 
Governor Garcelon for that purpose. The result was that the gov- 
ernor informed the committee that the returns were on the 30th of 
October placed in the hands of a sub-committee of the council con- 
sisting of Messrs. Moody, Chase, Fogg. Foster and Brown, to be 
opened and tabulated ; that they would be open to public inspec- 
tion when the committee met and reported ; that twenty days there- 
after would be allowed for corrections under the statute and for any 
hearings that might be desired; and that everything should be done 
fairly and openly, and according to law. It was decided to have 
gentlemen interested inspect the returns for each county, to see 
what corrections were needed. Accordingly Mr. Dingley, on be- 
half of the Republican candidates of Androscoggin county, ap- 
plied to the secretary of state for permission to examine the returns 
for that county, and the secretary replied that the returns were not 
in his hands, but in the custody of the committee of the council. 
He then applied to the council in session, and was told by the chair- 
man that they would not then hear him, but if he would file a re- 
quest in writing they would take it up in regular order. Hon. 
Thomas B. Reed remained in the city as advisory counsel, and the 
Republicans assembled at the capital chose the following commit- 
tee to act as an advisory board during the crisis. Lewis 
Barker, of Bangor; Nelson Dingley Jr.. of Lewiston ; Selden Con- 
nor, of Augusta ; Frederick A. Pike, of Calais ; L. A. Emery, of Ells- 
worth ; and A. A. Strout, of Portland. 

November 30th the situation at Augusta suddenly and unex- 
pectedly changed, and there was grave reason to fear the worst. 



158 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

In answer to urgent summons from Mr. Blaine and others, Mr. 
Dingley again went to Augusta. Governor Garcelon and council 
refused to allow the inspection and correction of legislative returns, 
but charged mistakes and fraud which they claimed justified the 
counting out of several Republican members of both houses. Pro- 
tests from Republican senators and representatives were sent to 
the governor and council. There was intense interest in the can- 
vassing proceedings, and the situation became strained. Nobody 
outside of a few fusion leaders knew what the governor and council 
proposed to do. It was finally decided to apply to Judge Virgin, 
holding court at Fryburg, — the only court in session — for a man- 
damus to the secretary of state to allow candidates and their coun- 
sel a reasonable inspection of returns. The senate chamber, in 
which the hearing was held, was crowded, and after the petition was 
read. Secretary of State Gove made answer that since October 
30th, when he transferred the returns to the governor and council, 
he had not been the legal custodian of the returns. 

At this juncture the position taken by the governor and council 
strengthened the suspicion of Republicans that the fusion returns 
had been secretly and surreptitiously "set in order" at critical 
points, while Republican returns were not to be corrected. From 
evidence obtained in Washington county, a letter was addressed to 
the governor and council making the serious charge distinctly, that 
the returns had been tampered with. The governor and council 
paid no attention to this letter. Petitions numerously signed, and 
bearing the names of Democrats and Greenbackers, poured in, 
asking the governor and council to investigate. One came from 
Lewiston and Auburn signed by Mr. Dingley and a number of citi- 
zens, including Greenbackers. Mr. Dingley said that "the action 
of the majority of the council in denying access to the returns by 
parties directly interested, after those returns had been declared 
open and the 20 days allowed by statute for correction had begun 
to run — is a flagrant violation of the plain intent of the law, and the 
established practice of the state authorities of half a century. 
* * * It cannot be that the people of Maine of any political 
party, will look otherwise than with astonishment and indignation 
on the course of the council in this matter." 

In conversation with Mr. Dingley, Governor Garcelon indig- 
nantly denied that the returns had been tampered with ; but ad^ 
mitted that he did not see them until some time after they had all 
been opened by the secretary of state or committee of the council. 



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JOSHUA L. CHAMBERL,AIN. DANIEL F. DAVIS. 
ALONZO GRACELON. 
SELDEN CONNOR. H. M. PDAISTED 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 159 

It seemed strange, therefore, in the face of the serious charges 
made, that Governor Garcelon did not order an investigation. 

It was quite evident that the leading fusionists were using Gov- 
ernor Garcelon. They persuaded him that he was being insulted 
and abused by the Republicans who asked to see the returns. He 
was styled a "second Jackson ;" and in deliberately setting aside the 
law of 1877 which allowed 20 days for a correction of the returns, 
he was made to believe that he was walking in the footsteps of the 
"hero of New Orleans." There was intense feeling all over the 
state, delegations arriving almost daily at the capital. The Repub- 
licans looked upon the program as a deliberate attempt to change 
the result of the vote of the people, and denounced it as an outrage 
never before paralleled in a civilized and orderly state. Mr. Ding- 
ley said that "the men who are trying to change the verdict of the 
people by taking advantage of technical informalities, will find that 
their game of scanning the Republican side and winking at their 
own, will not work. * * * it would be a great injustice to our 
people, an irreparable wrong to our stafe, and a serious damage to 
free institutions, for the governor and council in canvassing votes, 
to overrun the decision of the people at the polls and make the re- 
sult of our election depend on the whims of the canvassers. Let 
us hope that the final step which is threatened by so many fusion 
leaders, will not be taken ; and that our state will be spared the dis- 
grace of such a wrong." 

To show the desperate character and the reckless nature of the 
conspirators, the Greenback Chronicle of December 5th. said: 
"Perhaps Messrs. Baker & Baker are not aware that if the judges 
of the supreme court have issued a mandamus against the governor 
and council, that body would have taken no more notice of it than a 
mandamus issued by seven jackasses in Australia. The supreme 
court is a very august body, but it has no more power over the gov- 
ernor than the ghost of Solomon." 

In this mandamus case, to compel the secretary of state to show 
the returns. Judge Virgin rendered a decision that the law and the 
constitution gave the right of inspection, but the court could not 
issue a mandamus to the executive department, when the secretary 
of state said they had the returns for the purpose of canvassing. As 
the governor and council had opened the returns for inspection on 
the day of the hearing the object of the application to the court was 
accomplished. 

The great outrage was consummated finally on the 17th of De- 
cember. The governor and council counted out a Republican ma- 



i6o LIFE AND TIMES OF 

jority of 7 in the senate and 29 in the house ; and substituted a 
senate containing 1 1 Repubhcans and 20 Fusionists, giving a fusion 
majority of 9; and a house having 78 Fusionists, 61 Repubhcans 
and 12 vacancies, giving a fusion majority of 17. Cities which 
elected 12 Repubhcans were deprived of any representation, and 16 
towns or districts which elected Repubhcan representatives, had 
the men whom they chose unseated, and 15 fusionists substituted. 
In other words 28 Repubhcan representatives and 8 senators were 
counted out, and not a single fusionist failed to get his certificate. 
The extent of the outrage astonished everybody. Law and justice 
had been set aside at every step. "Fatal technicalities" had been 
found only in the case of Republicans manifestly elected. Mr. 
Dingley commented thus : "It has been the proud boast of Maine 
and of every northern state, heretofore, that the beaten party has 
gracefully accepted the result and united to carry out the people's 
w'ill. No longer than last year, when the Republicans held the state 
government, had a majority of senators-elect, and lacked only 12 
members of a majority in the house, there was not a Republican in 
the state so lost to all sense of justice as to entertain for a moment 
the thought of retaining power by taking advantage of defects in 
returns. Now, for the first time, the fusion governor and council of 
Maine have actually changed the result of an election, not only by 
taking advantage of technical defects in Republican returns, but 
also by illegally refusing to allow their corrections under a law of 
the state, even declining to investigate charges that fusion returns 
have been surreptitiously corrected. More than that, the law as 
intrepreted by the supreme court has been squarely violated in 
order to secure a majority of the whole house. The astonishing 
fact that returns electing 28 Republican representatives, have been 
declared defective, while every fusion return is held to be strictly 
according to law, is suf^cient of itself to satisfy every candid man 
that there has been a surreptitious correction of fusion returns, 
while Republicans are refused permission to correct returns even 
where the law provides for this. * * * ji^is outrage is not 
simply a wrong committed against the party which prevailed in the 
late election. It is a wrong to every citizen who loves our institu- 
tions, and who knows that their preservation depends on the main- 
tenance of such a regard for the people's will as expressed at an 
election, as will lead the minority to at once yield to it, and obey it. 
To deliberately overthrow such an expression of the people, in a 
peaceable, law-abiding state, is to strilce a blow at Republican in- 
stitutions. Such blows are much more to be feared than the open 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. i6i 

blows of rebel armies ; for then they invite a repetition of them and 
go far towards introducing anarchy. * * * -phe crisis is an ex- 
traordinary one. It is not simply a question of party supremacy, 
but a question of submission to the popular will which has to do 
with the preservation of free government. Unless this outrage on 
the right of suffrage and representation is condemned promptly 
and emphatically, it will go far to Mexicanize the United States, 
and introduce a principle which, will surely eventually overturn gov- 
ernment by the people. When the clear, unquestioned verdict of 
the people at the polls can be successfully overturned in defiance of 
law by the governor and council, popular elections become a farce. 
* * * The appropriate tribunal to settle the great question 
raised, is, of course the supreme court. It was the duty of the gov- 
ernor and council to ask the court to give an opinion on matters of 
so momentous interest involving so important constitutional ques- 
tions. They refused to do this ; they now say, with some show of 
law, that there is no way for the 28 Republicans counted out of the 
legislature to appeal to the court in season to avert the organiza- 
tion of the legislature they have created. Whether or not this is sO; 
it must be that some way can be devised — after the meeting of the 
legislature if not before — to have the supreme court decide the 
grave constitutional question which they alone are competent to 
settle. We should deprecate a resort to violence, but nothing short 
of that which can by indirection put the case before the court, 
should be omitted. That is the only body competent to settle the 
controversy, and possibly avert grave results." 

Throughout this crisis Mr. Dingley was one of the chief ad- 
visors of the Republicans. He conferred with Judge C. W. Wal- 
ton, a member of the supreme court, relative to the legal and con- 
stitutional points involved. He was determined to fight the mat- 
ter to the end; and on the i6th of December, the day before the 
governor and council announced a consummation of their outrage, 
went to Augusta to hold a conference with Mr. Blaine. There was 
intense excitement in the city, many Republicans urging the im- 
mediate adoption of force. But Mr. Dingley advised more peace- 
ful means. He felt sure that the governor and council would be 
forced to surrended to public sentiment and a decision of the su- 
preme court of the state on the important points involved. At this 
conference the situation was carefully reviewed, and at Mr. Ding- 
ley's suggestion a meeting of leading Republicans was arranged 
for the 22nd of December. On that day the Republican state com- 
mittee and prominent Republicans from various parts of the state, 



i62 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

met at Senator Blaine's residence in Augusta. The action of the 
governor and council was discussed and the following committee 
appointed to devise and co-operate with the Republican members 
of the legislature : Hon. Lot M. JNIorrill, Hon. Nelson Dingley Jr., 
Col. F. E. Heath. Col. J. W. Spaulding, Capt. C. A. Boutelle, Col. 
J. T. Richards, Alden Sprague. Among other RepubHcans present 
were Senators Hamlin and Blaine, Former Governor Connor, and 
Congressman Reed. The meeting was unanimously in favor of re- 
sisting the outrage at every step with all appropriate means that 
could be devised; and there was a decided conviction that in the end 
the conspirators would go to the wall, and the usurpation receive 
condemnation and final burial. 

Governor Garcelon made a public statement, in which he 
solemnly assured the public that he had aimed to follow the con- 
stitution and the laws and that the great cry about conspiracy and 
fraud arose from the fact that "he had taken the constitution for his 
guide, fortified by the opinions of the supreme court of the state 
and the advice of many legal gentlemen," and that "he had left the 
whole matter to the action of the legislature where it properly be- 
longed." In answer to this memorials were sent to the governor 
requesting him to ask the opinion of the supreme court as to the 
legality and constitutionality of his action in each of the cases in 
which he had counted out Republicans. Indignation meetings were 
held in the principal cities of the state. The halls were packed to 
suffocation, and the feeling was more intense than had been known 
since the civil war. At Augusta, on one of the coldest nights of the 
winter, there gathered in Granite hall such a crowd of people as was 
seldom seen there. Former Governor Connor presided and reso- 
lutions declaring that "Governor Garcelon and his seven executive 
councilors had forfeited the confidence and earned the condemna- 
tion of the people," were adopted. Senator Blaine made a speech 
of considerable length wherein he reviewed the situation, closing 
with this appeal which was applauded to the echo : "A great pop- 
ular uprising will avert these evils and restore honest government 
in Maine — and the people are already moving." On the night of 
December 26th, the citizens of Androscoggin county assembled, in 
Citv hall to enter their protest against the outrage which was being 
perpetrated. Mr. Dingley was the first and leading speaker. He 
made a clear and able presentation of the case and discussed the 
following points: fi)— It is believed the fusion returns at vital 
points were surreptitiously corrected. (2) — The wholesale count- 
ing out shows that the law was twisted with a view of thwarting 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 163 

rather than carrying out the verdict at the polls. (3) — The gover- 
nor and council conducted their canvass with the apparent purpose 
of counting out Republicans and counting in fusionists. (4) — Re- 
publicans have been counted out on alleged defects, and fusionists 
counted in, where the same defects existed in their returns. (5) — 
A large proportion of the defects under which Republicans have 
been counted out were amendable under the constitution, without 
regard to the statute. (6) — Republican returns entirely correct 
were counted out, on various pretexts, in defiance of the law. 

Hon. Lot. M. Morrill, chairman of the advisory committee, 
wrote a note to Governor Garcelon requesting him to ask the opin- 
ion of the court on the questions at issue. He did this under in- 
structions from the advisory committee. Several days later the 
governor made public this correspondence, and replied giving some 
encouragement. Two days later Mr. Morrill forwarded to the gov- 
ernor the questions the committee wanted put to the court ; but the 
governor, doubtless at the request of the council, decided not to 
submit these questions. Finally the pressure on the governor was 
so strong that he consented to present some questions of his own 
to the court. These questions were forwarded to Chief Justice Ap- 
pleton on the last day of December, but were not then made pub- 
lic. 

The situation became still more alarming when information 
reached Augusta that the arms and ammunition in the state arsenal 
at Bangor, were about to be removed to the state house at Au- 
gusta, and that the state house was to be converted into a fortress, 
to prevent the counted-out Republicans from entering to claim 
their seats. A thousand or more excited people gathered in the 
streets, and when the teams with the warlike material appeared, 
they demanded of the driver by what authority he was removing 
this property. It was answered that the governor had ordered their 
remo\-al. The crowd required the teamster to take the arms back 
to the arsenal. The mayor and other citizens immediately wrote 
the governor requesting him not to unnecessarily arouse an ex- 
cited populace by displaying warlike material. The governor fin- 
ally sent the adjutant general to Bangor to remove the arms, and as 
the teams proceeded to the station, the bells tolled and a crowd 
gathered ; but there was no interference. The arms arrived at Au- 
gusta late at night and were moved to the state house, a large 
crowd of people following. 

A committee on the public safety of Augusta called upon the 
governor and informed him that they represented the people of the 



i64 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

city, and would cordially join with the mayor in preserving order. 
They hoped that no arrangement would be made to bring the 
military to Augusta, whereupon the governor replied emphatically: 
"I have force enough now." 

As the time for the assembling of what was known as the Pils- 
bury or "counted-in" legislature, which was called to meet in Au- 
gusta January 3rd, drew near, the excitement and uneasiness in- 
creased. The fusionists were somewhat alarmed lest they might 
not hold the house. Of the senate they felt sure. The returns were 
under lock and key, and the council refused to allow them to be 
seen. Already 40.000 rounds of ammunition had been stored in the 
state house, and there was promise of a lively time. The fusion 
leaders enrolled men to be used in case of necessity. The whole 
state waited breathlessly for the impending conflict. 

On the 3rd day of January, 1880, the state supreme court made 
public its answers to the questions propounded by Governor 
Garcelon. These questions all pertained to the power of the gov- 
ernor and council relative to the canvassing of returns. The re- 
plies of the court showed conclusively that every one of the 
counted-out Republicans had been illegally set aside. The court 
delivered this rebuke to the governor and council : "This govern- 
ment rests upon the great constitutional axiom, that all power is 
inherent in the people. It is a government of the people, by the 
people and for the people, and, if administered in the spirit of its 
founders, it shall not perish from the earth. Its constitution was 
formed, to use the apt expression of one whose memory is em- 
balmed in the hearts of his countrymen, 'by plain people' and plain 
people must administer it. The ballot is the pride as well as the 
protection of all. It is the truest indication of the popular will. 
The official returns required from the municipal officers of the sev- 
eral plantations, towns and cities, are, and will be, made by plain 
people, and made, too, in the hurry and bustle and excitement of 
an election. They are not required to be written with the scrupu- 
lous nicety of a writing master, or with the technical accuracy of a 
plea in abatement. The sentences may be ungrammatical, the 
spelling may deviate from the recognized standard, but returns are 
not to be set at naught because the penmanship may be poor, the 
language ungrammatical or the spelling erroneous. It is enough if 
the returns can be understood ; and if understood, full effect should 
be given to their natural and obvious meaning. They are not to be 
strangled by idle technicalities, nor is their meaning to be distorted 
by carping and captious criticism. When the meaning is ascer- 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 165 

tainea ihere should be no hesitation in giving it full effect." This 
decision was signed by every member of the supreme court : John 
Appleton, Chas W. Walton, William G. Barrows, Chas. Danforth, 
John A. Peters, Artemus Libbey, and Joseph W. Symonds. 

For a day or two this opinion seemed to stun the conspirators, 
but they finally managed to induce all but three of the fusionists to 
defy the opinion of the court. These three realized that this de- 
cision completely sustained the intrepretation of the constitution 
and the laws previously given by sober-minded men of all parties. 
After several conferences the conspirators rallied their forces and 
denotmced the unanimous decision of the court as partisan, and de- 
cided to carry out their plans at all hazards. There was much in- 
cendiary talk ; and some insane fusionists made an attempt to burn 
Senator Blaine's premises by the use of a fuse. Governor Garcelon 
was for some time fearful of his life, threatening letters having 
been sent to him. He wrote a personal letter to Major General 
Chamberlain urging the latter in language more emphatic than 
choi( e, to come to Augusta at once. In obedience to orders ^ fol- 
lowing this private communication, General Chamberlain as mili- 
tary commander of the militia of the state, at once repaired to the 

I. The attention of all military organizations now in tlie service of the state 
and of all men liable to military duty in this state, is directed to the following 
orders: 

State of Maine, 
Adjutant General's Office, 

Augusta, Jan. 5, 1S80. 
General orders No. 12. I. The general counties of this state are constituted 
Into the first division of the militia of Maine. 

II. Major General Joshua L. Chamberlain is assigned to the command of 
the first division. 

III. The commanding officers of military organizations accepted into the ser- 
vice of the state are required to report to him. 

He will be obeyed and respected accordingly. 

By order of the Governor and Commander-in-Chief, 

S. D. Leavitt, Adjt.-Gen. 
State of Maine, 
Adjutant General's Office, 

Augusta, Jan. 5, 1880. 
Special orders No. 45. Major General Joshua L. Chamberlain is hereby au- 
thorized and directed to protect the public projiierty and institutions of the state 
until my successor is duly qualified. 

(Signed) Alonzo Garcelon, Gov. 

I am now discharging the duties thus involved on me in protecting the pub- 
lic property and institutions of the state until a governor is legally elected and 
duly qualified. 

Particular attention is called to the law rendering it unlawful for any body 
of men other than the regularly organized corps of the militia, without authority 
expressly given, to associate themselves together as a military company, or or- 
ganization, or to parade in public with arms. 

All persons and organizations will take notice accordingly and all au- 
thorized military organizations will understand that they are to report to me 
for orders until they are otherwise ordered by or through me. 

Joshua L.. Chamberlain. Maj. Gen. 
Prank E. Nye, Maj. and A. A. G. 



i66 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

state capital. He found the building barricaded with heavy planks, 
and arms and ammunition in evidence. 

"This is not an arsenal," said Gen. Chamberlain to the gover- 
nor, "and yet you have one hundred and twenty or thirty fellows 
about here armed as if for a fight. I don't like the looks of these 
men." 

The governor had sworn these men in as a special body guard. 
Said he to the General: 'T swore these in because of threatened 
insurrection." 

"But," repHed the General, "if there is any bloodshed, gover- 
nor, you are in danger of landing in jail. These men are disturbing 
the peace and you will be held responsible for their acts." 

"But these Republicans threaten to take possession of this 
house and senate," argued the governor. 

"That would not be so disastrous as bloodshed," replied the 
general. "We have no right to keep these armed ruffians here, and 
I will not remain if they are not sent away in half an hour." 

The governor's armed body guard was immediately dismissed, 
and at midnight the Bangor arms were sent away. General Cham- 
berlain taking the precaution to notify the authorities at every sta- 
tion to see that there was no interference. The mayor of the city 
placed one hundred and fifty policemen at his command, and the 
general wrote a letter to Mr. Blaine, counseling no violence. 

On the night before the assembling of the fusion legislature, the 
Republicans held a caucus to consider the situation. The Republi- 
can members of the house and senate together with the members of 
the advisory committee were present, and behind closed doors they 
laid their plans for the following day. At this conference Mr. Ding- 
ley made a vigorous address, urging the Republicans to resist the 
conspiracy at every step. He said he was confident that the leaders 
of the affair would soon be obliged to 3neld to the inevitable influ- 
ence of public sentiment. 

The day of the assembling of the fusion legislature arrived. 
The crowd at the capitol was immense, but there was no riotous dis- 
turbance. Throughout this profound excitement, Mr. Dingley and 
the other members of the advisory committee were in attendance, 
giving advice to the Republican members of the house and senate. 
The fusionists organized the senate against the protests of the Re- 
publicans, choosing Mr. Lamson president. The house was organ- 
ized by 72 fusionists. The Republicans withdrew, no quorum vot- 
ing. Mr. Hale was the leader of the Republicans in the house who 
refused to participate in the revolutionary proceedings of the fus- 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 167 

ionists. In the midst of intense excitement and great uproar, Mr. 
Hale moved that the house adjourn, claiming that there was no 
quorum. The clerk refused to put Mr. Hale's motion, whereupon 
Mr. Hale put it himself, and declared it carried. Immediately every 
Republican member retired from the hall, no legal house being in 
session. As soon as order was restored the remaining fusion mem- 
bers sent a message to the governor and council, stating that a 
quorum of members of the house was present and ready to be qual- 
ified. This announcement created further excitement throughout 
the capitol. The governor and council appeared and proceeded to 
qualify the members. The governor declared that 76 members con- 
stituted a quorum, and that the required number had taken and 
subscribed to the necessary oath. This announcement was re- 
ceived with the wildest uproar by the fusion contingent, which was 
fairly beside itself with hilarity. The governor then said: "I now 
put into your hands the opinion of the supreme court, as well as the 
petition of gentlemen from certain cities claiming seats. I invoke 
your careful consideration of the same." No sooner had the gov- 
ernor ceased than an ardent friend cried out : "Three cheers for 
Go^■ernor Garcelon," and the fusion hero was given a round of 
hearty cheers, accompanied, however, by prolonged hisses from the 
indignant counted-out members. The house then proceeded to 
organize by the election of Joshua C. Talbot, speaker, by a vote of 
^2, four less than a quorum. Mr. Hale objected but was overruled, 
and the proceedings continued. Mr. Hale stood his ground alone, 
maintaining that there had been no legal organization of the house. 

The term of of^ce of Governor Garcelon had expired, and in 
this crisis the state had no governor. On the Friday following, 
(Jan. 12) General Chamberlain, acting under the order issued by 
Governor Garcelon before he retired, assumed supreme control as 
acting governor and commander-in-chief. He had the archives of 
the state locked up and took the keys, and placed a guard over the 
public property. The action of Gen. Chamberlain coming to the 
ears of President Lamson of the senate, that gentleman waited 
upon Gen. Chamberlain. "General," said Mr. Lamson, "my people 
demand that I shall ask you to recognize me as governor, and to 
turn over the state government to me. If you don't I'm afraid 
somebody will kill me." 

"Mr. Lamson," said the General, "while it is true your election 
as president of the senate gives you some color of authority, I can- 
not turn the government over to you until I have some higher opin- 



i68 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

ion than I have thus far received. WiU you abide by a decision of 
the supreme court?" 

"Yes, I will," replied Mr. Lamson. 

General Chamberlain was in a critical position. Notwithstand- 
ing the fact that a judge of the supreme court had privately told 
him that Mr. Lamson was the rightful governor of the state, never- 
theless the general refused to surrender to Lamson, because he said 
"he was bound to take notice of the fact that it ^'as generally con- 
ceded a Republican majority had been elected to the state legis- 
lature." 

"Considering the doubtful legal character of the legislature." 
said General Chamberlain, "I cannot recognize Mr. Lamson as act- 
ing governor." 

There was no state government. The terms of office of the state 
officials had expired, and the doors of the departments were closed. 
No money was received or paid out. General Chamberlain realizing 
that his military authority would not permit him to perform the 
functions belonging to civil authority. Under the orders recei\-ed 
from Governor Garcelon, General Chamberlain was to protect the 
property of the state and preserve peace, "until a legal government 
was organized." Gen. Chamberlain forthwith dismissing all un- 
authorized persons hanging about the state house, summoned Gen. 
John Marshall Brown, and Gen. Spaulding, to aid him. The mayor 
of the city also put under Gen. Chamberlain's charge a squad of 
police. A guard was detailed to protect the state treasury, and 
Gen. Chamberlain notified the public that he should maintain order 
and protect property. The state was thus imder martial law. 

The reply of General Cham]:)erlain to the communication of 
James B. Lamson as to whether Gen. Chamberlain was prepared 
to recognize the authority of the said Lamson as governor, is a 
notable document worth quoting in full. He said: "In the atti- 
tude which things have now taken, the responsibility resting on me 
under this order, involves the liberties of the people, their most 
sacred property, and the stability of constitutional government, 
their highest institution. I am thankful that you feel and under- 
stand this, and realize equally with myself the importance of our 
proceeding with caution. Your inquiry virtually calls upon me to 
decide a question of constitutional law, which is a matter falling not 
at all within the province of my department. In my military capac- 
ity I have not the privilege of submitting such questions to the only 
tribunal to decide them. The constitution declares that justices of 
the supreme court shall be obliged to give their opinion upon im- 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 169 

portant questions of law and upon solemn occasions when required 
by the civil branch of the government, but that privilege is not ac- 
corded to the military department. Supported by the decision of 
the court, I shall obey, without a moment's hesitation, but solemnly 
believing if at this juncture I abandon my trust, there will be no 
barrier against anarchy and bloodshed, I cannot under the present 
circumstances recognize your authority as governor of Maine. 
There are only two ways to settle the question at issue and quiet 
the public minds, by following strictly the constitution and laws or 
by revolution and blood. In this alternative and standing where 
I must be judged by God and man, I can only hold fast in my place 
and implore those who have the power to decide the questions by 
appeal to the peaceful course of the law. Believing that this answer 
must commend itself to your judgment as the only one possible for 
me to give, and with the highest respect and esteem, I have the 
honor of being, your obedient servant, 

"J. L. Chamberlain, 

"Major General." 

A fusion committee waited on General Chamberlain to inquire 
if he would recognize a governor if the legislature should elect one. 
The General replied: "No sir, I will not. I cannot shut my eyes 
to the fact that a Republican legislature was elected. I cannot pre- 
judge this matter by recognizing anybody until the courts settle it. 
I am prepared to do what is necessary to carry out this plan. I shall 
resist force with force." 

Every military company m the state had been ordered to obey 
nobody but General Chamberlain, and the railroads were at his 
command. 

Some of the members of the Republican advisory committee 
were in favor of the use of force. Mr. Blaine was among them ; and 
he was somewhat out of patience with Gen. Chamberlain because 
the latter did not use force at the outset. Thomas W. Hyde was 
sent by Mr. Blaine to Gen. Chamberlain to inform the latter that 
the Republican leaders had decided to "pitch the fusionists out of 
the window." 

"Tom," said Gen. Chamberlain, "you are as dear to me as my 
own son. But I will permit you to do nothing of the kind. I am 
going to preserve the peace. There is to be no fighting. I want 
you and Mr. Blaine and the others to keep away from this build- 
mg. 



I70 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

Joseph R. Bodwell appeared at the capitol one day with fifty 
men armed with pistols ; but Gen. Chamberlain begged them all to 
retire at once, which they did. 

On the evening of January 12th the Republican members of the 
senate and house of representatives proceeded to the state house 
for the purpose of organizing a legislature. The movement was en- 
tirely unknown to the fusionists,and but few of the Republicans out- 
side of the immediate members were aware of the state of affairs. 
The report that the Republicans had taken possession of the state 
house spread rapidly and caused great rejoicing among those who 
were impatient to have the matter brought to a head. The galleries 
of the hall were filled with an enthusiastic crowd and many more 
were upon the floors. The best of order prevailed ; but before the 
business began, throngs of people beseiged the hallways, doors and 
galleries. This movement to start a second legislature was decided 
upon after a conference between Mr. Dingley and Judge Walton of 
the state supreme court. Two plans of operation had been sug- 
gested — one was to have the Republican members qualify before a 
justice of the peace, and then ask recognition of General Chamber- 
lain ; but this plan was objected to as asking the general to exercise 
judicial powers. At a private caucus of Repubhcans, this objection 
was pointed out by Mr. Dingley, and it was finally decided to organ- 
ize a separate legislature and ask the courts to settle the question of 
legality. 

A request for the use of the legislative halls for that evening was 
made of Gen. Chamberlain in writing. The latter immediately 
issued a written order granting the privilege. This action soon be- 
came known to the fusionists in and about the capitol, and there 
were many threats and mutterings. The mob mo\'ed into the 
capital building when the door of General Chamberlain's private 
oiTice was suddenly opened. There stood Adjutant General Brown 
as white as a sheet. 

"General," he cried, "you're lost. A mob is outside threaten- 
ing the building." 

"What do you mean?" inquired the general. 

"There is an angry mob outside. Are there any arms here ?" 
And he snatched an old musket that was hanging on the wall. 

Without a moment's hesitation Gen. Chamberlain, who was no 
stranger to real war, walked out into the corridor and mounted the 
stairs. He said: "I understand you want to see me, my men. 
Have von anv grievance?" 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 171 

He faced an excited mob, many armed with pistols. But not a 
word was uttered. Again General Chamberlain inquired: "If any 
man has a grievance let him speak." 

Finally one man spoke up and said : "We are told, General, you 
are going to prevent justice by allowing the Republicans to organ- 
ize and then turn the state government over to them." 

The General said : "I am here to preserve the peace, and I will 
do it at all hazards. All will have full justice." 

One ruffian cried out : "Well, we're goin' to kill you 1" 

The civil war veteran unbuttoned his coat, and without a tremor 
in his voice, said: "I have faced the enemy before, and I have no 
fear now. Do your worst !" 

There was breathless silence for a moment. The scene was 
dramatic in the extreme. Finally the leader of the mob said: "By 
G — , the man who lifts a hand against you. General, is a dead one !" 

The terrible strain was relieved and the general said quietly: 
"I pledge you I will not destroy the peace of your state, but I want 
you all to leave the state house." And they did, but not without 
much muttering. 

The members in the senate chamber were called to order by 
Hon. Jeremiah Dingley Jr., an uncle of Mr. Dingley. A quorum 
was announced present, and all proceeded to qualify. Joseph A. 
Locke was chosen president. The Republican members of the 
other house assembled in the hall of representatives and were called 
to order by Hon. Eugene Hale. Eighty-four answered to their 
names, and these, with others who came in later, were duly quali- 
fied. Resolutions were adopted in both houses for the appoint- 
ment of a committee to report whether the newly organized legisla- 
ture will require the justices of the supreme judicial court to give 
their opinion touching the legal organization of the state legisla- 
ture. 

The newly organized legislature having once secured posses- 
sion, was determined to hold the fort. About night o'clock at 
night lunches were brought in to the members of the house and 
senate. The members lounged about in their seats waiting for the 
reports of their respective committees. Mr. Hale, who had so ably 
led the Republicans thus far. laid down upon one of the sofas and 
slept the greater portion of the evening. At a quarter to two in 
the morning the committees reported, and both houses agreed to 
submit questions to the supreme court. These questions involved 
the legal and constitutional determination of the right of each legis 
lature to exist. In commenting upon this grave crisis Mr. Dingley 



172 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

wrote: "We have now exhibited in this state a spectacle which 
may weh bring a blnsh of shame on the face of every good citizen. 
A band of conspirators who have succeeded in iUegahy and fraud- 
ulently summoning persons to form a legislature, who were never 
elected, have been suddenly arrested in their wicked usurpation by 
an appeal to the supreme court — the tribunal set by the constitu- 
tion to finally decide all disputed legal questions. Instead of await 
ing this opinion and declaring their purpose to abide by and carry 
out the decision of the court of last resort, what do we see? We see 
the conspirators engaged in devising measures to illegally and even 
forcibly resist it. * * * It is not to be denied that the state is 
in a critical condition. The wickedness and desperation of the lead- 
ing conspirators joined to their fears that their fraudulent work will 
be uncovered, and they themselves punished, are such as to make 
them ready to plunge the state into civil war. * * * 'pj-jg 
question before the supreme court was as to whether the legisla- 
ture elected by the people, or the legislature summoned by Gover- 
nor Garcelon, was the constitutional law-abiding power of the state 
of Maine. The essential points that the court was called upon to 
decide were these : First — Do the governor and council in can- 
vassing legislative votes act judicially as they please, or minister- 
ially within definite provisions of law? Second — If they act minis- 
terially, is not their action in rejecting returns declared by the su- 
preme court to be legal, and thereby counting out Republicans who 
appear to be elected by the returns, illegal, and the summons 
issued, and the rolls so far as they omit or substitute other names, 
void? Third — If such summons and rolls are illegal, are not the 
senators and representatives who appear to be elected by the re- 
turns legally entitled to meet and organize a senate and a house ? 
* * * The case is now placed where the supreme court can 
decide whether a house and senate composed of the majority who 
were actually elected by the people and who appear to be elected 
by the returns, is the legal legislature ; or the legal legislature is a 
body composed of men who were ne\-er elected, and who have been 
illegally and fraudulently summoned by a governor and council. 
To their decision Gen. Chamberlain, and every good citizen will 
bow. Until that decision is reached. General Chamberlain will 
maintain order and protect the public property, and turn over the 
property and state to the governor elected by the legislature which 
the supreme court — the final constitutional arbiter — shall pro- 
nounce the lawful legislative department of the state of Maine. Let 
every good citizen rejoice that we are now on the road to a peace- 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 173 

fill and constitutional solution of a grave complication which 
threatened to bring anarchy upon the state. That the court will 
hold the legally elected members to be the lawful legislature, and 
overthrow a wicked conspiracy to steal a state we have no doubt." 

Thus the state had two legislatures — the Pilsbury or rump 
legislature, and the regular legislature organized by those who 
were duly elected on the face of the returns. Excitement increased 
at the state capitol. There was a threatened collision of the two 
contending forces. On the 15th of January Gen. Chamberlain 
issued an order for the state troops to be in readiness to proceed to 
Augusta. The general was firm and prepared for any emergency. 

The constitutional candidates for governor for the fusion house 
to select, were: Daniel F. Davis, Joseph L. Smith, Alonzo Gar- 
celon, and Bion Bradbury. The fusion senate elected and inaugu- 
rated Joseph L. Smith governor of the state. Mr. Smith then 
called on General Chamberlain to recognize him as governor, but 
General Chamberlain said he could not until the supreme court 
recognized the claims. "Gov." Smith then gave orders to the 
militia but every company declined to respond. The Pilsbury or 
rump legislature attempted to meet in the state house January 19th 
but in view of the fact that the other legislature had elected and 
inaugurated Governor Davis, the latter, having learned that the 
Pilsbury legislature intended to hold the hall, refused admission 
at the gates. The rump legislature held a meeting in the street in 
front of the state house, and adjourned to Union hall. 

On the Saturday previous, the regularly organized legislature 
met at the state house. Both halls were filled to overflow, while 
the crowds extended down the walk to the street adjoining. Ne^•e^ 
before was there such a throng in attendance upon the inauguration 
of a governor. Soon after the house was called to order Senator 
Blaine entered and was greeted with tumultuous applause. After 
three cheers had been given with a will, and a double round of 
cheers given for Senator Blaine, Mr. Dingle}^ and the other Repub- 
lican leaders, the proceedings began. No such scene of enthusiasm 
and triumph was ever witnessed in the state of Maine ; and when 
Governor-elect Davis and his council entered the hall the applause 
was deafening. The house voted on tAvo names to be sent to the 
senate from which to elect a governor. These two names were 
Daniel F. Davis, and Bion Bradbury. In the senate every vote, 
nineteen in number, was cast for Mr. Da\'is. As soon as the vote 
was declared the hall resounded with cheers. The house caught 
the spirit of the occasion and responded with like enthusiasm. Gov. 



174 LIFE AXD TIMES OF 

Davis was immediately inaugurated ; and when Speaker Locke read 
the proclamation and reached the words "God save the state of 
Maine," a loud and responsive "amen" came from all parts of the 
room, follo\\-ed by three more cheers for the leaders who had 
triumphed in this crisis. Thus a constitutional governor was in- 
augurated. Hii. first act was to notify Gen. Chamberlain of the fact 
that he was governor of the state, whereupon Gen. Chamberlain 
withdrew. ^ 

This happy and legal solution of the question was brought 
about by a decision of the supreme court in answer to the questions 
propounded by the legislature organized by the Republicans. The 
unanimous opinion of the court was that the legislature elected by 
the people was the constitutional law-abiding power. This decision 
carried joy to the Republicans and the friends of fair dealings, and 
threw the fusionists into consternation. It finally broke the back 
of the conspiracy and restored law and order to the state govern- 
ment. But the fusionists were determined not to give up Their 
governor, Joseph L. Smith, on the i6th of January attempted to 
remove General Chamberlam; but the latter paid no attention to 
the fusion executive. The Pilsbury legislature and the regular 
legislature were in session at the same time, the former discussing 
the expedienc}' of asking the supreme court some questions on its 
Own account. Finally it was decided to send a statement of facts 
and questions to the court. The court replied: "We have the 
honor to say that while we cannot admit, even by implication, that 

1— Augusta. Jan. 17. ISSO. 

To Major General J. L. Chamberlain — Sir: I have the honor to inform you 
that I have this day been legally elected to the office of governor and commander 
in chief, and have been duly qualified to perform that office in common with all 
the citizens of this state I have watched with gi'eat anxiety the events of the 
past few days, and rejoice with them in the good results of the wise and efficient 
measures adopted by you for the preservation of the peace and protection of the 
property and institutions of the state: and more especially that those results 
have been accomplished without resorting to military force, or permitting vio- 
lence to be used. Fully recognizing the propriety of the demand made by you 
upon others who have claimed the right to exercise the office of governor, that 
they should furnish you with an authoritative decision of the court: and, believ- 
ing" that you will require the same of me. I hand you here%vith a copy of the 
opinion of the justices of the supreme judicial court, sustaining the legality of 
the legislature by which I have been elected and qualified in the office I have 
named. I have the honor to be your obedient servant, 

Daniel F. Davis. Governor. 

Headcjuarters First Div. M. M. 

Augusta, Jan. 17, 18S0. 

To the Hon. Daniel F. Davis. Sir: I have the honor to acknowledge the re- 
ceipt of your communication informing me that you have been legally elected 
and duly qualified as governor of Maine, together with a certified copy of the 
opinion of the supreme court upon the questions affecting the legality of the or- 
ganization of the legislature of ISSO. As it is manifest that this opinion estab- 
lishes the legality of your election, and that you are duly qualified as governor, 
I have the honor to report to you that I consider my trust, under special order 
No. 45, as at an end. I am, with highest respects, your obedient servant, 

Joshua L. Chamberlain, Major Gen. 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 175 

the statement and questions now before us are presented by any 
legally organized legislative body, so as to require an opinion from 
us, we feel that we should be oinitting an important service which 
the people of this beloved state and the gentlemen who have pre- 
sented these questions, presumably from an honest desire to know 
their duty as citizens in the premises, might fairly expect of us, 
if we failed to give some of the reasons which coinpel us to de- 
cline to entertain and respond to the statement and questions based 
thereupon. The solemn occasion is indeed here, in the unparalleled 
and ominous events of our history which have occurred within the 
the last few months, but we are bound to declare that these ques- 
tions are not presented by a legally constituted legislative body, 
for the following reasons : (Here follow lengthy reasons why the 
court took this position). We, therefore, after due deliberation 
and consideration of all matters involved, at^rm and declare our 
judgment to be that the senate, whose presiding officer is the hon- 
orable Joseph A. Locke, and the house of representatives whose 
presiding officer is the Hon. George E. Weeks, constitute the legal 
and constitutional legislature of the state." This opinion was 
signed by all the members of the court. 

Li the meantime Gov. Davis, alarmed over the gravity of the 
situation, decided to call to Augusta the Auburn Light infantry, 
the Richmond Light infantry of Gardiner, the Capitol guards, and 
a detachment of ten men with a Gatling gun from the Androscog- 
gin artillery, to prevent desperate men from carrying out their 
threats to capture the state house. These orders were carried out 
so quietly that few knew of them until the militia put in its appear- 
ance at the state house. This action of the governor was prompted 
by reports from the mayor of the city that secret meetings were 
being held and threats made and inflammatory talk indulged in by 
the leaders of the conspiracy, ^he Pilsbury or rump legislature 
continued to hold session in Union hall and a committee was ap- 
pointed to inquire into the expediency of removing their legisla- 
ture to Biddeford. There was ample evidence at this juncture of 
the existence of a secret confederation of socialistic fusionists, mak- 
ing threats to raid the stores, banks and other business centers of 
the city. Shortly before, a band of these fellows was discovered 
in the capital recesses where arms were found secreted. The whole 
atmosphere was poisoned by the wild talk and the senseless threats 
of these desperate conspirators. 

The decision of the supreme court declaring the fusion legisla- 
ture an illegal body, practically settled the whole matter. No de- 



176 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

cision could be more sweeping — none more conclusive and binding. 
It not only declared Daniel F. Davis to be the lawful governor, but 
intimated that any person or persons claiming to exercise the 
duties of these officers, or claiming to be a legislature were in rebel- 
lion against the constituted authorities, enemies of the public peace, 
and liable to be proceeded against in the courts in the same man- 
ner as against other law breakers. This decision of the court was 
made public January 27th, and on the following day Mr. Dingley 
went to Augusta to confer with Governor Davis. 

Notwithstanding the decision of the court a portion of the rump 
legislature wanted to fight it out, but a majority, more level-headed 
than the few leaders, yielded to the inevitable ; and on the 2Sth the 
fusion legislature held its last session. There were 35 persons pres- 
ent in the house and nine in the senate. The decision of the court 
was generally denounced, but the majority favored yielding. Fin- 
ally it was voted to adjourn until the first Wednesday in August, 
and, notwithstanding no division of votes was called in either 
branch, and no member recorded himself either for or against the 
measure, the proposition was declared carried and the famous 
fusion or rump legislature adjourned and passed into history. Gov. 
Smith said the decision of the court settled the matter. "I shall 
give up the fight now and go home," was his public statement. As 
soon as Gov. Smith had made public the statement that the fusion- 
ists had surrendered, the adjutant general gave orders for the 
militia quartered in the state capitol, to return home. Mr. Dingley, 
who took such an active part in the Republican advisory commit- 
tee during this crisis, said in after years that the people of the state 
did not fully realize how near they were to violence and bloodshed 
at the state capitol. It required great self-control and firmness on 
the part of Gen. Chamberlain and the leading Republicans, to pre- 
vent a serious clash of arms ; and to the credit of the fusion "gover- 
nor" Smith, let it be said, that had it not been for his opposition, 
the capitol might have been attacked by a thousand armed fusion- 
ists, all determined to carry to the bitter end their wicked conspir- 
acy. 

The whole state was deeply indebted to Mr. Blaine and Mr. 
Dingley, two of their wise and able leaders in this crisis. Mr. Ding- 
ley said that "by general consent, the Republicans of Maine and 
the country award to Senator Blaine the highest praise for the 
triumph achieved over the counting-out conspirators. For two 
months Senator Blaine has given his whole time in devising means 
to checkmate a usurpation which seemed to have intrenched itself 



Toum of ^ ^^^a^^U'^^.. 

Cmnty of /^1^^4-yr^ 



( Buckfield as written oo the back of the return by Town Officers.) 



At a legal meeting of tlic inhiiliit.ints of the To« n of in fhe 

Comity of *^ tliMlifieJ h\ the Constitution to vote for Representatives holden on the 

(Blank spaces not filled by Town Officers.) 



Attest : 






' ft-^ 



'2.^ c- 



1^ 



. Sdccimen. 

T<n?n Clerk, 




(The letter "P" changed to "B" thereby "counting out" the Republican Cind.datc. 
The » hole number of ballots given in, was ''-J', 

The por«K,s voted for severally received the number of votes following, vi. : 

For cC^f ijl, -^u^^^o /'-' '^''lu:^ (/j> 



V , 



AttP-sV ; 



l,-«-^i-^ 



Planhtlion CItri, 



'! _^^^Z:jiArijA! '/I'-^'d.'^/r^'^^^^ 



4,1 Ji^itA,n^ ^?^'i. (h^^c^t^7'r^_,i.r..^Z^^T^, 




'r-^-an/i.^^ 






e^^t''€^v-' 









r/ 



x<!i 



(^' 



V/// ro o 



/-9> 



icU«^ 



.p 



y^Lc^ 






S^lc^^.&^.^k^^i-^z:;^^^^^''- 






NELSON DINGLEY JR. 177 

beyond powers of dislodgement. He has been the master mind 
who has laid plans, organized resistence to every step, restrained 
indignation in danger of breaking out into violence, counseled 
patience and opposition within the law, and in general conducted 
the Republican cause with ability and energy that affords fresh 
proof of his great ability and resources, and has again put the Re- 
publicans of ]\Iaine and of the country under fresh obligations to 
him." 

On the 4th of February the legal legislature was fairly at work. 
All but about ten of the members of the fusion legislature came 
into the legal legislature and proceeded to take part in the regular 
business. On the 5th of February a committee of seven from the 
house, and three from the senate, were selected to examine into 
the condition of election returns. The committee selected was — 
Messrs. Hale, Strout, Lord, Ingalls, Springer, Cook, and Hill, on 
the part of the house ; and Messrs. Hawes, Harris, and Strickland 
on the part of the senate. This committee at once began not only 
its examination of the returns, but an inspection of the state capitol 
to ascertain how far the conspirators had gone in their desperate 
attempt to gain control of the state capitol, first by fraudulent 
manipulation of the returns, and second, the use of force. Arms 
and ammunition were found stored away in almost every conceiv- 
able place, while in one desk, overlooked thus far, was found three 
half pint bottles filled with powder, 60 rounds of cartridges, and 
three bayonets for cadet rifles. Twenty cartridges were in a cart- 
ridge box for use. All the important papers relative to the canvass- 
ing of the vote were secured by the committee and the investiga- 
tion proceeded. The tabulations of the returns showed conclusively 
that changes had been made from time to time in order to secure 
the requisite fusion majority in both branches. All kinds of techni- 
calities were seized upon by the governor and council in order to 
count out Republicans and count in fusionists. Returns were re- 
jected because they contained the word "scattering" ; because it 
was alleged the names of the selectmen were signed by one person 
in each town ; because it was claimed that the returns were not 
made in open town meeting; because a middle initial appeared to 
be a '"B" instead of a "P" ; because a middle initial "C" was left out ; 
because one of the selectmen was claimed to be an ahen ; because 
the town clerk did not sign the report ; and because of various other 
distinguishing marks. Governor Garcelon was the principal wit- 
ness before the investigating committee. He said in substance that 
nobody outside the council had seen the returns from the day of 



178 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

election to the 17th day of November; that on that day a commit- 
tee of three, consisting of Mr. Dingley, Hon. S. D. Lindsey, and 
Hon. L. A. Emery, representing RepubHcan candidates; waited on 
him and requested permission to look at the returns and see if any 
errors existed in them, that they might be legally corrected by the 
town records under the provisions of the statute. Governor Gar- 
celon said he thought the request reasonable, but on submitting the 
matter to his council, it was laid over with no action until Novem- 
ber 22nd, when it was "ordered that the go\'ernor and council will 
be in session from December ist to 13th to examine the returns. 
Candidates claiming irregularities or other causes presumed to 
vitiate their election, will have reasonable opportunity to be heard 
either personally or by duly authorized counsel." From November 
17th to December i6th, the governor said that he and the council 
were engaged on the returns ; and that no person outside of the 
council was allowed to inspect them till after December ist. Gov. 
Garcelon said: "If there w'ere any changes in the returns, they 
were not known to me." 

The returns were submitted to the governor, nearly all of them 
containing erasures, alterations and additions, clearly denoting the 
intention of some party or parties to deliberately change the result. 

"Don't you think your council imposed upon you in regard to 
the returns?" v^^as asked. 

"Whatever was done with them w-as done by some Judas among 
the council," the governor replied. 

The committee of investigation made a lengthy report, in wdiich 
it submitted all the evidence, disclosed the changes and alterations 
made in the returns and finally declared that the whole affair was a 
premeditated plan of conspiracy. The special committee reported : 
"Your committee cannot avoid the conclusion that these suppres- 
sions and substitutions, erasures and forgeries were made in the 
chamber of the governor and council at Augusta. It abundantly 
appears that the blanks upon which new and substituted returns 
were written, and the en\'elope in which they were enclosed, were 
oflficial, and such as are kept in the office of the secretary of state. 
* * * The erasures are so numerous and connected with the 
tabulations, and were so uniform in the result produced by them, 
that they disclosed a w-ell defined plan consistent in its details and 
in the manner of its execution. It is incredible that fraud and 
wrong-doing would be carried on so extensively and in connection 
with these returns, which day after day came before various parties 
connected with the executive department for their inspection, with- 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 179 

out the facts being known to every official connected with the 
count, and if any one of them shut his eyes to wliat was going on, 
in the midst of the pubHc clamor and excitement, which attended 
the counting of these returns, he must have been so negligent of his 
duty that his apathy would make him responsible for the wrong. 
But it will be very difficult to bring men of common sense to believe 
that these transactions were not known and acquiesced in by all 
the parties concerned in the counting and tabulation of the votes. 
* * * The whole great fraud and crime is thrown back upon 
the members of the council with whatever complicity the governor 
had in it, or any other person whom the governor and council per- 
mitted to handle the returns, and to whose interest it was to im- 
properly treat them. * * * 'pg what extent Governor Gar- 
celon participated in or sympathized with the wanton transgression 
of law, which the treatment of the election returns shows in dozens 
of cases, it is not easy for us to decide. His opportunities were con- 
stant and he fails to show a single case where he successfully inter- 
posed to prevent the wrong. When confronted with the returns, 
and the tabulations and the final lists, he passionately asserted his 
own innocence and declared that a 'Judas' among the number had 
done the vilHany. Both governor and council must then be held 
accountable for the fraudulent practices under which the election 
returns were changed so that the will of the people was set aside 
and illegal certificates issued to senators and representatives in 
sufficient numbers to change the political complexion of both 
branches of the legislature." 

In answer to the question why he ordered arms to be brought to 
the capitol. Gov. Garcelon said he thought his office and the state 
archives were threatened. Mr. Dingley observed that "such a com- 
plete overthrow of usurpation which threatened to undermine the 
central principle of free government, is not a simple victory of the 
Republican party — it is a victory of free institutions over despot- 
ism, patriotism over treason, law and order over anarchy and revo- 
lution, and honesty over wickedness. * * * Its defeat is a cause 
of profound congratulation." Thus ended the famous fusion 
count-out. 



CHAPTER XII. 
1880-1881. 

In a letter to the Journal under date of April 24, 1880. Mr. 
Ding'ley wrote that "nineteen years before he shook hands with 
President Lincoln and interviewed him in the ^^'hite House." He 
called upon President Hayes and upon Senator Blaine in the cloak 
room of the senate. He referred to j\lr. Blaine as being "in per- 
fect condition after his long strain." He appeared to be particu- 
larly interested in Alexander H. Stephens, a member of congress, 
who "sat in his rolling chair in front of the speaker's desk, holding 
on to the seat as if to keep from being translated — so much of a 
ghost was he. He has an ambition to die in the harness. His dark 
bushy hair was covered by a large Kossuth hat, which he removed 
from his head during the entire session." 

On the 23rd of June Mr. Dingley attended a class re-union at 
Dartmouth college. Ten members of his class were present, and 
old associations of 1855 were recalled. On his way back to Maine, 
he stopped at Concord, N. H., where the governor of the state 
and ladies called upon him and his wife at the hotel. On the 9th of 
August he spoke at Richmond Camp grounds, and on the 17th 
of August entered the state campaign. The Republican state con- 
vention was held at Augusta June 23rd. Governor Davis was 
renominated with great enthusiasm. The platform indorsed the 
nomination of James A. Garfield for president, and denounced the 
record of the fusion party in the state. The national convention 
ment in Chicago June 8th and nominated James A. Garfield for 
president, and Chester A. Arthur for vice president. Again the 
admirers of Air. Blaine saw their idol doomed to defeat. Mr. Ding- 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. i8i 

ley, who was always a warm supporter of Mr. Blaine wrote: 
"Though Senator Blaine has failed to receive the nomination for 
the presidency which the Republicans of Maine so earnestly desire 
him to have, yet he has the satisfaction of knowing that he has been 
supported by a devotion and earnestness rarely accorded to a pub- 
lic man. Not only has his own state given him a united, hearty and 
enthusiastic support, but the Republicans of a majority of the 
northern states have also given him a support rarely accorded a 
public man. Though failing to secure the nomination for himself, 
yet it has been through his popularity and organizing ability that 
the scheme of a few men to control the Republican party has been 
overthrown ; and a man selected who is not only the friend of Mr. 
Blaine, but who also owes his nomination to him. The vote of 
Maine for Garfield was given by request of Mr. Blaine. Though 
failing to receive the presidency which he would have so highly 
honored, yet Senator Blaine will not fail to have in the future, as 
is the past, the proud distinction of being one of the ablest and 
best loved of American statesmen." ^ Harris M. Plaisted was nomi- 
nated for governor by separate conventions of the Greenback and 
Democratic parties, held at Bangor, Jvme ist. 

In this campaign the Prohibition party made its first appear- 
ance. The national party was organized at Chicago, September i, 
1869. A convention was held in the city of Augusta September i, 
1876. and an effort made to organize the Prohibition party in 
Maine; but it was unsuccessful. June ist, 1880, a convention was 
held at Ellsworth and a permanent organization effected. William 
P. Joy was nominated for governor. Other temperance men held 
a convention at Augusta, July 23rd, adjourned to Portland August 
19th, and there nominated J. K. Osgood for governor. Upon his 
declination Joshua Nye was made the candidate. The organiza- 
tion was discontinued after the September election. 

Mr. Dingley began his campaign tour the night of August 17th. 
speaking every night until September loth. In this campaign Stan- 

1 — The movement against Blaine's nomination started with Cameron in 
Pennsylvania. Pennsylvania was a Blaine state, but the unit rule was forced 
upon the delegation. Grant had failed of nomination in 1S76 and went around the 
world returning in time to stand for the nomination in ISSO. Garfield's name had 
been mentioned as a compromise candidate, tlie Pittsburg Dispatch naming him 
first. Wharton Barker, prevailed upon a member of the Pennsylvania delega- 
tion to vote for Garfield. This was the only vote Garfield received for several 
ballots. Finally he secured a few more. Then the Sherman and the Blaine men 
got together and nominated him. Garfield was true to Sherman and felt the 
great responsibility the nomination brought. He was sensitive about the stories 
that he had betrayed Sherman, and in making up his cabinet refused to select 
any unknown men for fear he would be charged with rewarding- some man for 
voting for him. This was why Wharton Barker of Philadelphia was not given 
a cabinet place. 



i82 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

ley Matthews, John A. Logan, Stewart L. Woodford, Thomas B. 
Reed, James A. Hall and other prominent Republicans assisted. 
The issue was greenbackism and the conspiracy of the fusionists 
at the state capitol. The people were thoroughly aroused, and Mr. 
Dingley on the stump and in his editorial room, fought for the Re- 
publican cause. A few days before election he wrote : "Next Mon- 
day the voters of Maine are called upon to participate in one of the 
most important elections ever held in this state. Although a state 
election in form, yet the votes will be practically the verdict of the 
state on national as well as state issues. It will be received by the 
whole country as a declaration in favor of Garfield and the Repub- 
lican party in case Davis shall be elected by a good majority ; and 
as a declaration in favor of Hancock and the Democracy in case 
Plaisted shall be elected. * * * The people of Maine are 
called upon to pronounce their verdict on the violence and fraud by 
which the opposition to the Democracy is overcome in Alabama 
and the south. * * * And j^st but not least, the people of 
Maine are called upon to pass their verdict on the outrageous pro- 
ceedings by which the late fusion governor and council attempted 
to overthrow the verdict of the people at the polls last September." 
September 7th Mr. Dingley spoke at Yarmouth with Gen. Grosve- 
nor, who subsequently served with him in congress on the com- 
mittee on waj's and means. September nth Lewiston closed the 
campaign with a big torch light procession. The election was held 
September 13th, and Plaisted received 73,713 votes, Davis 73.544 
votes, Nye, the temperance candidate, 309 votes, and Joy, the Pro- 
hibition candidate, 124 votes. 

The election instead of resulting in a complete Repubhcan 
triumph and a Republican majority of at least 5,000, as was con- 
fidently expected by the Republicans, proved closer than was gen- 
erally expected, and disappointed the Republicans. It was in fact 
a Republican disaster. On representatives to congress the Repub- 
licans held their own — electing Reed, Frye. and Lindsey, while the 
fusionists elected Ladd and Murch. The legislature was Republi- 
can — the house by 20 majority and the senate by 11 majority, thus 
ensuring a Republican executive council, and a Republican United 
States senator to succeed Senator Hamlin. 

Mr. Dingley observed that "it is amazing a majority of the vot- 
ers of Maine should have gone to the polls and practically voted to 
endorse the state steal. Many will say that they did not intend 
this ; but whether or not they intended it, the country and the 
counting-out gentlemen will so understand it. This is the most 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 183 

mortifying result of the election, and almost leads one to ask 
whether our boasted intelligence and virtue really exists. But 
when we remember that good voters are often temporarily blinded 
by partisan prejudice, we take courage in the thought that sooner 
or later the good sense and conscience of the people of Maine will 
emphatically condemn a wrong of such magnitude. For the time 
being, the result will cause a feeling of despondency in the Repub- 
lican ranks. But this will soon pass and the Republicans of this 
state and of the country will realize, as they have not before, that 
victory in the nation is not to be won without hard work. * * * 
Although there may be a small majority against us now in Maine, 
yet this will be overcome in November. The fusion between the 
Democrats and Greenbackers has been perfect on the state ticket. 
* * * The campaign in Maine is not closed but only begun. 
Six weeks of good work can change what is now a partial fusion 
advantage into a glorious Republican triumph." 

The Prohibition party, as has already been said, first made its 
appearance in Maine in this state election. Mr. Dingley com- 
mented on this movement thus: "Truly, if prohibition and tem- 
perance have only the small body of supporters who went to the 
polls and voted the two prohibitory tickets, prohibition would be in 
a sad minority in Maine. But the earnest, active, temperance men 
of this state, the men who have given Maine her prohibitory laws, 
and put her in the front rank of temperance, almost solidly voted 
the Republican ticket, which in Maine, is the true temperance 
party. It is to be hoped that the sincere friends of this independent 
political movement will see its inexpediency and no longer pursue 
a line of action which only tends to divide and weaken the tem- 
perance party." 

In the selection of an electoral ticket, the greenback leaders of 
the state sold out completely to the Democrats. Solon Chase, how- 
ever, entered a protest and with seventy other members of the con- 
vention, withdrew and nominated a straight Greenback electoral 
ticket. But Greenbackism was on the wane, and Solon Chase, the 
Greenback candidate for governor in 1882, received only 1,324 
votes. Thus the Democrats completely absorbed the Greenback 
party, and the latter disappeared from Maine politics as a disturb- 
ing element. 

October 14th, Mr. Dingley attended a campfrre of the boys in 
blue in Lewiston. On the next day he spoke at a state teachers 
meeting, and on the 21st delivered an address at Farmington. He 
discussed in the columns of the Journal questions of national 



i84 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

finance and honest elections in the south. Of the tariff question he 
wrote: "The Democratic managers in the northern states who 
have manufacturing industries which would be seriously injured if 
a revenue tarifY should take the place of a protective tariff, are in 
serious trouble. The Democratic party is committed in its plat- 
form and by its record to the overthrow of a protective tarilT and 
the adoption of the British revenue system. That cannot be denied. 
But some of the managers are now trying to make people believe 
that the Democratic party would not carry out its platform if it 
should be voted into power. Even Hancock himself is out with a 
letter trying to make the voters believe that the Democrats will not 
do what their platform promises, in spite of the fact that their acts 
speak louder than mere ante-election promises. * * * What the 
Democrats propose to do, if they carry the election next month, is 
better shown by the votes of the Democratic members of congress 
last spring, and the revenue tariff plank adopted at Cincinnati, than 
by irresponsible professions to secure votes on the eve of an elec- 
tion. The people of the country have not forgotten that the Demo- 
crats in 1844 carried Pennsylvania by professing themselves in 
favor of a protective tarilf and then a year after passing the tariff of 
1864 which prostrated American industries. * * * flie 
'tariff for revenue only' plank was adopted on demand of the south- 
ern delegates in the Cincinnati convention. The western free trad- 
ers backed up their demand, ^^^^en it comes to legislation the 
south and west control the Democratic congressional caucus by an 
overwhelming majority, and the protests of a handful of eastern 
Democrats representing manufacturing constituencies will not 
keep them from carrying out the principles of their party set forth 
in its national platform. A revenue taritf bill having no regard to 
the interest of home manufacturers, will be passed by a Democratic 
congress as a leading feature of Democratic policy. * * * 
The protective tariff is of great advantage to farmers. First, it pro- 
vides a home market for the product of the farm, and builds up our 
agricultural interests as it builds home industries. Second, it di- 
rectly protects such important Maine products as lumber, wool, 
butter, eggs, potatoes, etc., from the injurious competition of the 
British provinces, where labor is cheaper and the workingman has 
less possibilities than in this country. Were it not for our protec- 
tive tariff our farmers would not produce many of the leading arti- 
cles of farm product with profit. On the other hand most of the 
necessary articles which the farmer requires, are as cheap here as in 
Europe. Those articles whose prices are increased by tariff so far 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 185 

as it is protective, are generally not the necessities, but the luxur- 
ies."' 

In reply to an article published by a Democratic free trade 
paper, Mr. Dingley said : "It is true that both parties favor a tariff 
as one of the means of raising revenue for the government. The 
question is shall the tariff be laid for revenue only, as the Demo- 
cratic platform declares ; or for revenue and protection to American 
labor, as the Republican platform declares. The distinction be- 
tween these two kinds of tariffs is well understood by those who 
w^ant to know it, and it is rank deception for the Democratic lead- 
ers to endeavor to evade it. A tariff for revenue only imposes 
duties mainly on articles not produced in this country; and so far as 
it reaches articles which are produced here, it makes the duty as 
light as possibU in order to encourage importation. A tariff for 
revenue and protection imposes duties mainly on articles that are 
also produced in this country, and thus protects our own industries 
and our own labor against the injurious competition of the cheaper 
labor of Europe. But we are not left to party platform declara- 
tions alone. Of the 155 Democrats in the present congress, all but 
19 voted in favor of the Wood revenue tariff bill; and of the 130 
Republicans in congress all but six voted against it. If the Wood 
tariff bill had passed, it would have cut down the duties on cotton, 
woolen, leather, and iron goods to such a degree, as to bring these 
foreign goods produced by cheaper labor into direct competition 
with our own. This would necessitate either the closing of our 
cotton, woolen and iron mills, and boot and shoe manufactories ; 
or else would have made it necessary to cut down wages here to the 
English and German standard. * * * The conclusion of the 
whole matter is that the protective tariff, which the Republicans ad- 
vocate, gives the x\merican workingman 25 per cent higher wages, 
larger saving, a better living, a better house, a better education for 
his children, better social surroundings and a better future for his 
children than is possible for the European workingman. Substi- 
tute for this the revenue system which the Democrats favor, and 
American working men must come down to the European stan- 
dard. To vote for Garfield is to vote for the protective system. To 
vote for Hancock is to vote for the revenue system. Working men 
of I\Iaine ! Citizens generally, who appreciate the advantages of 
manufacturing industries and good wages ! Which do you prefer?" 
October 29th, Mr. Dingley made a political address at Me- 
chanic Falls, in which he discussed very fully and very ablv the 
tariff question. After defining the difference between the platforms 



i86 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

of the Republican and Democratic parties, and declaring that Re- 
publicans were in favor of a protective tariff, he said: "If the 
status and wages of the workingnien of America were the same as 
in Europe and Canada, then we could say to the manufacturers of 
England, Belgium, and Germany, and the producers of potatoes, 
eggs, cheese, wool and lumber of the British province, send your 
manufactures and products here without charge or restraint, and 
we will take our chances in competition with you. But we ha\-e un- 
dertaken to found here a nation in which every man shall be the 
political equal of every other man. In Europe one man is the 
sovereign, and the great mass of the people have no direct respon- 
sibility in government. Here, every man is a sovereign and in exer- 
cising the right of suffrage discharges the duties of a sovereign. 
To properly discharge this duty, every citizen of this country must 
be educated, must educate his children, must live not as a mere ma- 
chine, but as an intelligent being. To be a working man in Amer- 
ica is to have a larger life, higher responsibilities, greater possibili- 
ties and greater needs than to be a working man in Europe. This 
is a part of our free system by which labor is elevated and ennobled 
and made not only respectable but worthy to be respected. And I 
trust we shall never see the time when our workingmen will have 
to come down to European wages ; for if we ever should then there 
will come with it the other degradation of American labor to the 
lower conditions we find it in Europe. * * * 'j-j-jg manufac- 
turers of American make no more profit than the manufacturers 
of Europe because competition keeps profit down to the average in 
all other kinds of business. It is the workingmen who reap the 
benefits of protection, as is clearly shown by the fact that the work- 
ingmen of America get 25 per cent to 75 per cent higher wages 
than the workingmen of Europe, and are thus enabled to live bet- 
ter, to educate their children, to lay up a surplus in many cases, and 
to look forward to a better future." 

On the night of November ist there was a great Republican 
rally in City hall, Lewiston. Mr. Dingley presided, and Senator 
Blaine made the principal address. The election took place No- 
vember 2nd, and there was great interest all over the state. Extra 
editions of tlie Journal were published all night long and the crowds 
on the streets and in the public places were excited. Maine gave 
Garfield 10,000 plurality, and over 5,000 majority. The Republi- 
can candidates for president and vice president — James A. Garfield, 
and Chester A. Arthur— were elected, receiving a majority of 59 
in the electoral votes. Mr. Dingley wrote : "We congratulate the 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 187 

Republicans of the country, the freemen of the north, the patriotic 
men of all parties, on the glorious victory that has been won. It 
has been a hard contest, but the patriotism, the intelligence, the 
good sense of the nation have spoken and the triumph is complete. 
:;< * * -pi^g victory assures the state of Maine to the Republi- 
cans hereafter. There are many Democrats who have voted the 
Democratic ticket for the last time. The Greenback party has been 
hopelessly disorganized by fusion. The questions which brought 
it into being have been practically settled by resumption and pros- 
perity. The Greenbackers of Democratic antecedents who have 
voted for fusion and Hancock, are largely back in the Democratic 
party. The Greenbackers of Republican antecedents have mainly 
returned to the Republican party ; and those who still remain, will 
be likely to join their Republican associates before another election 
two years hence, except in the few cases where they have got so far 
into the Democratic camp as to make a return impractical. In 1882, 
if the Republicans in the meantime act with the wisdom and pru- 
dence which may be expected, Maine will undoubtedly resume her 
usual Republican majorities." 

December 3rd, Mr. Dingley attended a reception given to 
Bishop Peck at City hall, Lewiston, responding to the toast, "The 
Church and State." December 30th he lectured at Pittsfield on 
"Free High Schools;" thence he went to Augusta where he con- 
ferred with the friends of Congressman Frye relative to the sen- 
atorial question. 

The legislature which met in Augusta in January, after electing 
Plaisted governor, proceeded to elect a United States senator to 
succeed Senator Hamlin. Already Congressman Frye had con- 
sented to be a candidate and his friends throughout the state were 
preparing for the contest. It was reported by some of the news- 
papers of the state that Mr. Frye was a candidate for speaker of the 
house; but Mr. Dingley was authorized to state that such was not 
the case, but that Mr. Frye would be a candidate for senator; 
"and," it was added, "he will receive a strong support. His abilit}', 
his reputation as a public speaker, his long experience in congress, 
and the personal popularity which he has maintained in his re- 
peated re-elections, all conspire to make him prominent among the 
gentlemen mentioned for this high position. Without detracting 
from the merits of the other distinguished gentlemen, who are can- 
didates for this position — Messrs. Hale and Reed — it is onlv justice 
to say that neither surpasses Mr. Frye in all the essentials which go 
to make a successful senator." 



i88 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

Early in December, Congressman Reed retired from the sena- 
torial contest, leaving the field clear to Congressman Frye and 
Former Congressman Eugene Hale. Public sentiment seemed to 
drift toward Mr. Frye, but Mr. Hale, who had made a good record' 
in congress from 1869 to 1879, when he was defeated by a fusionist, 
and as leader of the Republicans in the state house of representa- 
tives during the famous count-out, and who was a special favorite 
of Senator Blaine, steadily forged ahead and took the lead. But 
Mr. Dingley loyally supported Mr. Frye, saying: "No man in the 
state has higher qualifications for this position than Mr. Frye. Hir 
unquestioned ability as a parHamentarian and debater ; his legal 
acquirements so clearly shown in the discharge of his duties as 
attorney general of Maine, and in the argument of cases'before the 
jury and law court ; and his long and successful experience as a 
legislator, are admitted on all hands to especially fit him for the 
senatorship. * * * While we have given expression to the 
general judgment of Republicans in this session, it is but just we^ 
should add that all concur in the view that it is the duty of the Re- 
publican representatives to carefully ascertain and carry out the 
wishes of their Republican constituents. If the wishes of the great 
body of Republicans are respected, if the decision is based entirely 
on what will best subserve the interests of the state and promote 
harmony and increase public confidence in the Republican party, 
— all will be well. It is fortunate that so important a question is to 
be solved by so prudent and faithful a body of men as constitutes 
the Republican membership of the next legislature." 

The state legislature met January 5th, 1881. Mr. Dingley was 
on the scene of action two days earlier, to look after Congressman 
Frye's interests. Mr. Hale was on the ground conducting his own 
canvass, while Mr. Frye was in Washington. January 6th, the day 
before the caucus, it was decided by Mr. Frye's friends to with- 
draw his name from the contest because of defections in Sagadahoc 
and Oxford counties. The next day at the Republican caucus, Mr. 
Hale was unanimously nominated. Mr. Frye immediately became 
a candidate to succeed Senator Blaine in case the latter should ac- 
cept the portfolio of secretary of state in the cabinet of President 
Garfield. Immediately upon the announcement that Mr. Frye 
would become a candidate for the short senatorial term, Mr. Reed 
announced his candidacy for speaker of the national house of rep- 
resentatives. January iSth the state legislature proceeded to the 
election of United States senator; and on the following day met 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 189 

in joint convention and elected Mr. Hale to succeed Senator Hani' 
lin. The fusionists voted for Joseph L. Smith. 

An important conference of senators and representatives of the 
second congressional district was held on the evening of January 
1 8th. It was the unanimous opinion of all present that Mr. Frye 
should be tendered the nomination for United States senator to 
fill the unexpired term of Senator Blaine, in case that gentleman 
accepted a position in the cabinet. Mr. Dingley was one of the 
first to learn that President Garfield had tendered a cabinet posi- 
tion to Senator Blaine. It will be remembered that Mr. Blaine was 
instrumental in securing Mr. Garfield's nomination in the Chicago 
convention. Late in December Senator Blaine wrote Mr. Dingley 
a personal letter asking the latter's opinion as to the advisability 
of his accepting the position of secretary of state. ^ Mr. Dingley 
immediately replied urging Mr. Blaine to accept the post. Mr. 
Blanie followed this advice, and on the 7th day of March sent to 
Governor Plaisted his resignation of the senatorship. March 8th 
Mr. Frye was unanimously nominated by the Republicans to suc- 
ceed Senator Blaine, and on the 15th of the month was elected 
United States senator. Concerning the appointment of Mr. Blaine, 
Mr. Dingley said that "in all these positions, Mr. Blaine proved 
himself one of the ablest, most brilliant and most popular of Amer- 
ican statesmen. His elevation to the premiership of President 
Garfield's administration is a deserved recognition of the foremost 
Republican statesman. His special fitness for this responsible 
position is conceded by all parties." Concerning Mr. Frye's elec- 
tion to the United States senate to succeed Mr. Blaine, Mr. Ding- 
ley wrote: "Mr. Frye's promotion to the senate will be regarded 
everywhere as just and appropriate, and will be especially gratify- 
ing to his associates in Washington. In the senate Mr. Frye will 
prove a worthy successor to Mr. Blaine, and will reflect honor on 
the party and the state which he has been called upon to repre- 
sent." March 9th, Mr. Frye resigned his seat in the national 
house, thereby creating a vacancy in the position of representative 
to congress from the 2nd district, and necessitating a special elec- 
tion at such a time as Governor Plaisted might indicate. Mr. 
Dingley decided to be a candidate for this vacancy. 

1— Senator Blaine's letter to Mr. Dingley was as follows: 

Fifth Ave. Hotel. New York, 

Dec. 23r(a, 1880. 
Bro. Dingley. 

Would you advise me to accept the position of secretary of state under Gar- 
field, if he should tender it. Give me your views fully— all the pros and cons. 
Write me here. Tours. 

J. G. Blaine. 



190 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

During this busy and exciting period, Mr. Dingley found time 
to attend a state temperance convention at Augusta where he de- 
hvered an address, to appear before the judiciary committee of the 
state house of representatives, to speak at an editors banquet at 
Augusta, to deU\er a temperance address at Farmington, to speak 
at an Irish land league meeting at Biddeford, to attend a reception 
to Governor Plaisted. at Auburn, and to journey to Philadelphia 
and Washington where he sought a brief rest. 

May 20th the call was issued for the Republican congressional 
convention to be held in the city of Auburn June 23rd. The Re- 
publican caucus in Lewiston held June 14th gave Mr. Dingley 178 
votes — the whole number cast. June i8th he carried the Auburn 
caucus. He thus secured a solid delegation from his own county. 
June 22nd he took up his headquarters at the Elm house, Auburn. 
Here he conferred with his supporters from all over the district. 
The convention met at ten o'clock on the morning of June 23rd. 
Former Governor Perham was present and addressed the conven- 
tion. Delegates from the four counties in the district — Andros- 
coggin, Sagadahoc, Franklin, and Oxford, — were present in full 
force. C. J. Talbot was made chairman of the convention, and F. 
N. Drew, an old personal friend of Mr. Dingley, was made chair- 
man of the committee on resolutions. The first ballot resulted as 
follows: Dingley 124, Foster 58, Swasey 33, Wakefield 32, 
Spaulding 10, Goss 3. There was no choice. Mr. Hogan 
a delegate from Sagadahoc, then addressed the convention 
urging the nomination of Mr. Wakefield. Mr. Hoyt of Franklin 
made a speech in behalf of the candidate from his county. 
Mr. Farrington of Fryburg, appealed to the convention in be- 
half of Enoch Foster, Oxford's candidate. The second bal- 
lot resulted as follows: Dingley 127, Foster 56. Swasey 33. 
"Wakefield 34. Spaulding 10, and Goss i. Still there was no 
choice. A delegate then rose to his feet and urged the nomi- 
nation of Spaulding as a soldier's candidate. The convention 
continued to ballot, notwithstanding dinner had been omitted. A 
motion to adjourn was defeated, and the third ballot resulted as 
follows: Dingley 131, Foster 51, Wakefield 33, Swasey 36, Spauld- 
ing 10, Goss I. Still there was no choice. The fourth ballot re- 
sulted as follows: Dingley 134, Foster 53, Swasey 35, Wakefield 
32, Spaulding 8. Mr. Dingley was declared nominated and the 
amiouncement was received with great applause. 

While a committee was waiting upon Mr. Dingley, Senator 
Frye made a vigorous speech. Late in the afternoon the commit- 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 191 

tee returned, escorting the nominee who was received with pro- 
longed apphmse. In accepting the nomination he said: "Mr. 
President and gentlemen of the convention : I am informed by a 
committee that you have designated me as the Republican candi- 
date for congress from this district. I tender you my sincere 
thanks for this mark of your confidence. I accept the nomination 
with a due sense, I trust, of the honor which it confers and the ob- 
ligation which it imposes. It is an honor to be named for the 
vacancy caused by the resignation of the distinguished gentleman 
who has been called to represent the whole state in the senate of 
the United States. It is a high honor to be the candidate of the 
Republicans of the second district of Maine — a district which for 
more than a quarter of a century has been the political star of the 
east which has never set. It is a special honor to be designated 
the standard bearer of the great Republican party whose career 
has been so patriotic, so honorable and so grand. The record of 
the Republican party is its proudest monument. Not that it has 
never made a mistake in any incident of its grand career. That is 
too much to expect of any human organization. But the great 
principles which it has championed, and the leading features of its 
policy, for the twenty-six years of its existence, have been shown 
by the test of experience, to have been just, wise and patriotic. 
Who now doubts the wisdom of the principle of dedicating the 
common territory of the union to freedom, as was sought by the 
Republican party in the presidential elections of 1856 and i860? 
Who now questions the wisdom of prosecuting the war until the 
rebellion was crushed, and slavery overthrown, as was settled by 
tiie Republican success in 1S64? Who now hesitates to approve 
the constitutional guarantees of equal rights, as secured by the 
Republican triumph in 1868? Who now doubts the expediency 
of insisting that the enforcement of these guarantees should be 
continued in the hands of the men who stood by the vmion, as was 
decided by the Republican victory in 1872? Who now questions 
the wisdom of the resumption of specie payments and maintenance 
of the public faith as was assured by the Republican success in 
1876? I revert to the record of the Republican party, because it 
is by parties' as well as men's records, that we are best enabled 
to judge their future. The party as well as the individual which has 
been the wisest and most faithful in discharging the duties of the 
past, will be most likely to best grapple with the duties of the pres- 
ent and future. But, happily, the Republican party can point not 
only to what it has done, but also to what it is doing and proposes 



192 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

to do, as its claims for confidence. It can point to a national ad- 
ministration which in four short months has by a masterly financial 
stroke saved thirteen millions annually in the interest on the public 
debt ; which has made itself a terror to evil doers in every branch of 
the pubhc service; which has settled a fishery difficulty that dis- 
turbed our relations with Great Britain ; and last but not least, has 
asserted the right of a responsible president instead of irresponsi- 
ble bosses to nominate national officials. The Republican party 
can point to its position on living issues without evasion and with, 
confidence. It insists that in all re\isions of the tariff the principle 
of protection to home industry and labor shall be faithfully main- 
tained. It demands that specie resumption shall be steadily main- 
tained. It resists all attempts to admit foreign built ships to 
American registry, and seeks by wise legislation to foster our ship- 
building and commercial interests. It insists, or ought to insist on 
the distribution of the balance of the Geneva award to actual suf- 
ferers from the operations of all the Anglo-Confederate cruisers. 
It asks that the national debt, reduced to the lowest rate of inter- 
est, shall be paid as rapidly as the surplus revenue will admit. And 
last but not least, it demands that the fundamental right of all free 
governments — the right of every duly qualified citizen to cast one 
and only one ballot, and to have that vote fairly counted, shall be 
rigidly maintained in every part of the union. 

"Mr. President and Gentlemen : On such issues as I have men- 
tioned, as you well know, I stand with and for the Republican 
party. But I do not forget that there are not so many points of 
public policy in which all good citizens disagree as those on which 
they agree, and in which a representative in congress represents 
not one party, but all parties, and the whole people. I trust that in 
the discharge of the public duties which have been imposed upon 
me in the past I have given proof of my desire to put the interests 
of the whole people first. I stand with right-minded men of all 
parties in seeking to do that which will advance the interests of our 
district, state and country ; that which will promote harmony, hon- 
esty, and efficiency in every branch of the public service, and that 
which will elevate manhood, promote virtue and temperance, and 
improve the condition of our fellow men. 

"Once more accept my thanks for the honor you have done me, 
and my best wishes for your individual health and prosperity." 

The resolutions adopted re-affirmed the principles of the last 
Republican national convention, and declared in favor of a sound 
currency based on specie ; approved the administration of Presi- 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 193 

dent Garfield and added that "in presenting Nelson Dingley Jr. as 
our candidate for congress, we point with pride to his distinguished 
record as a legislator and as the chief magistrate of our state as a 
sure guarantee of his eminent qualification for the duties of repre- 
sentative in congress, and we cordially commend his nomination 
to the voters of the district." The nomination was received with 
unusual marks of favor not only in the state but in all New Eng- 
land. Congratulations began to come in and continued for sev- 
eral days. It was altogether a strong and popular nomination. 

One of the inexplicable things in the political history of the 
second Maine district, is the fact that the third party prohibition- 
ists, persisted in nominating a candidate of their own for congress, 
notwithstanding the spotless record of Mr. Dingley on the ques- 
tion of temperance and prohibition. The Prohibition party of this 
district held a convention, and nominated Col. W. T. Eustis of Dix- 
field as their candidate. The Greenback district convention nomi- 
nated Judge Washington Gilbert of Bath. The resolutions adopted 
condemned the national banking system, and urged that the power 
of issuing money should be restored to the people to whom it be- 
longed. A national debt was declared a curse, monopolies were 
condemned, and the charges preferred by the Republican and 
Democratic parties against each other, were pronounced "enough 
to make every honest man hang down his head in shame." 

Franklin Reed was nominated by the Democrats, but on the 
9th of September withdrew, leaving Mr. Dingley and Judge Gilbert 
the only candidates in the field. The feeling among the Republi- 
cans throughout the district was unusually good, and Mr. Dingley 
was supported loyally by the Republican newspapers and Republi- 
can party workers. Even many of the Democratic papers sup- 
ported him because of his spotless record and high character. The 
Oxford Democrat espoused his cause by saying that "a christian 
gentleman combining natural ability with broad experience in all 
the walks of life, is a compendium of Mr. Dingley's biography. He 
will prove false to the record of his whole life if he does not make 
us a faithful, popular and able representative." The Boston Jour- 
nal said that "he is not only a gentleman of high character and 
rare qualifications for the position, but he enjoys the confidence 
and esteem of not only the Republicans, but of the best citizens of 
Maine." The Albany Journal said that "he is one of the most 
accomplished citizens of Maine, and made one of the best gover- 
nors that she ever had." Mr. Dingley canvassed the entire dis- 
trict; and while returning from South Paris where he conferred 



194 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

with several Oxford county Republicans, learned of the assassina- 
tion of President Garfield. On the 4th of July he was at Phillips 
where he made an able address. 

It was at this time that the long vendetta ^ between Mr. Blaine 
and Mr. Conkling was again brought to public notice by the resig- 
nation of Senator Conkling and his appeal to the New York state 
legislature for a re-election and a vindication. A collector for the 
port of New York, distasteful to Mr. Conkling had been appointed 
by President Garfield. ^ The fight between the two Republican 
factions culminated in a tragedy; and President Garfield, laid low 
by the bullet of Guiteau, was now at death's door. For weeks the 
New York legislature was in a deadlock over the senatorial suc- 
cession. Finally the last chapter was read and the book closed 
late in July. The New York legislature elected Messrs. Miller and 

1 — The controversy between Mr. Blaine and Mr. Conkling began on the floor 
of the house of representatives in the 39th congress. It was fraught with seri- 
ous consequences to the contestants and changed the fortunes of the Republican 
party. When the army bill was before the house in April 1866, Mr. Conkling 
moved to strike out the sections which made an appropriation for the support 
of the provost marshal general. Mr. Conkling supported his motion in a speech in 
which he not only assailed the office but also the officer. General James B. Fry. 
On the 30th day of April Mr. Blaine read from his seat a letter in which General 
Fry made charges against Mr. Conkling. Upon the reading of the letter a debate 
arose which was both personal and abusive. Mr. Conkling replied to his antag- 
onist and ended by charging him with "frivolous impertinance." A few days 
later the battle was renewed by Mr. Blaine who referred to the gentleman from 
New York as "the member from the Utica district." The controversy continued, 
growing more bitter every day. Samuel S. Cox thus describes it in his book 
"The Three Decades:" "This debate showed Mr. Conkling in his best light of 
repartee, so far as the house was concerned. Several gentlemen interposed to 
stop, if they could, the blows that were given and taken, but Mr. Blaine, who was 
still in the dialectics and rules of the house got the last word; and after reply- 
ing to what he called 'the cruel sarcasm,' in which Mr. Conkling was an expert, 
he hoped that he would not be too severe in that mode of handling his innocent 
self. Then Mr. Blaine referred to the 'little jacose satire of Theodore Tilton— 
that the mantle of Davis had fallen upon the gentleman from New York' and that 
that gentleman had taken it seriously, and it had given 'an additional strut to 
his pomposity.' 'It is striking,' said Mr. Blaine, 'Hyper-on to a satyr. Thermites 
to Hercules, mud to marble, dunghill to diamond, a sing'^d cat to a Bengal tiger, 
a whining puppy to a roaring lion.' These phrases have never been repeated," 
continues Mr. Cox, "in the house with so much vindictive animosity. But the 
Democrats enjoyed it. It was not their fight." 

The controversy thus opened came to an end only with Mr. Conkling's death. 

2— Hon. George S. Bout well writes in McClure's Magazine for January 1900: 
"From Mr. Jewell I received the following statement as coming from President 
Garfield: When the New York nominations were sent to the senate, the Presi- 
dent was forthwith in the receipt of letters and despatches in protest coupled 
with the suggestion that everything had been surrendered to Conkling. Without 
delay and without consultation with anyone the President nominated Judge 
Robertson to the office of collector of New York. Further, the President said, 
as reported by Mr. Jewell, Mr. Blaine heard of the nomination and came in very 
pale and very much astonished. From Mr. Blaine I received the specific state- 
ment that he had no knowledge of the nomination of Judge Robertson until it 
had been made. These statements are reconcilable with each other, and place 
the responsibility for the sudden and fatal rupture of the relations between Mr. 
Conkling and the President upon the President." 

2 — Robertson's nomination as collector of New York was urged not by Mr. 
Blaine himself but by Mr. Blaine's friends. This was particularly distasteful 
to Conkling, and the Litter, instead of going to Garfield and talking it over, at- 
tacked Garfield in the public press. Then Garfield could not back down. 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 195 

Lapham United States senators in tiie place of Messrs. Piatt and 
Conkling. It was perfectly natural for the friends of Mr. Blaine 
to rejoice over the defeat of Mr. Blaine's old antagonist. Mr. 
Dingley, as a warm admirer of Mr. Blaine, shared in the latter's 
triumph, and said that "with few dissenting voices the Republicans 
of the country will rejoice. The rejoicing will extend outside of 
the Republican party because the spirit and methods of Conkling 
have been distasteful to candid men of all parties. Nothing can be 
clearer than that the voice of the country, as well as New York, 
has emphatically condemned Mr. Conkling in his uncalled-for war- 
fare on President Garlield." 

The campaign proceeded vigorously. Mr. Dingley on the 
stump and in the editorial columns of his paper fought for Repub- 
lican principles. The Prohibitionists of the district were thrown 
into consternation by a card published in the Portland Press by 
Neal Dow, the apostle of prohibition, in which he said that "there 
is no man in the country more widely known as a true and tried 
prohibitionist than Governor Dingley. All his life he has been 
that, from a settled conviction that the liquor traffic is a great 
public and social mischief. The vote for the Prohibition candidate, 
therefore, will in no way indicate the opinion of the people of the 
second district as to the wisdom or otherwise of the policy of the 
Maine law." 

Mr. Dingley took a decided stand on the money question, re- 
peatedly stating that he was absolutely opposed to an irredeem- 
able currency, and the free and unrestricted coinage of the Bland 
silver dollar. Concerning the latter proposition he said that it 
was obvious "no nation can succeed in successfully maintaining a 
coinage ratio for legal tender silver, without limiting the coinage 
to small amounts on government account." He said that to make 
coinage free, "is to give to owners of silver bullion the 14 cents 
profit now secured by government to the extent that the value of 
the Bland dollars can be maintained equal to gold. If anyone can 
give a good reason why owners of silver mines should have this 
profit taken from the people's treasury and turned over to them, 
we should like to hear it." 

July i8th Judge Gilbert issued a "blind" challenge to Mr. Ding- 
ley to join in a public debate of the questions at issue. Mr. Ding- 
ley promptly replied that he would accept and discuss questions, 
about the middle of August, provided distinct questions for dis- 
cussion could be agreed upon. Mr. Gilbert did not wish to be con- 
fined and limited in a discussion and charged Mr. Dingley with 



196 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

avoiding meeting his opponent. But after much quibbhng over the 
question as to whether he should discuss the Greenback or the 
Democratic platform, Mr. Gilbert finally decided to let the matter 
pass. At all events the two candidates never appeared in joint 
discussion. The silver question, the greenback question and the 
national banking system were ably discussed by Mr. Dingley on 
the stump and in his editorial columns. In answer to the claim of 
the Greenbackers that the national bank system was robbing the 
people, and that the government should issue its own currency, 
Mr. Dingley said that "a political currency, a currency which can 
be voted down and up by party majorities in congress, would make 
everything uncertain in business and destroy the confidence essen- 
tial to prosperity. The very men who shout the loudest for con- 
gress to control the volume of paper currency, recognize the inhe- 
rent impracticability of that policy in dealing with other currency' 
than pap^r, for they are earnest advocates of free coinage of gold 
— a universal policy — by which the volume of gold currency is de- 
termined by owners of gold bullion, and not by government. The 
self-mterest of owners of gold bullion leads them to have it coined 
whenever there is a demand for it. The only reason why govern- 
ment controls the volume of silver currency is because it is minted 
at more than its bullion value, and therefore it is necessary to re- 
strict the amount coined in order to prevent its depreciation." 

The special election in the second district was held September 
1 2th; and notwithstanding the fact that Hon. Frankhn Reed, the 
Democratic candidate for congress, was withdrawn from the con- 
test, four days before the election, Mr. Dingley was elected by over 
5,000 majority. This election showed that the Republican party 
was firm in its faith in Republican principles, and enthusiastic in 
its support of President Garfield. It also revealed the fact that 
the Democratic and Greenback parties in the state of Maine were 
disintegrating. The Boston Journal said of the result that "Mr. 
Dingley brings to his new responsibilities a clear mind, a clean 
reputation, and a wide experience as a journalist, a man of affairs, 
and experience in public life." The Portland Press said that "he is 
an able, fearless and incorruptible man, who will add measurably 
tojhe strength of the Maine delegation." It was a significant fact 
tliat the Republican majority for governor in Lewiston in the ■ 
September election of 1880 was 128, while the Republican majority' 
for.congressman this year was 979. ^lobrrn sr!J irjods 

.The congratulations and expressions of good will were vei-y^ 
gf-atifying to Mr. Dingley. He was made to feel that his efforts " 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 197 

in behalf of honest legislation and moral government, were not in 
vain. He rejoiced, as did his many loyal friends and supporters, 
not only in his district but all over the state. But their joy was 
tinged with sorrow, for on the 19th of the month news of the death 
of President Garfield flashed over the wires. Of this great calamity 
Mr. Dingley said : "The government will go on. The vacant seat 
has been filled. Assassination cannot revolutionize. It can only 
harrow and perplex. That God may sustain the widow and the 
fatherless, who have laid their most precious offering on the altar of 
their country, will now be the nation's prayer. That the successor 
in the executive chair of him whom the nation mourns, may be 
divinely guided, all the people now fervently pray." On the 20th 
of the month there was a public meeting in Lewiston where ex- 
pressions of sorrow over the great calamity were made by Mr. 
Dingley and others. Of President Garfield Mr. Dingley said: "As 
a statesman we see him as a man who could in no way be turned 
from the strict line of duty. Here his integrity and moral purpose 
stand out bright and marked. He was inspired by true patriotism 
and used his powerful, highly disciplined mind in the advocacy and 
support of just principles. When it seemed as though the ideas oi 
the advocates of an irredeemable paper currency were to sweep 
over the country and change our financial policy, Garfield stood in 
the house of representatives, almost alone among western men, 
as the bold, aggressive, uncompromising defender of a sound cur- 
rency. It is that integrity and honesty, united with a noble chris- 
tian character that can raise the poor boy from the humblest lot 
to the highest station in the gift of a free people and secure for him 
the admiration and praise of the civilized world." On the 25th of 
September Mr. Dingley spoke at the children's Garfield memorial 
services in the Congregational church, Lewiston, and on the 29th 
went to Augusta where he conferred with Secretary Blaine. On 
the 26th of October he spoke at the state Sunday school conven- 
tion at Waterville ; November 3rd lectured at Buckfield on "Con- 
ditions of Success," and on the loth of the month attended a meet- 
ing of the Republican state committee at Portland. November 
30th, in company with his devoted wife and daughter, he started 
for the city of W^ashington and the national capitol, the scene of 
his subsequent triumphs. 



CHAPTER XIII. 
1881-1883. 

In searching for tlie causes of the success or failure of a public 
man in any epoch, the student of history examines carefully the 
conditions surrounding his entrance upon the scene of action. The 
nation had emerged from a civil war to be plunged immediately 
into the problem of reconstruction. 

President Grant's administrations, covering a period of eight 
years, had divided the Republican party, some believing it to be 
the duty of the president to continue a policy of interference in 
southern affairs, others believing that the difficult problem could 
best be worked out by the people themselves without any outside 
pressure. Certainly President Grant's policy was not as firm and 
uncompromising as was to be expected from the hero of the civil 
war. But this feeling of discontent was somewhat ameliorated by 
the attitude of the Republican party in the matter of the national 
debt and the public credit. Its position rallied to its support and 
solidified the great conservative and yet powerful business inter- 
ests of the country against the vagaries of the fiat money men. 
But even this did not prevent the crystallization of a movement set 
on foot by a small element of conscientious men who believed that 
President Grant's policy toward the south was wrong. They 
wanted to be liberal and called themselves "Liberal Republicans." 
But the movement failed miserably and Horace Greeley went down 
to ignominious defeat. The nomination of Mr. Hayes by the Re- 
publicans and the defeat of Mr. Blaine by his old-time enemy, Mr. 
Conkling, widened a breach which was first opened on the floor of 
the national house in April 1866, and which ended in a tragedy. 




NELSON DINGLEY JR.— 1SS2 
MEMBER OF CONGRESS, 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 199 

President Hayes' administration failed to unite the party; the re- 
sumption of specie payments in 1879, however, tending to redeem 
it before the business world. President Hayes did not seek a re- 
nomination. The people wanted Mr. Blaine ; but again his old an- 
tagonist, using General Grant as a club, defeated him. The trium- 
virate of stalwarts — Conkling, Cameron and Logan — for thirty- 
five ballots held their forces with only one object in view, the de- 
feat of Mr. Blaine. Mr. Blaine was defeated, but the nomination 
was given to James A. Garfield by Mr. Blaine himself, who advised 
such a course. The nomination was a fortunate one, and for the 
time being united the party. But after Garfield's election, the old 
fight between the factions broke out anew. President Garfield's 
selection of Blaine as secretary of state, intended as a graceful 
tribute to a great man and to one who had brought about the 
former's nomination, aroused still more bitterly the enmity of 
Conkling and his following. President Garfield also further an- 
tagonized Mr. Conkling by refusing to accede to the doctrine that 
the principal federal ofifices in a state should be disposed of accord- 
ing to the pleasure of the senators representing that state, with- 
out regard to the president's own views and preferences. The 
president undoubtedly desired to heal the dissentions in the party, 
but was not willing that Mr. Conkling should be dictator. Presi- 
dent Garfield was placed in a trying position. He was between two 
fires, but determined to maintain his own dignity and self respect. 
Between the factional strifes within the party and the star-route 
scandals, the president was hounded on every side. But he pur- 
sued a straightforward course with great determination, appar- 
ently ignoring the excitement and antagonism about him. Wash- 
ington was a whirlpool of political agitation from the moment 
President Garfield was inaugurated. Upon this scene of strife and 
hatred, Guiteau — weak-minded and egotistical — entered. He had 
been a small politician and conceived the idea of applying for an 
ofifice. Maddened by disappointment and influenced by the sen- 
sational articles in the newspapers, he laid in wait for President 
Garfield as he was passing through a depot in Washington, and 
with a pistol inflicted a deadly wound. President Garfield fell at 
the feet of Mr. Blaine, his friend and secretary of state. The Pres- 
ident lingered for weeks and at last obtained rest. 

Two months and a half after President Garfield breathed his 
last, Nelson Dingley Jr. began his career in congress. The nation 
was in mourning and the Republican party in the last throes of a 
bitter factional fight. He came as a peace-maker and wise coun- 



200 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

seller — a statesman in the highest and broadest sense. His field of 
action was not limited to party — it was humanity. As a warm 
personal friend of Mr. Blaine, he sought to heal the wounds of 
political strife. He advised Mr. Blaine to enter President Gar- 
field"s cabinet ; he now advised him to retire from President 
Arthur's cabinet, so that time might soften the asperities of the 
hour and bring about a reconciliation of the factions whose mad 
career death had arrested. Mr. Blaine retired from public life tem- 
porarily, as Mr. Dingley re-entered. The defeat of Judge Folger, 
President Arthur's candidate for governor of New York by 
192,000 majority, was the last act in the drama. Another era of 
"good feeling" began. It was a favorable time for calm, con- 
structive legislators to begin work. There was promise of good 
results. 

The forty-seventh congress assembled Monday, December 5, 
1881. In the lower house were Hilary A. Herbert of Alabama, a 
confederate veteran and secretary of the navy under President 
Cleveland ; Joseph Wheeler of Alabama, also a confederate veteran 
and a major-general of volunteers in the war with Spain ; James 
K. Jones of Arkansas, subsequently United States senator and 
chairman of the national Democratic committee ; William S. Rose- 
crans of California, a veteran of the civil war ; Alexander H. 
Stephens of Georgia, vice president of the southern confederacy; 
Thomas J. Henderson of Illinois, a distinguished lawyer ; William 
M. Springer, subsequently appointed a United States judge in 
Oklahoma ; Joseph G. Cannon, who had already served four terms 
in the lower house and has served continuously ever since, with 
the exception of the fifty-second congress ; William R. Morrison 
of Illinois, a distinguished Democratic leader; William Holman of 
Indiana, the great economist and "objector" ; John A. Kasson of 
Iowa, who held several important positions in the foreign service 
of the United States and who is now reciprocity commissioner 
under the tariff act of 1897; William P. Hepburn of Iowa, who was 
serving his first term in the house and who subsequently took high 
rank as a legislator; J. Proctor Knott of Kentucky, whose fame 
rests upon an extravaganza of political oratory; John G. Carlisle of 
Kentucky, a distinguished Democratic leader, speaker of the house 
and secretary of the treasury under President Cleveland ; J. C. S. 
Blackburn of Kentucky, subsequently United States Senator; 
Thomas B. Reed of Maine, an intellectual giant and subsequently 
speaker of the house ; W. W. Crapo and George D. Robinson of 
Massachusetts, both governors of that commonwealth; J. C. Bur- 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 201 

rows of Michigan, afterwards United States senator; Roswell G. 
Horr of Michigan, who was the wag of the house ; Richard P. 
Bland of Missouri, called "Silver Dick," because of his advocacy of 
the free coinage of the silver dollar ; Samuel S. Cox of New York, 
known as "Sunset" Cox and the wit of the house ; Abram S. Hewitt 
of New York, subsequently mayor of New York city and a man of 
marked ability; Roswell P. Flower, afterwards governor of New 
York; Frank Hiscock of New York, subsequently United States 
senator; Benjamin Butterworth, afterwards commissioner of 
patents and a man of great intellectual force ; William McKinley 
Jr. of Ohio, who was serving his third term in the house, was 
elected president of the United States in 1896, re-elected in 1900 
and assassinated at Buffalo, New York, September 6, 1901 ;■ Sam- 
uel J. Randall of Pennsylvania, the distinguished protection Dem- 
ocrat; William D. Kelley, the apostle of protection, known as "Pig 
Iron" Kelley; Andrew G. Curtin, Pennsylvania's war governor; 
Benton McMillin of Tennessee, who served for many years with 
distinguished ability in the house and who in 1898 was chosen gov- 
ernor of Tennessee. 

The candidates for speaker of the house were Messrs. Hiscock 
of New York, Keifer of Ohio, Kasson of Iowa, Dunnell of Minne- 
sota, Orth of Indiana and Reed of Maine. Burrows of Michigan 
was among those mentioned, but it was announced that he would 
withdraw from the race and give his support to Hiscock of New 
York. However his name was presented at the Republican cau- 
cus. The old Conkling-Blaine quarrel again put in its appearance, 
notwithstanding the subduing influence of death ; and the stalwarts 
entered upon the scene supporting Keifer of Ohio. Don Cameron, 
John A. Logan and others, who loyally stood by Grant in the 
memorable convention of 1880, manipulated the votes of the house 
for Keifer. A secret conference was held at Cameron's residence 
and Judge Kelley of Pennsylvania was promised the chairmanship 
of the ways and means committee if he would swing Pennsylvania 
to Keifer. But the shrewd Pennsylvanian was not to be thus 
caught. He was sure of that committee place in any event. This 
move of the stalwarts caused a concentration of forces on the 
other side, and Hiscock and Kasson combined. On the night of 
December 2nd, the day before the Republican caucus, a conference 
of Reed's supporters Avas held in Mr. Reed's room. Mr. Dingley 
was present offering his sound advice and valuable suggestions. 
Mr. Reed, after an intimate acquaintance for twenty years, had 
learned to respect and weigh carefully Mr. Dingley's opinions. 



202 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

The Republican caucus was held December 3rd. Keifer was 
nominated on the sixteenth ballot, but not until after much sharp 
discussion and personal wrangling. Sixteen votes from Hiscock, 
ten from Burrows and six from Kasson nominated Keifer. Ran- 
dall of Pennsylvania was nominated for speaker by the Democrats. 

Speaker Keifer, in his address to the house, pointed to the 
singular fact that "at this most prosperous time in our nation no 
party in either branch of congress has an absolute majority over 
all other parties," and that "at no other time since and for many 
years prior to the accession of Abraham Lincoln to the executive 
chair has there been so few unsettled vital questions of a national 
character in relation to which party lines have been so closely 
drawn." It was a matter of national congratulation, he said, that 
the material prosperity of the people was in advance of any other 
period; it is a matter of congratulation to the Republican party 
that the violence of party spirit had materially subdued in great 
measure, because many of the reasons for its existence were gone. 

The election of J. Warren Keifer as speaker of the house was 
a triumph of the stalwarts and did not tend to bring peace. The 
speaker's address to the house, however, was conservative and con- 
ciliatory ; but the promises he was obliged to make to secure his 
election destroyed his influence as a speaker and finally accom- 
plished his political ruin. He was in the hands of the stalwart 
leaders, but "out of joint" with the great majority of his party. It 
was a complete transfer of the country to the stalwart faction of the 
dominant party. Robeson of New Jersey succeeded Garfield and 
displaced Kasson on the floor. The west was disgruntled. 

Before the drawing of the seats began, Mr. Page of California, 
moved that "William D. Kelley, the senior member of the house 
be allowed to select his seat before the regular drawing begins." 

Mr. Townsend of Illinois amended the motion by stating that 
"there is a gentleman on this side of the house who served in this 
house for a number of years before Mr. Kelley became a member, 
and I ask that he also be permitted to select his seat in advance of 
the drawing." Several members shouted, "Who is he?" "S. S. 
Cox of New York," replied Mr. Townsend. Mr. Reed of Maine 
then drawled out in rasping voice: "It seems we had better not 
issue any preferred stock at all ;" and both Mr. Kelley and Mr. Cox 
were denied the privilege. 

In the drawing of seats it is interesting to note that General 
Wheeler was the first name to be called. Mr. Randall fared badly 
in the choice of seats, and Mr. Wheeler resigned his seat to the 




HAMILTON HOrSK, WASHINGTON, D. C. 

SITMMER HOME. SQUIRREL ISLAND. MAINE. 

HOME IN LEWISTON, MAINE. WHILE GOVERNOR. 

HOME IN LEWISTON. MAINE. WHILE CONGRESSMAN. 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 203 

gentleman from Pennsylvania. Mr. Cox, the Democratic leader 
from New York, was also unfortunate in the lottery of seats, and 
again Mr. Wheeler resigned his seat, this time to Mr. Cox, himself 
retiring to that portion of the chamber known as "Sleepy Hollow." 
Mr. Dingley was lucky in the choice of seats, having fifth choice. 
He took seat number 24 on the Republican side — a position of 
advantage. 

More than the ordinary curiosity and interest awaited the ap- 
pearance of President Arthur's message, on account of the tragic 
events which elevated him to ofSce. It was positive in its state- 
ments, and did not attempt to evade recommendations, or take 
refuge in diplomacy. "To that mysterious exercise of His will 
which has taken from us the loved and illustrous citizen who was 
but lately the head of the nation," said President Arthur, "we bow 
in sorrow and submission. The memory of his exalted character, 
of his noble achievements, and of his patriotic life will be treasured 
forever as a sacred possession of the whole people." 

The fame of Mr. Dingley as an advocate of temperance and 
prohibition had preceded him. His honest and consistent course 
in his own state had attracted the attention of temperance workers 
elsewhere. It was not strange, therefore, that he was invited, the 
first Sunday after his arrival in Washington, to address the Dasha- 
way Reform club of that city. There was an unusually large at- 
tendance at that Sunday evening meeting, and Mr. Dingley's tell- 
ing address was received attentively and earnestly. He detailed 
the success of the prohibitory law in Maine. He stated that "in 
the cities he had the honor of representing, with thirty thousand 
inhabitants, not one open drinking saloon can be found." The 
Maine law was said by some to be a failure. Mr. Dingley said: 
"I would be glad to know of such failures all over the country." 
He then drew a beautiful picture of himself, at the age of seven 
years, sitting at his mother's knee, having the total abstinence 
pledge explained to him and his signing it, never to be broken to 
that day. "The memory of that pledge," said he, "made to my 
mother, has been my guiding star through all the temptations of 
hfe." 

Mr. Dingley first met President Arthur December 10 when he 
called upon bini at the White House. The president received him 
graciously but rather nervously. The resignation of Secretary 
Blaine had been accepted and his successor determined upon. As 
somebody expressed it at that time, "President Arthur may be 
going slowly, but his pathway is as sure and leads in but one di- 



204 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

rection." The president was anxious to have Secretary Blaine re- 
tire from the cabinet, and the latter knew it. Two days after Mr. 
Dingley called upon the president, Frederick Frelinghuysen was 
nominated to succeed Mr. Blaine as secretary of state. The nomi- 
nation was confirmed by the senate, and a week later Mr. Blaine 
attended his last cabinet meeting. When Mr. Blaine arose to go, 
the president stepped forward and taking his hand between his 
own, held it in silence for a moment before he spoke. Mr. Blaine 
then quietly retired. Thus closed his short but brilliant career 
as secretary of state — too short for the nation's honor and glory. 
Whatever Mr. Blaine, now a private citizen, might have reflected 
upon the course of events ; what measure of sorrow and disappoint- 
ment he may have harbored ; he concealed all beneath a calm and 
dignified exterior. His enemies were no less bitter, but he sought 
no revenge. Fourteen years had elapsed since his first forensic 
encounter with Conkling, and time had effaced from his heart 
every vestige of personal animosity towards his old antagonist. 
Mr. Dingley shared Mr. Blaine's confidence at this time perhaps 
more than anybody in public life, and knew that the latter was a 
changed man from the moment that his friend and chief, ^ Presi- 
dent Garfield, fell, pierced by an assassin's bullet. Mr. Dingley 
was appointed a member of the Garfield Memorial Committee 
which selected Mr. Blaine to deliver what was one of the most 
beautiful, touching and masterly eulogies ever pronounced in the 
nation's history. Into this address Mr. Blaine threw his whole 
soul. In it the country saw reflected the grand and noble side of 
Mr. Blaine himself. His most bitter enemies applauded. The 
political gladiators were brought face to face with death and 
eternity. As he closed with these words — "Let us think that his 
dying eyes read the mystic meaning which only the wrapt and 
parting soul may know ; let us believe that in the silence of the re- 
ceding world he heard the great waves breaking on a farther shore, 
and felt already upon his wasted brow the breath of the eternal 
morning"^ — Mr. Blaine himself drew the curtain over the great 
tragedy and forgave all. 

Mr. Dingley was appointed by Speaker Keifer second on the 
committee on banking and currency and a member of the select 
committee on alcoholic liquor traffic. Early in the session he pre- 
sented a petition of the national Temperance society and twenty 
thousand Good Templars of Maine for a committee to investigate 

1 — Alexander Stephens of Georgia in advocating a Blaine eulogy, compared 
the relations of Garfield and Blaine to those of David and Jonathan. 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 205 

the alcoholic liquor traffic. He followed this up with a bill for the 
creation of a commission on the alcoholic liquor traffic. Early in 
January he also introduced a bill to abolish the import duty on 
sugar and molasses. He said that "this would save the people fifty 
million dollars a year. If taxation can be reduced, free sugar is 
much to be preferred to free whiskey." 

Hon. William E. Dodge of New York and A. M. Powell of New 
Jersey, representing the national temperance society, appeared be- 
fore the alcoholic traffic committee and advocated the bill pre- 
sented by Mr. Dingley to appoint a commission to investigate the 
liquor traffic in its relations to the public welfare. To strengthen 
the cause, a temperance conference under the auspices of the Na- 
tional Temperance Publication society of New Jersey was held in 
Washington January 24. Here Mr. Dingley made a strong and 
stirring address. In the course of an argument before the com- 
mittee, Mr. Schade, representing the brewers' interests, made cer- 
tain statements respecting prohibition in Vermont and Maine 
which Mr. Joyce of Vermont and Mr. Dingley corrected, present- 
ing statistics to show the incorrectness of Mr. Schade's conclus- 
ions. Mr. Dingley suggested to Mr. Schade, that the fact that he 
(Schade) and the brewers' association differed widely from a great 
majority of the people of Maine as to the actual results of the 
Maine law, was in itself a conclusive argument in favor of a care- 
ful investigation and ascertainment of the truth. "If Mr. Schade 
really believes that his statistics represent the actual facts" added 
Mr. Dingley, "he ought to be foremost in asking for an impartial 
official investigation in order that he (Schade) may have a demon- 
stration of the correctness of his views." 

The report ^ presented in the house by Mr. Dingley on January 
30th, and ordered printed, argued that "congress has an appro- 
priate jurisdiction over such an investigation as this; that any in- 
vestigation to be of value must be national and cover the whole 
union; that the pri'^l'feltfe--1nve§t1ga?tions heretofore made have been 
necessarily partial -'and: itft?erial)le';"t'Hal it is the duty of congress 
to-seciipeal! possible light as to the proper treatment of the gravest 
pjftilbte»i^. bf'siheSidgfff;^ iJiSl'^con^i^^s-' Melf Vekjtiit-'eS such light to 
gui'de'itsrevenuelegislat'ioirarid its' dfrtcf'afl'd siipeH'i^oi^legis- 
lalJont.over the traffic in^tli* District of CdKiiiibia -and the teWi-"^ 
taries; andtha>t^th-elprft^§r§b? tlife"lafgfefii«'m15'^r *f peti^ioti^i^&' itP 
evtrv- state and ferritory -of the- \inidn whic1*i 'e'vef'f- asked -fbf'^^tfj^ 
raeasute cannot be wisely or justly disregarded."''--- '-'-'•-';--' -■ --"^ "-• 

1 — See Appendix. . ^^ 



2o6 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

The editors of the Boston Congregationalist wrote Mr. Ding- 
ky asking him to give the readers of that paper some of the bene- 
fits which the friends of temperance hoped to reap from an inves- 
tigation by the proposed alcohohc commission. Mr. Dingley's 
reply was pubHshed in full by the Congregationalist. The re- 
sults, he said, would be first, comprehensive, accurate and well 
digested statistics of the liquor traffic, and its efifects on the econ- 
omic, moral and social interests of the people ; second, to settle the 
true moral basis of temperance reform ; third, decisive statistics and 
facts as to the comparative practical results of the prohibitory and 
the license policy of legislative dealing with the temptations of the 
dram shop ; fourth, the drink problem in its relation to material 
Avaste, pauperism, disease, crime and the social and moral welfare 
of the people. 

January 19th, the committee on banking and currency by a vote 
of nine to two adopted Mr. Dingley's proposition for extending 
the charter of national banks. A sub-committee consisting of 
Messrs. Crapo of Massachusetts, Dingley of Maine and Harden- 
berg of New Jersey was appointed to draft a bill extending the 
charters of national banks twenty years. April 12 Mr. Dingley 
made a report ^ from this committee on the question of taxation 
by the states of legal tender notes. An attempt was made in com- 
mittee to report a bill to abolish the tax on deposits of banks and 
bankers. This proposition was opposed by Mr. Dingley and de- 
feated in committee. Mr. Dingley took the ground that while he 
believed the national banking system to be the wisest and best that 
could be devised, nevertheless he thought that banks and banki rs 
should pay a just tax for all their privileges. He thought thr ""e 
was no just ground to relieve them from a just tax on their • e- 
posits, which afford the most profitable part of their business, and 
especially so with the wealthy city banks. 

Mr. Dingley began his great movement in behalf of the ship- 
ping interests of America by offering a resolution of inquiry as 
to consular fees, etc., with a view of ascertaining if this were not 
one of the needless burdens imposed on American shipping. An 
answer to the inquiry showed that "during the last fiscal year the 
fees and charges collected by consular officers from American 
shipping in foreign ports amounted to $122,198, about one-quarter 
of which was for tonnage dues and $18,000 of which were extra 
wages of seamen, that is, the three months advance required by 
law for seamen discharged in foreign ports. Most of this revenue 

l^See Appendix. 



5 

.5 




U. S. GRANT. W. S. ROSECRANS. 
N. P. BANKS. JOSEPH WHEELER. 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 207 

constituted a needless burden on American shipping engaged in 
the foreign trade, and like similar burdens on other branches of 
commerce, its cost was by no means fully represented by its 
amounts. 

Mr. Dingley was appointed chairman of a sub-committe on 
banking and currency to consider all bills referred to the com- 
mittee relative to silver certificates. April iS a report was made 
to the full committee. Early in June he made a report, ^ from the 
banking and currency committee on the silver question which at- 
tracted much attention and which was pronounced by Abram S. 
Hewitt of New York, one of the ablest presentations of the silver 
question ever made to congress. 

Speaker Keifer found many thorns in his pathway early in the 
session. Mr. Orth of Indiana made a sensational speech on the 5th 
of January, against the injustice of the selection of committees and 
particularly his own assignments. He said that the "speaker in 
his recent action has done an injustice to me and my constituents." 
George M. Robeson of New Jersey was Speaker Keifer's lieuten- 
ant on the floor of the house. But he did not possess the confi- 
dence of the members, suffering with the speaker from the suspi- 
cion of stalwart influence amounting to dictation. The speaker 
and his floor leader, finding their influence impaired, sought to re- 
gain it by enlarging the membership of the committees. January 
17 Mr. Robeson reported a resolution from the committee on 
rules increasing the membership of thirteen standing committees. 
The debate which followed for three successive days was sharp 
and acrimonious. It gave the disgruntled members an opportunity 
to air their grievances. But Mr. Reed and Mr. Kelley doubted the 
wisdom of enlarging the committees. Mr. Dingley was convinced 
that the proposition was unwise and twice voted to lay the whole 
matter on the table. The debate finally degenerated into a farce. 
Mr. Horr of Michigan was, next to Mr. Cox of New York, the 
wag of the house. He caught from the speech of Mr. Thomas of 
Illinois something about "a camel to carry over the deserts of con- 
gress the burden of appropriations for the cat-fish sloughs and 
trout-brooks which congressmen desire to secure." Then standing 
far back in the center of the middle aisle, his fat jolly face wreathed 
in merriment, Horr said if the proposed amendment was adopted 
"that camel will not stand the heat of debate in the house for two 
days. The third day he will find his animal wind broken, and be- 

1 — See Appendix. 



2o8 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

fore it reached the end of its journey it would be wind-broken and 
spavined. * * * ^\^q next thing someone else would pro- 
pose a committee on the Atlantic coast, then another one for the 
improvement of our inland lakes upon where I live, then another 
of my friend's old acquaintances — what was that Pennsylvania 
creek?" turning his head inquiringly. 

Mr. Cox of New York — "Kiskiminetas." 
Mr. Horr — "Yes, a committee on the Kiskiminetas." 
By this time the house was in an uproar of laughter. Mr. Horr 
continued: "Whence, then, comes this trouble about these com- 
mittees? I should just as soon try to find out who struck Billy 
Patterson as to answer that question. Admitting that the trouble 
is that some members feel sore over committee appointments, the 
next question is, is this plaster proposed by the committee on rules 
large enough to cover the sore ? You will only tear open the old 
sore and the next thing you know proud flesh will get in, and then 
where are you? Gangrene follows, and then death." The mem- 
bers fairly shook with laughter and it became evident that the 
proposition of the committee on rules would be hopelessly lost. 
The speaker listened with a stern and troubled face. Mr. Robe- 
son, his lieutenant, attempted to stem the tide of mingled opposi- 
tion and ridicule, but to no avail. On the 19th the resolution by 
a vote of ninety to forty three, was re-committed to the committee. 
It was an ignominious defeat for Speaker Keiier. 

Dartmouth college has always had a vigorous alumni associa- 
tion, and at its annual reunion January i8th, the centenary of 
Webster's birthday, Mr. Dingley, one of its most distinguished 
graduates, responded for the class of 1855. His toast was, "It is, 
sir, as I have said, a small college, and yet there are those who love 
it. Sir, I know not how others feel, but myself, when I see my 
alma mater surrounded like Caesar in the senate house, by those 
who reiterated stab upon stab, I would not for this right hand have 
her turn to me and say, 'Ft tu quoque mi fili' — and thou too my 
son." 

The trial of Guiteau, the foul slayer of President Garfield, had 
been in progress since the middle of November. It had aroused 
many of the old personal antagonisms and brought to public at- 
tention all the harrowing details of a tragedy that formed a chap- 
ter in recent political history. It had an effect on the course of 
politics, furnishing fuel for the embers that were still smouldering. 
Therefore, when Guiteau, on the 25th of January was pronounced 
guilty, there was an outburst of applause in the court room that 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 209 

found a glad and responsive echo in tlie hearts of many pohtical 
leaders. The condemned man's curses and imprecations shocked 
a nation ; and when on the last day of June Guiteau was executed, 
there was a manifest sigh of relief. 

The enemies of Mr. Blaine followed him to private Hfe. They 
charged that when secretary of state, he inaugurated a poHcy of 
"jingoism" that would have brought the nation into serious dii^- 
culty, if not war, had not fate and an assassin intervened. But 
Mr. Blaine sharply retaliated in a public letter explanatory and de- 
fensive of his course while in charge of foreign aiTairs, touching 
our relations with Chili and Peru. Mr. Blaine's position was aban- 
doned by Secretary Frelinghuysen. The former wanted to secure 
a trade footing in the South American republics. He thought it 
folly to allow all the South American ports to be closed against 
us by England and wanted to save Peru from annihilation by 
Chili and prevent Great Britain's domination in South America. 
Mr. Blaine's position was that of opposition to the extension of 
British influence upon this continent. He was in favor of a com- 
plete restoration of American trade and commerce with the Sand- 
wich Islands, Mexico, and the South American republics. In a 
letter dated November 29, Mr. Blaine had urged upon President 
Arthur the importance of a congress of American republics. He 
wrote: "I do not say, Mr. President, that the holding of a peace 
congress will necessarily change the currents of trade, but it will 
bring us into kindly relations with all the American nations." 

As if to make the gulf between the factions all the wider, Presi- 
dent Arthur surprised the whole country by nominating Senator 
Conkling to be associate justice of the United States supreme 
court. President Grant had offered the same position to Conkling 
but the latter declined it. In the senate a motion to immediately 
confirm the nomination was objected to by Senator Hoar who be- 
lieved "he had used his powers for bad purposes," and added: "I 
do not believe he is honest. His elevation [excitedly pounding his 
desk] would be a disgrace to the judicial ermine." Mr. Hoar re- 
viewed the fact that when the name of Stanley Matthews was sent 
in by President Garfield, Conkling refused to extend the usual 
courtesy to a senator and took occasion to parade his wrongs at 
the hands of the administration, reflecting upon President Gar- 
field. The New York Tribune bitterly assailed Conkling and 
quoted what Conkling had said when Robertson was nominated: 
"Send him abroad to some second-hand consulship and I will go 
into the lobby and hold my nose while he is confirmed." Mr. 



2IO LIFE AND TIMES OF 

Conkling settled the controversy by declining to accept the ap- 
pointment. He would not have been confirmed by the senate, for 
the friends of Mr. Blaine in the senate had good memories. Thus 
waged the battle over Garfield's grave. 

Mr. Dingley's gentle nature recoiled from these bitter personal 
and factional strifes. The harsh and cruel debates on the floor of 
the house; the flings of sarcasm; the coarse ribaldry witnessed by 
him at the very dawn of his congressional career, not only did not 
interest him, but actually repelled him. He stood upon a higher 
plane and was moved by nobler purposes; and when, on the nth 
of February, the seventieth birthday of the venerable Alexander 
Stephens ^ of Georgia, was gracefully and touchingly remembered 
by his associates, the incident seemed like a benediction. 

Mr. Dingley's attention was directed more to the business of 
the house and the country than to factional quarrels or the vindi- 
cation of personal honor. His very first appearance in debate, on 
the first of March, was in opposition to a resolution to create 
another office — a clerkship in the house. The whole matter was 
sent back to the committee. This incident simply illustrates how 
watchful he was of the people's interest from the beginning. 

The situation in the house grew worse and worse under the 
administration of Speaker Keifer and Mr. Robeson. The corres- 
pondent of the Boston Journal wrote : "Unfortunately the organ- 
ization of the house has resulted in what is almost a paralysis of 
business. Scarcely a single report from a committee has been 
ratified by the house, Never was there such a lapse of those parha- 
mentary leaders of which Mr. Blaine spoke. The Democrats are 
much better organized, especially for purposes of defense and ob- 
struction. The indefinite postponment of the tariff commission, 
by consent of the ways and means committee, is a good illustration 
of the apathy and lack of method which prevails." The country 

1 — Alexander Stephens of Georgia was elected to the Georgia legislature in 
1837 and served seven years in both houses. He was first chosen to congress in 
1843, serving until 1859, declining a re-election. He was vice president of the 
conf'ederacy, and re-entered congress in 1873. Few men ever served as many 
years as Mr. Stephens, consecutively. Garfield was elected to congress nine con- 
secutive times. Lewis Williams of North Carolina, the father of the house in 
his day, served in fourteen congresses, from December 14. 1815. until his death in 
AVashington February 23, 1842. Nathaniel Macon, the strict, severe and stringent 
North Carolina Democrat was twelve times successively elected to the house 
and was then elected to the senate. J. Q. Adams, after having been president, 
senator and foreign minister, was elected to the twenty-second congress as a 
Whig, and consecutively elected eight times, dying in office in the speaker's 
room February 23, 1848. Churchill C. Chamberling, a New Yorli Democrat, was 
elected nine times to the house, serving from 1821 to 1836. Joshua R. Giddings, 
almost the immediate predecessor of Garfield, was elected by the western re- 
serves, serving from the 25th to the 35th congresses. Blihu B. Washburn was 
elected nine times from the state of Illinois while William D. Kelley was elected 
eleven times consecutively. 




JAS. A. GARFIELD. CHESTER A. ARTHt'R. 
ROSCOE CONKLING. J. WARREN KEIFER. 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 211 

at this time was ripe for tariff revision. On the 30th of November, 
1881, a tariff convention had been held in the city of New York. 
At this convention Former Governor Grinnell of Iowa voiced the 
sentiment of the people when he said: "Fernando Wood is dead. 
I don't thank God for that, but I do thank God that he will never 
again be chairman of the ways and means committee. I believe he 
has gone to a good home, and I hope he has changed from a free- 
trader to a protectionist." The committee on ways and means de- 
layed until the 8th day of February before reporting to the house 
its bill for the creation of a tariff commission. It came up for dis- 
cussion March 7th, and was postponed indefinitely, on a point of 
order, to the chagrin of the leaders of the house. However, on the 
28th of March, the bill was taken up under a special order. 

For twenty years, subject to some sHght modifications, the 
country had been conducting its business under the same tariff 
laws. The changed condition of the business of the country neces- 
sitated changes in the tariff. Attempts had been made in the 
forty-fourth, forty-fifth and forty-sixth congresses to revise the 
tariff, but all failed. The bill now before the house provided for the 
appointment of a commission by the president to investigate all 
the facts relating to the subject of the tariff and report to congress 
the following December. Mr. Kasson of Iowa, made an able and 
exhaustive speech in support of the measure. Mr. Carlisle replied 
to Mr. Kasson in one of the ablest speeches on that side of the 
tariff question that has ever been delivered in the house of repre- 
sentatives. "I believe," he said, "the tariff and other economic 
questions are coming rapidly to the front and will constitute the 
great and controlling questions in the politics of the future." Mr. 
Hewitt of New York, a practical business man, followed in a 
speech no less brilliant. April 6th, Mr. McKinley of Ohio, made 
his famous speech on the tariff question, thus for the first time 
attracting public attention and taking the initial step towards the 
White House. It was in this speech that Mr. McKinley en- 
countered Mr. Hewitt, the "little giant" of the low tariff school, one 
of the great triumvirate of the Democratic free-trade leaders in 
this congress — Carlisle, Randall and Hewitt. 

The tariff debate continued with varying interest. It was a 
battle of intellectual giants. The industrial and material pro- 
gress of the country was \'iewed in retrospect through protection 
and free-trade lens. The facts seemed to be undisputed : but the 
conclusions were radically different. On the 15th of April Mr. Mc- 
Millin of Tennessee, in his tariff speech bristling with ancient and 



212 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

modern history, references to apostolic days and ancient lore, fact 
and fiction, charged that protection had driven American shipping 
from the ocean. This was Mr. Dingley's opportunity ; and on the 
25th of April he made his first great speech in the house on "Pro- 
tection of American Shipping." ^ It was a masterly effort — keen,, 
logical, clear and convincing. He brought forth from the pages 
of history incontrovertible facts to establish his conclusions. He 
argued that it was free trade and not protection that had destroyed 
our foreign carrying trade, and that protection was necessary to 
restore the foreign carrying trade to its old-time glory. He was 
frequently interrupted by the Democratic leaders but held his own 
against them all. His time was extended and his address listened 
to attentively. One by one he destroyed the "free-ship" and "free- 
trade" structures, establishing in their places a sound and enduring 
policy that could not be shaken. As he proceeded the indifference 
which had been manifested toward this new member from Maine, 
changed into marked interest. Members stopped talking and 
quietly moved nearer the speaker. "I only repeat the teachings of 
history," he said, "when I say that no people ever became a great 
commercial nation that did not build their own ships. The 
Egyptians, the Greeks, the Italians, the Carthagenians, the Span- 
iards, and the Dutch held in turn the empire of the sea ; but each 
only so long as they could build their own vessels. When our 
carrying trade was thrown open to the world by the civil war. Eng- 
land, France and Germany wanted it ; but the former secured it 
simply because she could and did build her own ships. Experience 
has shown that a nation which does not build her ships will not long 
have the ability to buy them after the door is opened. The nation 
which confesses its inability to devise any policy by which it may 
build its own ships, and deliberately sends its people into the mar- 
ket to buy of her neighbors, surrenders her independence, and in 
war places herself at the mercy of those nations which control the 
ocean. * * * Mr. Chairman, important as are other questions 
before this congress, I hold that not one of them is of greater im- 
portance and of more far-reaching consequence than this. We are 
already a republic of more than fifty millions., and increasing in 
population and wealth never before known in the history of any 
other nation. In 1890 our population will reach sixty-five millions, 
and in 1910 it will reach one htmdred millions, provided we are true 
to ourselves and our destinies. But unless all history is mislead- 
ing, we cannot hope to retain our present advantages or to extend 

1 — See Appendix. 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 213 . 

our prestige as a nation, unless by an efficient system of protectioa 
and encouragement, we hold and strengthen our position on the 
sea as we have on the land. As has been well said, the throne of 
empire rests no less on the rocking waves than on the solid land." 

At the close of his address, the members on both sides of the 
house vigorously applauded and personally extended congratula- 
tions. The future leader of the house had scored his first triumph, 
and for an hour or more the old leaders on both sides discussed in 
the lobby and cloak rooms the great speech of the black-haired 
member from Maine. Some of them in recent years have recalled 
with pleasure their recollections of Mr. Dingley's first great 
triumph on the floor of the house. The Washington Star pro- 
nounced it "a speech of much ability and force, giving promise of a 
successful career in congress ;" and the Washington correspondent 
of the New York Tribune said it was "one of the best speeches 
ever made by a new member." 

In discussing the bill to appoint a tariff commission Mr. Ding- 
ley said : "The protectionists, mainly Republicans, take the 
ground that in framing a tarifif, care should be taken to so impose 
duties as not only to secure revenue, but also, to protect American 
industries against the competition of the products of similar in- 
dustries in foreign countries, where the wages of labor are less than 
here. Protection is for the benefit of the farmer as well as the 
manufacturer and laborer. No country can be prosperous without 
manufactures and diversified industries. It has been shown by the 
experience of the world that nations purely agricultural, are weak 
and dependent nations. The nation which raises its food, makes its 
clothing, and produces as near as possible all that is essential to 
its prosperity, is the most prosperous. Farming is the most pros- 
perous alongside of manufactures and commerce." 

Returning from his triumph in the house, Mr. Dingley that 
same e\'ening, attended a Congregational convention and made a 
scholarly address on "Temperance and Christianity." 

It is a significant and important fact that the Republicans of 
the house wherein Mr. Dingley served his first term, refused to re- 
duce the internal revenue tax on whiskey. Lobbyists labored hard 
for the bill, but to no avail; and the injunction of Mr. Dingley — 
"remove the tax from sugar and not from whiskey" — was ob- 
served in the Republican caucus. In this caucus the voice of Mr. 
Dingley was raised in behalf of the cause of temperance. 

In the month of March, the last lingering attempts were made 
to defame the martyred Garfield. An anonymous letter appeared in 



214 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

the public press in which Garfield was referred to as a "treacher- 
ous, cowardly and hypocritical man." This letter was inspired by 
some angered and disappointed stalwart ; but its publication did not 
have the desired effect. It rather caused a revolt among the stal- 
warts themselves, arousing mingled anger and jealously; and when 
on the first day of April it was decided by the administration leaders 
to force the nomination of Secretary of the Treasury Charles J. 
Folger for governor of New York, there were signs of an ap- 
proaching storm. Judge Folger was buried out of sight at the polls 
and the stalwarts disappeared as a political factor. Realizing the 
feeling that was slowly but surely being aroused, President Arthur 
with rare political shrewdness, drew upon the ranks of the old fol- 
lowers of Mr. Blaine to complete his cabinet. He made William 
E. Chandler secretary of the navy, and Henry M. Teller secretary 
of the interior. Chandler was an ardent Blaine man, and his ap- 
pointment visibly strengthened President Arthur's position. 

Debate on the bill to extend the charters of national banks be- 
gan in the house May 13. Mr. Crapo ^ of Massachusetts, chairman 
of the committee on banking and currency, led off in a strong 
speech. Mr. Bland of Missouri, the silver apostle, spoke against 
the bill. In the course of his speech Mr. Bland intimated that the 
national banking interest had forced the committee on banking 
and currency to report out a bill which practically demonetized 
silver. Mr. Dingley in reply said : "Mr. Speaker, as the gentleman 
from Missouri has made certain representations in reference to a 

1— Mr. Crapo writes to the editor of these volumes; "My acquaintance with 
Mr. Dingley beg-an when he entered congress in 18S1. Although a new member, 
serving- his first term, he at once attracted attention. He was placed on the 
committee of banking and currency of which I was then chairman. At the out- 
set he took a prominent part in the discussions and work of the committee. He 
had prepared himself by an exhaustive and intelligent study of the history of 
banking from its earliest periods, and his command of facts and figures in 
illustration and defence of his position was quite remarkable. He delighted in 
statistics and made use of them with great readiness and accuracy. In the com- 
mittee room Mr. Dingley was fond of disputation, and nothing pleased him more 
than an earnest argument with the fiat money and the free-silver members of 
the committee. His industry was unsurpassed. No amount of work or investi- 
gation could be assigned to him which he did not welcome. Yet such was his 
method of aprhcation he never appeared weary or over-taxed. He reached his 
conclusions by logical reasoning, working out the solution with intense earnest- 
ness and entire sincerity. No man in congress enjoyed in greater degree the 
confidence and respect of his associates. Whatever statement he made in de- 
bate was accepted as accurate and reliable. His strict adherence to facts and 
his fair and courteous treatment of opponents won their hearty esteem. While 
he was genial and approachable and promnt to render assistance and advice, 
there was an abundance of humor and levity. The trivialities of life did not in- 
terest him. Doubtless he had recreations, but as I saw and knew him his pleas- 
ure was in indefatigable, persistent, tireless investigation of economic problems. 
The continuance of the national banking system by the extention of the cor- 
porate existence of the banks was fiercely resisted in the forty-seventh congress 
both by the the advocates of a greenback and the advocates of a silver currency. 
Mr. Dingley took an active part in the contest and his efforts and influence 
largely contributed to the success of sound banking legislation." 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 215 

bill reported by a majority of the committee on banking and cur- 
rency in relation to the coinage of the silver dollar, I deem it proper 
to correct his statements. He represented that the national banks 
through a majority of the banking and currency committee, had 
contrived a bill to demonetize the standard silver dollar and to take 
away from the people that dollar." 

"I have shown," said Mr. Bland, "that the demand for the de- 
monetization of silver comes from the national bank interests." 

"I wish to show," replied Mr. Dingley, "that the bill reported 
by the majority of the committee with reference to the coinage 
of the silver dollar, simply provides that coinage shall be limited to 
the demands of the people. Its sole purpose is to prevent the ac- 
cumulation of silver dollars in the treasury which the people do not 
want. I agree with the gentleman that it is the people who should 
determine the amount of coinage of the silver dollar, and they will 
indicate their wants by the demand they make for them at the 
treasury. Now what has been the demand of the people for the sil- 
ver dollar? On the first day of January there were in circulation 
thirty-five and one-half million silver dollars. Since that time we 
have coined nine million, and have paid out over half of them, and 
over half of those paid out have come back to the treasury and ac- 
cumulated there. More than that, Mr. Speaker, of the thirty-five 
and a half million dollars that were in circulation on the first day of 
January, three and one-half millions have also been returned to the 
treasury and are there today. Thus we have accumulated in the 
treasury since the first day of January twelve and a half million dol- 
lars that the people do not want." 

The colloquy was, perhaps, premature and irrelevant ; but it 
brought out the fact that Mr. Bland misconstrued the action of the 
committee on banking and currency of which Mr. Dingley was a 
member. Mr. Hewitt of New York, one of the ablest of the Dem- 
ocrats, and Mr. Butterworth of Ohio, one of the ablest of the Re- 
publicans, spoke at length, the former against and the latter in 
favor of the bill. The debate covered every phase of the national 
bank question, and brought forth widely divergent views. On the 
17th of May Mr. Dingley took the floor and spoke on the broad 
question of national banks and the national banking system. ^ He 
said in opening that "while some objections have been advanced 
which merit thoughtful consideration, yet the burden of the as- 
saults on this system have consisted not so much of candid argu- 
ments as of extravagant or unfounded assertions and violent de- 

1 — See Appendix. 



2i6 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

nunciatory phrases in which 'monopoly,' 'swindle' and 'robbery' 
have played a conspicuous part." He then carefully reviewed the 
history of the national banking system, the opposition of the state 
banks, the success of the system itself, the profits of circulation; 
pointed out that the system was not limited to the public debt, dis- 
sected the greenback program, the non-legal tender note plan, dis- 
cussed the question of profit and loss to national banks, the tax on 
depositors, dissipated the monopoly objection and the popular 
notion that the circulation medium belongs to the nation, dis- 
cussed the query who shall control the volume of money, touched 
upon the danger of inflation by government notes, asserted that 
the treasury was not responsive to wants of trade and explained 
the redemption of government notes. He concluded by pointing 
out the teachings of history, the warnings of our statesmen and the 
views of Jefferson and other Democrats and said: "It would be 
worse than a blunder for the American congress to destroy the 
national banking system which is so closely interwoven with the 
business of the country, and which is inspiring so complete con- 
fidence in business circles, and commit the country to a currency 
experiment which every authority in economic science, the fathers 
of the republic and the stern teachings of experience warn us to 
avoid." 

This speech was regarded as so able and satisfactory a dis- 
cussion of the national banking system, that it was reprinted by the 
Republican congressional committee and widely circulated as a 
campaign document. 

The house passed the tariff commission bill on the 6th day of 
May and the bill extending national bank charters thirteen days 
later. Both measures were denounced by the Democrats. 

June 6th, Mr. Dingley made a report from the banking and 
currency committee on the "silver question" which attracted much 
attention and which was pronounced by Mr. Hewitt of New York 
one of the ablest presentations of the silver question ever made in 
congress. ^ The bill accompanying the report provided that until 
an international agreement on a coinage ratio for the use of silver 
in full legal tender coinage shall be made by the leading commercial 
nations, or until the equivalency of bullion between the standard 
silver and gold coins of the United States in the markets of the 
world shall be otherwise secured, the issue of silver certificates shall 
be suspended, providing the silver certificates now outstanding may 
from time to time as paid into the treasury be re-issued on the de- 

1— See Appendix. 




W. H. MORRISON. ABRAM S. HEWITT 
HILARY A. HERBERT. WM. M. SPRINGER. 



NELSON DINGLEY JR 217 

posit of silver dollars. The bill further provided that until the 
agreement above indicated is reached, the secretary of the treasury 
shall cause to be coined only such number of the standard silver 
dollars as may be required to supply the demand for actual circula- 
tion, in lieu of the minimum coinage provided for in the act of 
February 28th, 1878. The Greenback papers of Maine denounced 
the bill and the report, charging that "Mr. Dingley is a bank di- 
rector, and his bill is in the interest of the banks." Mr. Dingley 
replied, denying that he was a bank director or the holder of any 
bank stock. After disposing of some of the objections raised, he 
observed : "But the greatest objection to the unlimited coinage of 
silver dollars worth intrinsically less than eighty cents as compared 
with the gold dollar, is that it will finally force us to a silver basis, 
and drive gold from the country. At present the eleven cents dif- 
ference between the silver and the gold dollars, is bridged over by 
receiving the former for gold duty. This will answer when the 
volume of silver dollars and certificates is small ; but will utterly 
fail if the coinage goes on many years longer, and would fail at 
once if we should have unlimited coinage as the silver lunatics pro- 
pose, and have introduced a bill into congress to do. This is seen 
by every eminent bimetallist, and every authority in finance." 

June 5th Mr. Dingley introduced a bill to provide for the issue 
of gold certificates. It authorized the secretary of the treasury to 
receive deposits of gold coin and bullion with the treasurer or as- 
sistant treasurer, in sums not less than ten dollars, and to issue 
certificates therefor. The coin and bulHon deposited for and rep- 
resenting the certificates of deposit were to be retained in the 
treasury for the payment of the same on demand and the certifi- 
cates were to be receivable for customs, taxes and all public dues, 
and when so received might be re-issued, and when held by any 
banking association might be counted as part of its lawful reserve 
and accepted in the settlement of its clearing house balances. This 
bill finally became a section of the silver bill. 

When the deficiency appropriation bill was in the house (June 
6th) a paragraph was reached appropriating $32,000 for the ex- 
penses of the celebration of the centennial anniversary of the sur- 
render of Lord Cornwallis at Yorktown, Virginia. During the de- 
bate Mr. Cobb of Indiana obtained leave to print the items enum- 
erated in the bill presented by the "Yorktown Centennial Celebra- 
tion Commission," October 18, 1881. The bill was for $6,500 
worth of liquors, most of which was utilized in making the celebra- 
tion "glorious." Mr. Dingley objected to the payment of this bill 



2i8 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

and said: "The gentleman from New York (Mr. Hiscock) re- 
marked a few moments ago that it was better that these transac- 
tions should remain in silence rather than be trumpeted abroad 
throughout the country. If they were not already known to the 
country ; if every newspaper in the land had not already trumpeted 
this disgraceful affair, there might be some point to the sugges- 
tion." He then read a despatch to a Cincinnati paper, asserting 
that the officers in charge of the celebration were provided with 
liquors of all kinds and "Uncle Sam was footing the bills." Mr. 
Hewitt of New York thought there was a difference "between the 
arena of the newspapers and the floor of the house of representa- 
tives." Mr. Dingley continued in reply: "WHien such an uncon- 
tradicted charge as that which I have read is made against a com- 
mittee of congress, and when it appears that they have used the 
money of the people to contract and pay such bills, it is time for the 
representatives of the people on this floor to proclaim in the house 
what everybody outside knows, and to protest against it. And I 
stand here to protest in the name of my constituents and I believe 
in the name of this country, against foisting upon the taxpayers of 
this country the payment of a bill like this, incurred under the plea 
of extending a welcome to twenty gentlemen from France. I call 
upon the representatives of the people not to counsel silence when 
it is proposed to pay such bills from the public treasury, but to 
speak out words of truth; for unless they are spoken, unless we 
protest against such a proceeding as this, we shall find the evil in- 
creasing from year to year." These brave words were re-echoed 
in every christian and temperance home in the land. 

Mr. Blaine had stepped from the political arena, but his political 
influence remained. So great was the regard of his old constitu- 
ents, that they tendered him the nomination for representative in 
congress but he declined the same. He said : "For twenty-three 
3'ears I was continuously in the public service and left in conse- 
quence of a tragedy that has involved deep changes in the policies 
of the government." IMore than this, he had given up all hope of 
being president of the United States, for two years before he pub- 
licly stated: "I will never make another organized effort to secure 
the nomination. If the nomination should come. I will be thankful, 
but I cannot go through another struggle and will not ask my 
friends to make the sacrifice." But his friends were willing to make 
the sacrifice; and in 1884 he was nominated for president by the 
Republicans but defeated by a narrow margin. 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 219 

President Arthur appointed the following members of the tarifif 
commission: William A. Wheeler of New York, John L. Hayes 
of Massachusetts, Henry W. Oliver Jr. of Pennsylvania, Austin 
M. Garland of Illinois, John Ambler of Ohio, John S. Phelps of 
Missouri, Robert P. Porter of the District of Columbia, John W. H. 
Underwood of Georgia, Duncan F. Kenner of Louisiana. Mr. 
Wheeler declined to serve and the place was offered to several 
gentlemen, all of whom also declined. Finally William H. Mc- 
Mahon of New York accepted. Mr. Phelps declined to serve and 
Alexander P. Boteler of West Virginia was nominated in his place 
July 6th this commission, with not a few misgivings as to the result, 
assembled at the Ebbitt house and began its work. 

The Maine Republican state convention was held in Portland. 
June 13th. Senator Frye was chairman of the state committee. 
Senator Hale, who presided over the convention, said he be- 
lieved "President Arthur was trying to bring all shades of the 
party into accord." Frederick Robie was nominated for governor 
and Messrs. Reed, Dingley, Boutelle, and Milliken, for congress- 
men-at-large. Mr. Dingley did not attend this convention, but sent 
kind words of appreciation and greeting. He received every vote 
of the eleven hundred and eighty-one cast in the convention — a re- 
markable distinction. Daniel H. Thing was nominated by the 
fusionists of the second congressional district as the man "who is 
to warm the seat now occupied by Nelson Dingley Jr." 

On the 15th of June, when the house in committee of the whole 
had under consideration the river and harbor bill, Mr. Cox of New 
York made one of his characteristic speeches ; and this speech was 
quite the funniest that he had thus far delivered. He followed Mr. 
Horr of Michigan, his rival in wit and absurdity. "Mr. Chair- 
man," said Mr. Cox with marked solemnity, "I have just looked 
over this bill and have failed to find one favorite stream. I do not 
mean the Kiskiminetas ; that is 'gone to the rearward and abyss of 
time.' I pine for my favorite. Other streams also that used to be 
in these bills are gone. But one stream, of unpronounceable de- 
light, I have failed to find in this bill. It touched my heart with 
peculiar tenderness. It deserved an appropriation. I have some 
poetry about it. It speaks of messages of love and joy and sorrow. 
I think my friend Judge Holman, when he hears this song, will 
move to amend the bill by putting this stream in." Then in the 
midst of roars of laughter, the clerk read Mr. Co.x's original poem, 
entitled "the Skoodoowobskook." 



220 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

"Oh ! maid with the hair that is yehow, 
'Tis time that your home you forsook ; 
Come over and hve with a fellow. 
By the beautiful Skoodoowobskook. 

And there where the grasses of brooks kiss. 
In the prettiest kind of a nook, 
Where the swift running Skoodoowobskook is 
Fours into the Skoodoowobskook. 

Our lives their streams shall commingle, 
For heaven no further will look ; 
Then come, — it is wrong to live single — 
O come to the Skoodoowobskook. 

In this lovely terrestial Eden, 
I'll teach you to fish with a hook, 
The fishes are plenty, O maiden. 
In the crystalline Skoodoowobskook.. 

Our food shall be trout from the waters, 
Which you to your sweet taste shall cook; 
Come, fairest of Uncle Sam's daughters, 
To the banks of the Skoodoowobskook." 

"I am glad," said Mr. Cox, "that our clerk has a fine apprecia- 
tion of poetry. He not only reads it with credit to himself, but 
honor to the house and committee. I fail to find that stream in this 
bill. It is an outrage on the Skoodoowobskook. It is an outrage on 
the state of Maine, where I surmise it is situated. The gentleman 
from Maine (Mr. Dingley) who honors me with his attention feels 
it enter his very heart !" 

This good-natured thrust at the most sober and serious mem- 
ber of the house, himself overcome with laughter, fairly convulsed 
the house. But Mr. Dingley appreciated the sarcasm and wit of the 
member from New York. 

Mr. Dingley first gave evidence in the house of his wonderfully 
accurate and comprehensive grasp of government finances and the 
tariff, on the 26th of Jtme, when he made a speech in the committee 
of the whole on "Reduction of Taxation." The committee was 
considering a bill reported from the committee on ways and means 
to reduce internal revenue taxation. Mr. Dingley argued that as 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 221 

far as possible taxes should be imposed on luxuries and made as 
light as possible on necessities when this taxation increased their 
cost. Liquors and tobacco he deemed luxuries to be taxed. "Five 
times," said J\Ir. Dingley, "since the war closed has the Republican 
party reduced taxation. But in making reduction, congress should 
be guided by the single purpose of aiding the masses and the indus- 
tries of the country as far as possible, and in all indirect taxation, 
should make the burdens fall on the luxuries rather that the neces- 
saries of life." ^ This speech was reprinted and circulated as a cam- 
paign document by the Republican congressional committee. June 
27 the bill passed the house by a vote of 128 to 80, 83 not voting. 
Mr. Dingley voted "no," because the bill reduced the internal reve- 
nue tax on liquor and tobacco. He was in favor of that portion of 
the bill removing the stamp tax on checks, drafts, orders and 
vouchers ; and removing certain taxes upon the capital and deposits 
of banks and bankers. 

Li the meantime the bill to enable national banking associa- 
tions to extend their corporate existence, passed the senate with 
amendments, and came over to the house. Mr. Crapo, chairman 
of the committee on banking and currency, moved that the house 
insist on its disagreements to the amendments of the senate and 
ask for a conference. The speaker appointed Mr. Crapo, Mr. Ding- 
ley and Mr. Buckner as the house conferees. In this conference 
Mr. Dingley displayed his rare skill and diplomacy in adjusting dif- 
ferences of opinions so as to obtain the best possible results. For 
several days the conferees failed to agree. Finally through the 
persuasive efforts' of Mr. Dingley, on the loth of July, an agree- 
ment was reached and the conference report adopted by both 
houses. The bill " thus became a law. 

Mr. Dingley's district was bounded on the east by the Atlantic 
ocean ; and along the shore were many important seaport towns, 
such as Bath, Boothbay, Rockland, and Camden. For years, Bath 
had been a great ship-building centre, and in the early days before 
the advent of iron and steel ships, the wooden ships of Bath were 
the pride of Maine and the glory of the nation in the leading ports 
of the world. But the foreign carrying trade of the United States 
was declining, and Mr. Dingley wanted the whole country to know 
why. His speech in the house on the 20th of April previous, had 
called the attention of the people to his knowledge of and decided 
views on, the situation. With a view to bringing about practical 

1 — See Appendix. 

2— H. of R. Bill No. 4167. 



222 , LIFE AND TIMES OF 

results along this line, he introduced a joint resolution to provide 
for a commission to inquire into the condition of the ship-building 
and ship-owning interests of the United States and to suggest 
measures for restoring the foreign carrying trade of the United 
States. The fruitful result of this move was made manifest a few 
years later. 

On the 26th of July, in company with Representatives Hewitt 
and Belmont, Mr. Dingley appeared before the committee on com- 
merce to urge the adoption of his joint resolution. Captain James 
Parker, secretary of the American ship-owners' association, also 
addressed the committee. The resolution was reported to the 
house and referred to the committee of the whole. On the 5th day 
of August Mr. Dingley asked that the committee be discharged 
from further consideration of the resolution. Mr. Holman wanted 
to know "what good result we can hope for from this joint com- 
mittee." Mr. Dingley replied that "the joint resolution is reported 
unanimously by the committee on commerce, and it seems to them 
to be the only feasible method of reaching certain information and 
formulating some plan for reviving the American merchant marine 
engaged in the foreign carrying trade. It should be borne in mind 
that within two years there have been great changes in the condi- 
tion of American commerce. New facts have been developed, a 
new situation is presented, and this house and the American con- 
gress ought not to longer delay to take steps which will tend to the 
important result of restoring our flag to the commerce of the 
ocean." Mr. Dingley was supported by Mr. Cox of New York. 
The joint resolution was agreed to, and the speaker appointed 
Messrs. Page of California, Candler of Massachusetts, Robeson 
of New Jersey, Dingley of Maine. McLane of Maryland and Cox of 
New York members of this joint committee on the part of the 
house. Senators Miller of New York, Conger of Michigan and 
Vest of Missouri were appointed members on the part of the sen- 
ate. The object of this commission was to inquire into the cause of 
the decline of American shipping, with a view to the enactment of 
laws during the next session enabling the American merchant 
marine to compete with that of foreign countries. 

Mr. Dingley sustained President Arthur's veto of the river and 
harbor bill on the first day of August, and said: "I regard it as a 
wise and brave act. It calls for a halt in a system of so-called public 
improvements so dovetailed together that the success of one ap- 
propriation, however important, depends upon the success of 
others in no wise defensible." 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 223 

At three o'clock on the afternoon of August 8th the first ses- 
sion of the forty-seventh congress came to an end. Mr. Dingley, 
weary from his long and arduous labors, left for Maine the day be- 
fore congress adjourned ; and on tlie 8th of the month once more 
joined his family circle at his summer home. 

The campaign in Maine was already on when Mr. Dingley 
reached his home. The Republican speakers from out of the state 
were Messrs. Allison of Iowa, Plumb of Kansas, Rollins of New 
Hampshire, Miller of New York, Lynch of Virginia, Hawley of 
Connecticut, Kasson of Iowa, Hiscock of New York, Butterworth 
of Ohio, Windom of Minnesota, Keifer of Ohio, Foster of Ohio. 
Frederick Douglas, and General Green B. Raum, commissioner of 
internal revenue. Mr. Dingley at once plunged into the campaign. 
He spoke nearly every night until the day of election. The state 
election on September 11, was a great Republican victory, Fred- 
erick Robie, the Repubhcan candidate for governor, receiving 
72,481 votes. Harris M. Plaisted, the Democratic candidate for 
governor, received 63,921 votes, and Solon Chase, Greenbacker, 
1,324 votes. Four Republican members of congress (at large) 
— Reed, Dingley, Boutelle and Milliken — were elected. The day 
following the election was one of great rejoicing. Cannon were fired 
in Lewiston and Mr. Dingley was serenaded by enthusiastic admir- 
ers. October ist he made a temperance address in Tremont tem- 
ple, Boston, and also addressed the Cambridge temperance reform- 
ers. 

The significant features of the November election were the de- 
feat of Judge Folger, the Republican candidate for governor of 
New York, and the election of a majority of Democrats to the 
lower house of congress. Both disasters were the result of the dic- 
tation of the Arthur administration and the stalwarts in national 
politics. It was a public rebuke pointing the way to Blaine's nomi- 
nation at Chicago in 1884. But his nomination afforded an op- 
portunity for stalwart revenge, and the great Republican leader 
met with defeat almost on the threshold of the White House. 

November 14, Mr. Dingley went to New York to attend a 
meeting of the congressional shipping commission appointed in 
the closing hours of the preceding session. The commission met at 
the Fifth avenue hotel the next day and perfected an organization. 
Captain C. C. Duncan, United States shipping commissioner for 
the port of New York read the principal paper and offered recom- 
mendations for the restoration of diFcriminating duties and per- 
mitting the free importation of material of all kinds used in ship 



224 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

construction, liberal postage compensation to fast American 
steamers bound to foreign ports, etc. John Roach read a state- 
ment saying that he had just taken a contract to build an iron ship 
at sixty-five dollars a ton, which could be built on the Clyde for 
more than five per cent less. He asked for the adoption of a fixed 
policy towards the shipping interest and presented documents 
showing the policy of foreign governments. During the course of 
the hearing Mr. Cox and John Roach became personal in their 
argument, and Mr. Dingley protested, saying that he thought the 
personality should go no further. Mr. Dingley took an active part 
in the hearings and at the close was appointed a member of a sub- 
committee (Messrs. Conger and Cox being the other two), to draft 
a bill and draw up a preliminary report. Mr. Dingley, as was his 
custom in all such matters, threw himself heartily into the work 
and performed all the labor. The bill was framed in his own 
handwriting. On the following day he devoted himself to 
the preparation of the report, all of which was personally pre- 
pared and written by him. Late in the month the com- 
mittee adjourned to meet again in Washington. Mr. Ding- 
ley reached home in time to join his family around the Thanksgiv- 
ing table. With a devout simplicity, sprung from Puritan ancestry, 
he gave thanks to "Him who had surrounded them with bountiful 
blessings," and into whose presence his sainted mother and be- 
loved son had gone. 

On the first day of December he returned to Washington, meet- 
ing with the shipping commission on the following day. The bill ^ 
for the relief of American shipping, and the accompanying report, 
was largely the work of Mr. Dingley. December 15, they were pre- 
sented to the house and referred to the committee on commerce. " 
The report ^ contained a large amount of valuable information, and 
the bill was the first attempt since the civil war, to legislate for the 
revival of American shipping. 

In addition to American shipping, internal revenue and the 
tarifif were the questions l^efore the second session of the forty- 
seventh congress. The tariff commission worked day and night to 
complete its report ; and on the first da}' of the session, presented it 

1 — H. R. 7061, amending- section 4031 of the revised statutes, a bill to remove 
certain burdens on the American sliipping marine, to encourage the American 
foreign carrying trade, and to amend the laws relating to the shipment and dis- 
charge of seamen. 

2 — A deadlock between the free-traders .and protectionists on the committee 
seemed to be inevitable, but Mr. Dingley proposed a compromise, which re- 
ceived the approval of every member of the committee. 

3 — A bound volume of speeches and reports in the possession of Mr. Ding- 
ley's family, contained a copy of this report, on which is made this memorandum 
in Mr. Dingley's handwriting-: "Written by Mr. Dingley." 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 225 

to the house. The commission declared "that high duties have a 
tendency to create prejudice and encourage unsafe investments of 
capital, and to cause a plethora of certain commodities; that the 
time has come when a reduction from high war rates can safely be 
made, and that the increase of production by the older industries is 
sufficient to admit of a reduction without impairment of ability to 
compete. The reduction on the average, and as a whole, approxi- 
mate twenty per cent and will perhaps reach twenty-five per cent." 

The great social event in official circles in Washington" during 
the holidays, is the president's New Year's reception at the White 
House. Mr. Dingley, in company with one of his sons, attended 
this function on January i, 1883. It was, as usual, a brilliant af- 
fair. There were sounds of many voices mingled with the strains of 
insparing music. The members of the foreign diplomatic corps, and 
the officers of the army and navy were present, gorgeous in their 
official array. Among the distinguished guests was a modest un- 
assuming man — Hon. Elisha A. Allen, Minister from the Hawaiian 
Islands to the United States. Mr. Allen and Mr. Dingley were per- 
sonal friends, both being natives of Maine ; and meeting in the 
cloak room they exchanged greetings. They had scarcely parted 
when Mr. Allen was seen to stagger and raise his hand to his heart. 
Friends assisted him to a couch near by where he immediately ex- 
pired. Mr. Dingley was almost the last person Mr. Allen spoke to; 
and the incident shocked Mr Dingley not a little. It was shortly 
after noon ; and as soon as President Arthur learned of the affair, 
he immediately said: "This is sad indeed. The reception must 
stop at once." The president hurried to the cloak room and the re- 
mains of Mr. Allen were taken to the Hamilton house, where the 
funeral was held January 2. -^ 

Debate on the shipping bill began January 6th. Mr. Page of 
California, chairman of the committee, explained briefly the pro- 
visions of the bill, then surrendered the floor to Mr. Cox of New 
York and Mr. Dingley of Maine, the former against the bill and in 
favor of free ships ; the latter for the bill and against free ships. 
In the course of his speech Mr. Cox said : "I do not greatly rely 
upon any method proposed by the majority for the revival of our 
ship building and ship using, although I must commend the per- 
spicuous energy and the intelligence of the gentleman from Maine." 

1 — Mr. Allen was dean of the diplomatic corps. He moved to Maine in 1S26, 
forming a partnersliip with Mr. Appleton. chief justice of the state. He was in 
the state legislature, and speaker of the house in 1838. In 1840 he was elected to 
congress. He was appointed consul to Hawaii in 1850. In 1857 he was appointed 
chief justice and chancellor of the kingdom. 



226 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

With eloquent -language and choice diction Mr. Cox closed one of 
the most remarkable and interesting speeches ever delivered in the 
house. But it was as weak in argument as it was strong in hyper- 
bole and climax. Mr. Dingley followed ; and before he had fairly 
got into his subject, the members drew nearer to catch every word 
he uttered. Carefully, logically and convincingly, he tore the mask 
from the speech of Mr. Cox and laid bare its sophistry and con- 
fusion. He reviewed the history of legislation in this and other 
countries ; called attention to the decline of American shipping in 
the foreign trade ; suggested proper remedies ; pointed out the 
amendments proposed to the existing law; and denounced the free 
admission of ships built abroad. The complete knowledge and wide 
information displayed by Mr. Dingley astonished the house; and 
when at the end of two hours he apologized for taking so much 
time, there were cries of "Go on ! go on !" from both sides of the 
house. He continued for half an hour, closing with an appeal to 
the house to try something — to take a step forward in this matter, 
"for if we go on ten years more in the way we have been going on 
for twenty-five years, the American merchant marine and the 
American flag will have faded from the ocean." This truly great 
speech was greeted with long-continued applause. It was a speech 
of a master — a statesman ; and the house knew it. It placed Mr. 
Dingley in the front rank of congressmen, and gave him a national 
reputation. Of it the Washington Post said: "The speech de- 
livered by Congressman Dingley of Maine on American shipping, 
was one of the most instructive addresses that the house has lis- 
tened to during the present session. Mr. Dingley has studied his 
subject thoroughly, and being an experienced journalist, he knew 
how to put a great many facts into small space." The Washington 
correspondent of the Boston Journal said: "It is not often that a 
member receives the compliment of so close attention for so long a 
time on a subject which possesses so few popular attractions." A 
Washington despatch to the New York Tribune said: "Mr. Ding- 
ley is one of the best informed men in congress on matters relating 
to the shipping interest ;.and, although he spoke without notes, and 
was frequently interrupted, his argument was compact and lucid, 
and his imposing array of facts and statistics was so marshalled as 
to command an attentive audience throughout, although he spoke 
for more than two hours." 

The shipping bill passed the house January 12, and Mr. Dingley 
thus achieved a great triumph. The measure removed existing 
burdens upon the running of American ships, and placed American 




R, B. HAYES. W. W. PHELPS. 
W. S. HOLMAN. JOHN A. KASSON. 



(NELSON DINGEY JK. 227 

merchantmen on an equality with British ships. Of the bill Mr^ 

Dingley said in an interview : "It is of more importance than ap- 
pears at first glance. It addresses itself entirely to the running of 
American vessels in competition with their English rivals. The 
main cause of the decline in our merchant marine engaged in for- 
eign trade for the past twenty years has been the inability of our 
vessels to compete in running with English vessels. Ship owners 
attribute this to our laws relating to merchant marine ; to the bur- 
dens heaped upon them by these laws. The bill passed by the house 
removes these burdens. Mr. Hitt of Illinois, who in his connection 
^vith the state department, and as diplomatic agent abroad, is well 
acquainted with this subject, said to me that there has been no bill 
connected with our commercial marine passed for fifty years that 
has the importance of this bill." 

The free-ship amendment happily was defeated by an over* 
whelming vote. Its adoption would have been a fatal blow to our 
shipping interests. 

"That speech must have cost you a great amount of work," 
a friend said to Mr. Dingley. 

'T had thought it all over and arranged it in my mind," he re- 
plied, "but I had not written it, and it is printed in the Congres- 
sional Record just as the stenographer took it down with the ex- 
ception of a few inserts of paragraphs from authors to which I re- 
ferred, but which I did not read. I have not set myself down to 
study the subject for any certain number of days. I have made it 
my knitting work for the past twelve months. Up to the time when 
I was elected to congress, a year ago, I had given no attention to 
the subject, and knew of it only as an editor knows of any matter 
of national interest. But I was elected to represent a ship-build- 
ing district, and have studied its interests. I think I have read all 
that has been written on the subject of our shipping." Mr. Dingley 
received congratulations with characteristic modesty. Many sen- 
ators whom he had never met sent him congratulatory notes. Sen- 
ator Dawes of Massachusetts pronounced the speech the most able, 
exhaustive and intelligent presentation which the subject ever had. 

The tarif? question was absorbing the attention of the senate 
and the shipping bill was not reported out of the committee on 
commerce until ten days before the session closed, and then with an 
amendment. A senate caucus on the night of February loth, called 
to determine "which of the various measures now pending in the 
senate shall be regarded as the most important to press to a vote," 
decided that the shipping bill seemed to present the greater claims 



228 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

for precedence. The bill, however, was not taken up by the senate 
until the last night of the session, and even then, in order to get it 
up an agreement was necessary to strike out the tonnage tax sec- 
tion, which was violently opposed by the foreign steamship inter- 
ests. It was passed by the senate after midnight of March 3rd and 
went back to the house. When it reached the house, that body was 
in a deadlock over a South Carolina election case. The committee 
in charge of that case waived it in order to allow Mr. Dingley to 
call up the shipping bill. Two attempts were made by Mr. Dingley 
to bring the bill before the house, but both failed. Thus the whole 
subject was thrown over to the next congress. 

On the 1 8th of January Mr. Dingley addressed the national 
board of trade, and on the night of February 6th attended a Dart- 
mouth college reunion at Willard's hotel, responding to the toast, 
"No Victory Without Toil" — a theme with which he was familiar. 
February 17 he addressed the association of American economists 
at Willard's hotel on "American Shipping." 

Debate on the tariff bill reported from the committee on ways 
and means, began January 25th and continued for several weeks, 
but it was not until the 14th of February that Mr. Dingley took any 
part in this discussion. When the lumber schedule was reached, an 
amendment was offered to put manufactured lumber on the free 
list. Mr. Dinglev opposed this amendment on the ground that "the 
manufacture of lumber in this country is the largest industry and 
the most diversified of any in the United States." Then turning to 
Mr. Holman, one of the leaders on the Democratic side he said; 
"It has been urged by the gentleman from Indiana that it is neces- 
sary to take away the protection of the lumber manufactured in 
Maine in order to protect our forests. This is a benevolent argu- 
ment. It is the argument that comes from gentlemen representing 
those states which have no forests of their own to protect. It is 
the patriotism of Artemus Ward, who loved his country so much 
that he was willing to sacrifice all his wife's relations in her de- 
fence." He then called attention to another important considera- 
tion by saying: "Canada desires the markets of this country for 
her lumber. She is willing to give this country valuable privileges 
in return for the privilege of securing our markets for her lumber. 
She is willing by reciprocity treaty to give us the right to export to 
Canada a large number of our own products free of duty. The 
proposition presented by the free-lumber amendment, is to give 
Canada our markets for lumber with nothing in return. Whenever 
we shall adopt the policy of putting lumber on the free list it should 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 229 

be done not on a tariff bill, but by a reciprocity treaty under which 
we can obtain from Canada value in return for that which we are to 
give." 

After a long debate and a weary controversy between the sen- 
ate and the house, the tariff bill of 1883 was sent to a conference 
and finally passed in the face of every obstacle which the Demo- 
cratic members could suggest. 

The conference report was agreed to in the senate by a majority 
of one, Mr. Ingalls casting the deciding vote in the affirmative. On 
the afternoon of March 3rd, the conference report was agreed to in 
the house by a majority of thirty-six. The debate was sharp and 
personal, the Democratic leaders making strenuous efforts to de- 
feat the adoption of the report. The result was greeted with pro- 
longed applause. 

At noon on the 3rd of March the forty-seventh congress ex- 
pired. Of Mr. Dingley's work, the Washington Post said: "Mr. 
Dingley of Maine will be in the next congress, backed by a larger 
majority than any other members of his state ; and his zeal for the 
revival of American shipping will not be overlooked by the ma- 
jority. His shipping bill will be revived and put through." 

On the 7th of March Mr. Dingley and his devoted wife left 
Washington for a trip through the south. They visited several 
points, returning to Washington April 2nd. Three days later he 
was at his home in Maine among friends and neighbors. 

That spring Mr. Dingley purchased a new home in Lewiston. 
Here in a modest way he lived for sixteen years. Surrounded by 
the members of his family, and his books and papers, he found the 
comfort, enjoyment and contentment of a happy christian home. 

From the first of June until the first of December, Mr. Dingley 
gave much of his time to public addresses, principally on temper- 
ance. He spoke at Farmington, at the Congregational conference 
on the duty of the churches in temperance reform. At Lake 
Maranocook (near Lewiston) he made an address on "The Consti- 
tutional Amendment and Prohibition." ^ He also spoke at Weirs, 
New Hampshire camp grounds, at Nobleboro camp grounds, at 
North Anson, at Old Orchard, at Unity and at Gardiner. Early in 
October he made a flying trip to Washington where he called on 
President Arthur and Secretary Folger. He found time to do a 
large amount of editorial work during this period, to make a tour 

1— See Appendix. 



230 ■ LIFE AND TIMES OF 

of 1ms congressional district and to attend Republican conferences. 
On the last day of November he started for Washington to resume 
his labors in the halls of congress. 



CHAPTER XIV. 
1883-1885. 

The forty-eighth congress assembled a year and a month after 
the Democratic party had elected a majority of the members of the 
lower house. There were in that body 196 Democrats, 118 Repub- 
licans, 5 Readjusters, 3 Independents and 3 Greenback-labor men. 
John G. Carlisle of Kentucky was nominated by the Democrats as 
speaker of the house. His rivals were Samuel Randall and S. S. 
Cox. The selection of Mr. Carlisle gave shape to the Democratic 
campaign of 1884, not only in the matter of the ticket but also of 
the platform. It meant that the tarifif question was no longer a 
"local issue," but a national matter. A decided and square-cut 
Issue between free-trade and protection was precipitated upon the 
country. Furthermore the organization of this house marked a 
return of the Democratic party to complete southern control. J, 
Warren Keifer of Ohio was renominated for speaker by the Repub' 
licans. The president's message was received with marked favor; 
and Mr. Dingley was especially pleased with that portion endors- 
ing the recommendation of Secretary Folger, that the shipping bill, 
which failed of a passage in the preceding session, be re-introduced 
and passed. 

In this house were Hilary A. Herbert of Alabama, secretary of 
the navy under President Cleveland ; William S. Rosecrans of Cali- 
fornia, a distinguished southern soldier; Charles F. Crisp of 
Georgia, later speaker of the national house ; Robert H. Hitt of 
Illinois, noted in diplomatic circles ; Thomas J. Henderson of Illi-. 
nois, a brave union soldier; William M. Springer of Illinois, subse- 
quently chairman of the ways and means committee ; Joseph G, 



232 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

Cannon of Illinois, a veteran in congressional service ; William R. 
Morrison, later chairman of the ways and means committee ; Wil- 
liam S. Holman and George W. Steele of Indiana, the latter asso- 
ciated with Mr. Dingley in 1897 with the preparation of the tariff 
bill; David B. Henderson and William P. Hepburn, veteran con- 
gressmen from Iowa ; John G. Carlisle and J. C. S. Blackburn of 
Kentucky ; Thomas B. Reed of Maine, the intellectual giant ; John 
D. Long of Massachusetts, subsequently secretary of the navy; 
George D. Robinson of Massachusetts, afterwards governor of the 
Bay state; Richard P. Bland of Missouri of "silver dollar" fame; 
William Walter Phelps of Massachusetts, later ambassador to Ger- 
many; Henry W. Slocum of New York, a distinguished union 
soldier; Samuel S. Cox, Abram S. Hewitt, Frank Hiscock and 
Sereno E. Payne, also of New York ; J. Warren Keifer, Frank H. 
Hurd, A. J. Warner, Joseph D. Taylor, William McKinley Jr., and 
Ezra B. Taylor, all distinguished members from Ohio ; Samuel J. 
Randall, Henry J. Bingham, William D. Kelley, Andrew G. Curtin, 
all from Pennsylvania; Benton McMillin of Tennessee; John H. 
Reagan, David B. Culberson, Thomas P. Ochiltree and Roger O. 
Mills, well known members from Texas ; and William L. Wilson 
of West Virginia, subsequently chairman of the committee on ways 
and means that prepared the Wilson tariff bill. 

Mr. Dingley immediately introduced to the house four import- 
ant bills relating to shipping, the first to encourage American ship 
building in the foreign carrying trade ; the second providing for 
licensing masters of vessels and others as pilots for sailing vessels 
in the coastwise trade ; the third to remove certain burdens on the 
American merchant marine ; the fourth to establish a bureau of 
commerce and navigation in the treasury department. 

The Democratic party in the house was divided into two war- 
ring factions — the Carlisle or free trade wing and the Randall or 
protection wing. The struggle between the factions over the selec- 
tion of committees was fierce, and the result was a distinct triumph 
of the Carlisle wing. Indeed this faction served notice on Mr. Ran- 
dall and the protection Democracy that "Democracy is not inci- 
dental protection but tariff for revenue only and free trade." The 
old free trade policy under which the country suffered was re-in- 
augurated. The announcement of the committees gave shape to 
the political issues of the next campaign. Important things were 
foreshadowed — Ohio was abandoned to the Republicans and the 
pledges of the Ohio Democrats were forsworn. The manufactur- 
ing interests were informed that they must "go it alone." The New 




J. G. CARLISLE. CHAS. H. CRISP. 
JOSEPH McKEXNA. BENJ. BUTTERWORTH. 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 233 

York Democrats were left in division. There was no hope of stop- 
ping the silver coinage. "Tariff reform" was to be the issue. 

In the matter of committee assignments, Mr. Dingley fared 
well. He was placed at the head of the Republicans on the com- 
mittee on banking and currency and the new committee on Ameri- 
can shipping. 

Speaker CarHsle was worked into a state of physical collapse by 
the perplexities over the making up of these committees; and there 
was a significant wink among the temperance advocates in the 
house, when the committee on alcoholic liquor traffic came to the 
surface with not a temperance man on it I And all but one voted 
against having any such committee ! The committee on the revival 
of American shipping was pronounced a strong one, while much 
diversity of opinion existed among the members of the committee 
on banking and currency. Mr. Dingley expressed the opinion that 
"a majority of the committee is disposed to treat the banks with 
fairness." 

On the 9th of January Chairman Slocum of the special ship- 
ping committee reported the new Dingley shipping bill to the 
house. The report accompanying the bill (written by Mr. Dingley) 
was substantially the report accompanying the bill which passed the 
house the previous session. The committee voted unanimously to 
report this measure thus showing their confidence in Mr. Dingley. 
The shipping interests waited anxiously for congress to act ; but the 
appropriation bills and the bill for the relief of Fitz John Porter oc- 
cupied several weeks of the session of the house. In the meantime 
the house shipping committee authorized Mr. Dingley to favorably 
report the bill to constitute a bureau of navigation in the treasury 
department. Mr. Dingley's shipping bill was also adopted by the 
senate committee and Senator Frye was authorized to report it 
favorably. But the session of the house dragged, enlivened in 
February, however, by Chairman Morrison's famous "horizontal" 
tariff reform bill. After two months' labor, Mr. Morrison, chair- 
man of the ways and means committee, made public his scheme, 
which consisted mainly of a twenty per cent horizontal reduction of 
the tariff rates, without regard to the condition of each industry 
which it was to effect, with a provision that "no duty shall be less 
than that provided by the act of 1861." This was the first attempt 
of the "reformers" to put their tariff talk into figures, after a dis- 
cussion of twenty-seven years. It gave the country some idea of 
what the reformers would do if they had the power, llr. Ranrlall 



234 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

and the protection Democrats denounced the measure. "Horizon- 
tal reform" caused astonishment and disappointment. 

It was in this congress that the first attempt was -made by the 
RepubHcans to have the house rules amended so as to permit a 
majority to proceed with business. Notwithstanding the fact that 
the Democrats were in the majority, they rejected the Reed amend- 
ment, thus practically voting a want of confidence in themselves. 
Under the existing rules, all bills went to one of three calendars, 
and had to be considered in the order reported, unless they were 
appropriation, revenue or election matters which were privileged. 
Nothing short of a two-thirds vote on suspension day, could take a 
bill out of its order. But the opposition of the Democrats insured 
inaction on important measures during this session. 

While Mr. Dingley was patiently waiting for his shipping bill to 
be reached, he busied himself with careful investigations of the 
operations of the government, and with other matters which deeply 
interested him. He continued the studious habits he early ac- 
quired. His Washington home was littered with books and pamph- 
lets on tariff, finance and temperance. His desk and table were 
covered with newspaper clippings and scraps of paper on which he 
had written notes and memoranda and figures. He was not a care- 
ful man in the appearance of his workshop or study. He would sit 
for hours, his head bent over his lap, his knees together and his feet 
pointing in until the toes of his shoes met, writing on a pad or a 
bundle of copy paper. He would start his speech or address, write 
from twenty to fifty pages, and perhaps not touch it again for 
weeks. He would write out conclusions and ideas he had gathered 
from his reading or from study. When engaged in the preparation 
of his great speech on the shipping bill and the report accompany- 
ing it, he was so absorbed in his topic that he scarcely knew of the 
presence of another person in the room. He was apparently un- 
businesslike in his methods of preparing and handling his material. 
It appeared to be scattered from one end of the room to the other; 
but from the apparent confusion he knew where to obtain every- 
thing when needed. He made a mental note of every figure and 
every point; and with that rare skill which only a trained news- 
paper man possesses, he marshaled all his material as a general 
marshals his soldiers. 

By way of diversion he delivered a lecture in Washington on 
temperance in which he gave a sketch of the result of prohibition 
in Maine. He said that "the law has come to stay, and does a great 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 235 

deal of good. There is less crime in Maine according to population 
than in any state wholly under license." 

Another week passed, and the house did nothing of moment. 
Mr. Dingley introduced a bill authorizing the secretary of the treas- 
ury to invest in four per cent bonds at his discretion, the lawful 
money now in the treasury to the credit of the national banks for 
the retirement of circulation. The amount of this fund was about 
thirty-six million dollars and was constantly on the increase. Mr. 
Dingley's bill was designed to prevent further contraction of the 
currency from this source. 

The shipping committee agreed to report adversely the bill to 
admit foreign built ships to American registry, free of duty. The 
same committee referred the postal steamship bill to Messrs. Hunt 
and Dingley for investigation ; and authorized Mr. Dingley to 
favorably report the pilotage bill permitting the masters and mates 
of American sailing vessels to be examined and licensed by United 
States inspectors to pilot their own vessels. The bill also provided 
that when any sailing vessel is in tow of a steamer which is in 
charge of a Unites States pilot, "such vessel shall not be compelled 
to employ a pilot." 

A bill to extend not to exceed two years, the payment of the tax 
on distilled spirits in warehouses, caused much discussion in the 
house at this time. Mr. Morrison, chairman of the committee on 
ways and means said in his report that the passage of the bill 
"would probably prevent serious disaster and bankruptcy not only 
to the interest itself, but to associate business interests." Mr. 
Dingley opposed the bill. He said that "the proposition involved 
in this extension is practically to lend the holders of whiskey si.xty- 
three million dollars, the amount of the tax on the whiskey which 
will accumulate in the next yeai or two, and to lend that immense 
sum of money at the rate of four and a half per cent per annum. 
* * * I object to that proposition, first because it is not the 
business of this government to lend money to anyone ; second, be- 
cause by extending the period for paying the whiskey tax from 
three years now allowed by law to five years, we would eventually 
lose all or a large part of the sixty-three million dollar tax on 
whiskey now in bond." ^ He contended that the existing law made 
no discrimination against the whiskey interest, and when the 
bonded period was extended to three years, congress had gone to 
the utmost limit. To pass the bill would favor whiskey as no other 
product was favored. The recommendation of the committee of 

1 — See Appendix. 



236 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

the whole that the enacting clause of the bill be stricken out was 
agreed to by the house by a vote of 186 to 83. 

The session of the house was rather uninteresting until the bill 
to retire the trade dollar was reached. The silver question was a 
tender topic with many, and the bill precipitated a long debate. 
The coinage of the trade dollar was authorized by the act of Febru- 
ary 12, 1873. About thirty-six million dollars had been coined; and 
it was proposed to exchange trade dollars for standard silver dol- 
lars coined under the act of February 28, 1878. "Silver dollar" 
Bland of Missouri, made a notable speech in which he objected to 
that portion of the bill providing that the retirement of the trade 
dollars should be at the expense of the monthly purchase of bullion 
and the coinage of standard silver dollars as now provided by law. 
The discussion covered the whole question of silver coinage and the 
battle of the standards was foreshadowed. Before the discussion 
closed Mr. Dingley took a hand. He called attention to the fact 
that if the trade dollars were not to be treated as bullion after they 
were retired "then the proposition was to increase the coinage of 
standard silver dollars to the extent of the silver bullion that may 
be purchased in the form of trade dollars. A new question is forced 
upon the house, namely, will this house consent to the enlarge- 
ment of the coinage of the standard silver dollars ?" He said he ob- 
jected to the coinage of more silver dollars "to be piled up in the 
treasury when nobody wants them." He favored the bill as it came 
from the committee because it would neither increase nor diminish 
the silver coinage. He closed his brief address by saying: "I for 
one believe in the use of both gold and silver in the full legal tender 
coinage of this country. But I say to you gentlemen, you never can 
successfully use both metals unless they are coined at a bullion 
value which shall be equivalent, and then and only then can 
you secure the full circulation of silver." Mr. Bland succeeded in 
carrying his point, 131 advocates of more silver dollars voting with 
him. Mr. Dingley voted against the Bland amendment, and joined 
with 44 others in voting against the bill. But 198 members sup- 
ported the measure as amended, and the bill was passed. 

Ever watchful of the interests of temperance, Mr. Dingley ob- 
jected to the tabling of the bill to provide for a commission on the 
subject of alcoholic liquor traffic. He asked that the bill be placed 
upon the calendar of the committee of the whole and it was so or- 
dered. 

All efforts to consider Mr. Dingley's shipping bill had thus far 
failed. Private legislation and appropriation bills were used to an- 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 237 

tagonize everything. Six thousand bills and three hundred joint 
resolutions had been introduced in the house, of which only two had 
become laws. Finally the Morrison tariff bill was brought up by a 
majority vote of two, and debate began. But it was a foregone 
conclusion that the bill would not pass. 

The last of April, Mr. Dingley's bill creating a bureau of navi- 
gation in the treasury department passed the house by a large ma- 
jority. In explaining the bill Mr. Dingley said that the measure if 
enacted into law "would establish in the treasury department a 
bureau similar in many respects to the British board of trade which 
has charge of the British merchant marine, with a head who shall 
be amply fitted by experience and by ability to direct af?"airs relating 
to our merchant marine." This bill later became a law, and the ex- 
pectations of its friends were realized. This bureau has become 
one of the most important departments of the treasury depart- 
ment and has been presided over by able men. 

The house continued to discuss the tariff bill, Mr. McKinley of 
Ohio making a notable speech on the 22nd of April. On the same 
day "Calamity" Weller of Iowa, objected to the consideration of 
Mr. Dingley's bill to allow the investment of moneys deposited in 
the treasury for the redemption of the circulation of national banks 
going out of business. The bill would have prevented the contrac- 
tion of currency and saved the government the interest on so much 
money. Mr. Weller shouted: "Let the national banking system 
be wiped out." Nothing could be said or done to remove the ob- 
jection of the member from Iowa and Mr. Dingley simply said: 
"Very well ; I have done my duty." 

Fortunately, Mr. Slocum of New York, chairman of the special 
shipping committee, represented a shipping district. His home 
was in Brooklyn,' and his constituents were interested in ship build- 
ing and commerce. He was a warm admirer of Mr. Dingley, and 
although a Democrat relied implicitly upon the integrity and ac- 
curate information of the member from the second Maine district. 
Mr. Slocum was heartily in favor of the bill and assisted materially 
in bringing many members of his own party to the support of the 
measure. Mr. Slocum was a distinguished civil war veteran and a 
fine looking man. His clear-cut features, long white hair and mili- 
tary bearing made him a noticeable member on the floor of the 
house. But behind the distinguished and courteous chairman was 
the pilot of the measure — Mr. Dingley. The bill itself was largely 
the product of Mr. Dingley's labors. The report accompanying the 
bill was submitted by the chairman, but was written by Mr. Ding- 



238 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

ley. ^ The bill came up in the house April 26, and Chairman Slo- 
cum made a brief explanatory speech. Then the debate became 
general, in which Mr. Dingley took part. Amendments were of- 
fered by the opponents of the measure, and Mr. Dingley with rare 
skill and tact, accepted the unimportant and opposed what would 
materially injure the bill. It was no easy task to get such a meas- 
ure through a Democratic house. The danger point was reached 
when Mr. Cox of New York moved a "free-ship" amendment, 
which in Mr. Dingley's opinion would defeat the whole bill. Al- 
though a separate measure covering the proposition of "free- 
ships" was before the house, Mr. Cox preferred to have the ques- 
tion tested at this point. Mr. Dingley then made an earnest argu- 
ment against the free-ship amendment. -^ It was pronounced an 
able effort; but the free-trade majority adopted the amendment, 
and the bill passed with the free-ship clause attached. Although 
disappointed over the action of the house, Mr. Dingley felt confi- 
dent that the senate would defeat the objectionable amendment. 
On the 9th of May the senate amended the house bill by striking 
out the free-ship clause and adding the senate provision granting a 
limited subsidy in the nature of foreign mail pay to American 
steamship lines. Senator Frye asked for a committee of confer- 
ence which was agreed to, Messrs. Frye of Maine, Miller of New 
York and Vest of Missouri being the conferees. On the 28th of 
May the house agreed to a conference ; Messrs. Slocum, Dibble and 
Dingley were appointed conferees. It was not until June 17 that 
the conferees met ; and after a protracted meeting a deadlock re- 
sulted on the free-ship and subsidy clauses. At this conference Mr. 
Dingley and Mr. Frye, both from Maine and both from the same 
city, labored hard to secure the rejection of the "free-ship" amend- 
ment and the retention of the "mail pay" amendment, offered by 
the senate. The latter amendment simply authorized the post- 
master general to contract for the carrying of our foreign mails 
with American steamship companies, the contract to be given to 
the lowest bidder. Several heated conferences were held. There 
were three Republicans and three Democrats, with Mr. Slocum 
rather inclined to the views held by the Republicans on the "free- 
ship" amendment. Finally on the night of the 20th the conferees 
from both houses made concessions, and it was decided to report 
the bill without either the free-ship or mail pay amendments. On 
the following day, the conference report was agreed to by both 

1 — See Appendix. 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 239 

houses. Thus, after two months of opposition on the part of the 
Democrats, the shipping bill substantially as drawn originally by 
Mr. Dingley, passed congress and June 26th received the signa- 
ture of President Arthur. It became a law July ist. Thus Mr. 
Dingley scored his first great triumph in congress. He received 
congratulations from the maritime association of New York, ^ the 
maritime exchange of Philadelphia, John Roach, and other Ameri- 
can ship builders and owners. 

As this was the first step that had been taken by congress for 
half a century to encourage American shipping, the measure at- 
tracted much attention, and gave Mr. Dingley a merited reputa- 
tion as the leading friend of the American merchant marine in con- 
gress. Mr. Dingley said in reference to the measure that "the 
movement for the relief of American shipping is not fictitious or 
simply local, but answers to a long and deeply felt and quite gen- 
eral demand. We may now look for a more intelligent comprehen- 
sion of the needs of the shipping interest and legislation required." 

Nobody outside of Washington realized the amount of hard 
work performed by Mr. Dingley in putting through his shipping 
bill. But his efforts were appreciated even where their extent was 
not fully realized. 

March nth, Mr. Dingley made a lengthy report from the ship- 
ping committee on "pilotage," accompanying his bill to relieve 
American vessels of the obligations to pay state pilots not used. ^ 
The bill was not reached for action. 

Debate on the Morrison tariff bill still dragged wearily. In- 
numerable speeches, most of them for the benefit of constituents, 
were delivered. Mr. Dingley followed the debate carefully, not- 
withstanding the fact that he was deeply absorbed in the shipping 
bill. He had in years past, devoted much time to a study of the 
tariff question, and his mind was already stored with a vast amount 
of information and fundamental knowledge. In early manhood and 
throughout his college course, he had made a specialty of political 
economy. He refused to accept the dogmas of the free-trade text 
books, and entered public life as a confirmed protectionist. This 

1 — Mr. Dingley received the following from the maritime association of the 
port of New York: "Now that success has happily crowned your efforts on be- 
half of the commerce of the country in the final passage of your shipping bill, 
the gratitude of all commercial communities throughout the United States is 
due to you and to those who aided you in its progress and passage. Leaving 
untouched the disputed questions of free ships and subsidies, the measure as 
adopted embraces those points which divergent interests agree upon as essen- 
tial to the successful competition with the world upon the common ocean. For 
your indefatigable perseverence. affecting so valuable and comprehensive a re- 
sult, please accept our sincerest thanks and most cordial congratulations." 

2 — See Appendix. 



240 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

debate in the house afforded him the opportunity he had been wait- 
ing for ; and when on the 29th of April, Mr. Turner of Kentucky 
closed a long speech in favor of the Morrison bill and the principle 
of a low tariff, Mr. Dingley took the floor. The house had already 
learned to listen while this member from Maine spoke. The mem- 
bers knew he had something to say, not to his constituents alone, 
but to the whole country. He talked not to the galleries but to an 
intelligent nation. The Democrats having the bill in charge, 
watched the speaker closely to detect weak points in his argument, 
if any should appear. In this exhaustive speech, ^ Mr. Dingley an- 
swered what he characterized the fallacies of the free trade idea, 
and carefully discussed the bearings of the tariff question upon the 
price of labor and merchandise. He said that "the issue raised by 
this bill is whether our tariff legislation in the future shall be ad- 
justed with a view not only of revenue, but also of protecting home 
industries against the unequal competition of foreign industries 
employing cheaper labor, or whether it shall be adjusted so as to 
exclude protection solely with the view of revenue." This was the 
keynote of the whole debate. In answer to the charge that protec- 
tion is a system of robbery, he said that "protection is not intended 
to benefit capital, except so far as capital is benefited by general 
prosperity." He made a strong point when he declared that "the 
average purchasing power of wages in the United States is forty 
per cent greater than in England." In reply to the "free raw ma- 
terial" argument, put forward by the advocates of the bill, Mr. 
Dingley said that "the raw material of one industry is the manu- 
factured product of some other industry, and there is no such thing 
as raw material upon which human labor has been expended." He 
maintained that "a protective duty is not a tax." and that "home 
production cheapens prices." In pointing out the blessings of pro- 
tection to farmers, he said that "it is essential to the success of 
farming in the United States that the pursuits of our people should 
be diversified. And it will be found that, other things being equal, 
farmers are most prosperous in those states where manufacturing 
industries are established, and pursuits of the people diversified, 
and home markets created." Mr. Dingley was warmly congratu- 
lated by the Republican members of the house who were deeply 
impressed by the sound logic and the accurate information. The 
Democratic leaders, also impressed by the ability displayed, joined 
in the congratulations. Mr. Dingley received these commenda- 
tions with characteristic modesty; and when the house adjourned 

1— See Appendix. 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 241 

quietly retired to his apartments. But this speech was the first step 
toward the high position he attained as a tariff authority. It was 
regarded as so satisfactory an exposition of the tariff from the pro- 
tection standpoint that extracts from it were published and circu- 
lated as campaign documents. 

It was a curious coincidence that Mr. Dingley was renominated 
by the second district congressional convention in Auburn on the 
same day that he delivered this tariff speech. General James A. 
Hall of Damariscotta presided. Joseph S. Hoyt of Franklin county 
arose and said: "Mr. Chairman, everyone seems to be somewhat 
modest today. I will present the name of a candidate for represen- 
tative to congress, a gentleman whose valuable service fully com- 
mends itself. I move that Hon. Nelson Dingley Jr., be nominated 
by acclamation by the convention as representative to the forty- 
ninth congress from the second congressional district." The entire 
convention acquiesced and in the midst of applause the nomination 
was made unanimous. The resolutions declared that "we heartily 
commend to the electors of the second congressional district the 
nominee of this convention, Hon. Nelson Dingley Jr., as a Repub- 
lican, devoted to Republican principles, equal rights, equal privi- 
leges, a free ballot, a fair count, protection to American industry, 
temperance, free schools, encouragement of American shipping, 
the promotion of the efficacy and purity of the civil service, and a 
sound currency, and whose official course has shown him to be a 
faithful representative of his constituents." 

A week later. May 6, the Morrison tariff bill was given its death 
blow in the house. Mr. Morrison in closing the debate, turned to 
Mr. Randall and said excitedly: "You claim to have the power to 
strike out the enacting clause of this bill. If you have that power, 
you have the power to amend this bill and make it what it should 
be." This remark was greeted with tremendous applause on the 
Democratic side. The debate over, a murmur of expectancy ran 
through the ranks of both opponents and advocates of the meas- 
ure, as the chairman directed the clerk to read the bill. The audi- 
ence which throughout the day crowded the galleries almost to suf- 
focation, hushed their hum of conversation and watched with in- 
tense interest further proceedings on the floor. Mr. Converse of 
Ohio, pushed his way to the front, and moved to strike out the en- 
acting clause. This was the signal for a volley of hisses and groans 
from the Democratic side, and this demonstration was met by 
rounds of applause from the Republican side. The scene in the 
chamber was of intense excitement and confusion to which the gal- 



242 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

leries rendered no little aid by loud tokens of approval and disap- 
proval. The tellers being ordered, Messrs. Converse and Morrison 
were appointed by the chair. Before taking his place Mr. Morrison 
called to the clerk of the house, who was standing by the speaker's 
desk, and exclaimed : "Clerk, see that no d — d scoundrel who is 
paired goes between the tellers." The first man to pass through in 
the negative was Reagan of Texas, who had been brought in on an 
invalid's chair in order to cast his vote, and he was heartily ap- 
plauded by friends of the negative vote. The announcement that 
the "ayes have it," was greeted with cheers from the Republican 
side ; and the cheers were taken up by the galleries and reverber- 
ated from every nook and corner of the hall. Ladies stood up and 
waved their handkerchiefs, and the men waved their hats. When 
the last name on the list had been called in the house. Speaker Car- 
lisle said to the clerk: "Call my name." His name was called and 
the speaker voted "No," amid another round of cheers. The final 
announcement of the defeat of the bill by a vote of 159 to 155, was 
cheered enthusiastically. Republicans and protection Democrats 
rose in their seats and gave cheer after cheer. Some waved papers 
above their heads, while others added to the confusion by continu- 
ous clapping of hands. Thus died the Morrison tariff bill and 
"tariff reform." 

Thus the Democratic party was badly divided on the eve of a 
presidential election. It organized the national house, resolved to 
leave its position as a mere fault-finder, as an organized negation, 
and start out with one definite principle, and it was this : that the 
protective tariff must be overthrown and a free-trade or revenue 
tariff, substituted. A speaker was , chosen after a bitter fight, 
pledged to appoint a committee on ways and means favorable to 
such a bill. After an incubation of nearly three months this com- 
mittee reported the Morrison tariff bill, changed so that its authors 
hardly knew it. The Republicans almost solidly objected to a bill 
whose porpose it was to inaugurate the abolition of all protective 
duties. Every Republican but two from Minn'esota, and forty pro- 
tection Democrats voted to strike out the enacting clause. The 
Democracy of Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, 
Maryland, 'Virginia, Ohio and California, declared they would have 
nothing of the kind. The bitterness exhibited between the two 
wings of the party was very great. 

The Republican national convention was scheduled for June 3rd 
at Chicago. Sentiment seemed to drift strongly towards James G. 
Blaine, and the friends of the Maine leader already counted 361 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 243 

votes to his credit, 41 1 being necessary to a choice. But Mr. 
Blaine himself thus far, was as silent as a sphynx. He said that "he 
had not so much as lifted a little finger to secure a single delegate." 
And yet, whenever Mr. Blaine went out to ride in Washington, he 
was shadowed by reporters, and recreation twisted into a dark and 
unfathomable conspiracy to capture the presidency. If he called on 
a friend, he was said to be hatching some sly plot to carry ofif the 
nomination. 

The singular spontaniety of the movement in Mr. Blaine's be- 
half made it the grandest tribute paid an American statesman since 
the days of Washington. The stalwarts' strength was divided be- 
tween Arthur and Edmunds ; but for the first time there was com- 
parative good feeling. Senators Frye and Hale of Maine, who had 
been reported as unfriendly to Mr. Blaine, stated emphatically that 
Mr. Blaine would receive the united support of Maine. A few days 
before the convention Mr. Blaine went to his home in Augusta, 
where he remained until after the convention. Before leaving 
Washington he told his immediate friends that he did not want to 
be in Washington, if nominated, and within sight and hearing of 
President Arthur. He did not want anything done that would in- 
jure President Arthur's feelings. 

On the last day of May, Mr. Dingley, in company with Repre- 
sentatives Milliken and Boutelle of Maine and Representative Long 
of Massachusetts, left Washington for Chicago to attend the na- 
tional Republican convention. The headquarters of the party was 
the Grand Pacific hotel. Already the city was thronged with dele- 
gates and visitors. Two hundred members of the Maine Blaine 
club made their presence known in a boisterous manner. In a quiet 
but effective way, Mr. Dingley advanced the cause of his life-long 
friend. Monday evening, June 2nd, the Maine delegation paid a 
visit of respect to the Iowa delegation at the Sherman house. The 
California delegation was also present, and enthusiastic speeches 
for Mr. Blaine were made by Mr. Dingley and Mr. Boutelle of 
Maine, and General Stone of Iowa. The convention met June 3rd 
in the Exposition building. Fourteen thousand people were pres- 
ent. Mr. Dingley and party occupied prominent seats on the stage. 
It was a sight long to be remembered. Roman standards, pendants 
with blue silk banners imprinted with gold, in mottoes of states and 
territories, rose from the edges of the aisles. A sea of faces swayed 
in the midst of fluttering flags and banners. Bands played patriotic 
airs. It was. as George William Curtis said, "the supreme council 
of the RepubHcan party." It was Mr. Blaine against the field; and 



244 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

when John R. Lynch, a colored delegate from Mississippi was 
elected temporary chairman, a scene of great excitement followed. 
It was apparently a victory of the opponents of Mr. Blaine, but Mr. 
Dingley did not regard it as "strictly drawing a Une as to the rela- 
tive strength of Blaine to that of the field-candidates against him. 
It was not an indication of presidential preferences." 

The name of Mr. Blaine threw tiie convention into a whirlwind 
of excitement. He was the popular idol ; and when the blind ora- 
tor, Judge W'est of Ohio, was conducted to the platform there was 
a hush throughout the vast hall. In a speech of remarkable 
strength and candor, Judge West placed Mr. Blaine in nomination. 
The balloting began Friday morning, the fourth day of the conven- 
tion ; and on the fourth ballot Mr. Blaine was nominated. He re- 
ceived 334 1-2 votes on the first ballot, 349 on the second, 375 on 
the third and 544 on the fourth. The result of the fourth ballot was 
received with great enthusiasm, the band playing and cannon 
booming outside the hall. The nomination was made at half past 
four in the afternoon, and even before the last figures were pro- 
nounced, the vast audience arose and broke into another mad 
demonstration of enthusiasm. Cheers resounded ; the band played 
inspiring airs, and hats and handkerchiefs and national flags were 
waved. A large square banner from Kansas was carried through 
the hall, promising immense majorities in that state for Blaine. 
The roar of the artillery outside was heard commingling with the 
louder roar of the voices from within, and amid great enthusiasm 
the nomination was made unanimous. That evening General John 
A. Logan of Illinois was nominated for vice president. Thus the 
two wings of the Republican party, after years of fighting, were 
again reunited on the eve of what appeared to be a most auspicious 
national campaign. 

Mr. Dingley in a public interview said : "The talk of disaft'ec- 
tion will not affect the ticket one particle in the end, unless it is to 
increase the aggregate vote for Blaine. I believe that where one 
Independent leaves the party, a half dozen Democrats will support 
Blaine and Logan. These papers have been preaching free trade, 
and have been generally antagonistic to the Republican party, and 
it is fortunate that they have gone over where they belong — to the 
Democracy." On the night of June 6th ]\Ir. Dingley left Chicago 
for Washington, rejoiced over the success of Maine's favorite son. 
On the 19th he addressed a Blaine ratification meeting in Wash- 
ington. The presidential campaign was fairly launched, and the 
first session of the 48th congress was drawing to a close. Tilden's 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 245 

letter of withdrawal concentrated the Democrats upon Grover 
Cleveland of New York. Benjamin Butler, who had already re- 
ceived the presidential nomination of the Greenback party, was 
coquetting with the Democracy ; but on the i ith of July the Demo- 
cratic national convention, after a stormy session of four days, 
nominated Cleveland and Hendricks for president and vice presi- 
dent. The platform adopted denounced the Republican party "for 
having failed to relieve the people from crushing war taxes," and 
pledged the Democratic party "to raise the tariff in a spirit of fair- 
ness to all interests ; but in making reductions in taxes it is not pro- 
posed to injure any domestic industries but rather to promote their 
healthy growth." On the money question the party said, "we be- 
lieve in honest money — the gold and silver coinage of the consti- 
tution — and a circulating medium convertible into such money 
without loss." Benjamin Butler, who was a delegate to the con- 
vention made a minority report from this committee on resolu- 
tions, and created much laughter and amusement by saying: "And 
now read that platform — read that tariff plank — and then see if you 
can find out exactly what it does mean? It does not mean pro- 
tection. If it did Col. Morrison is too honest a man to bring it 
here. And yet it is twisted so that it is supposed that it might 
mean protection." On accpunt of the opposition of the south- to 
Butler, his name had been withdrawn, but he remained a thorn in 
the Democratic side. Mr. Cleveland was nominated on the second 
ballot in the midst of a whirlwind of excitement. 

Congress adjourned the day before the Democratic conven- 
tion assembled in Chicago. Two days before adjournment, Mr. 
Dingley's bill to establish a bureau of navigation in the treasury de- 
partment, became a law. The act provided for a commissioner of 
navigation, charged with the supervision of the interests of the 
merchant marine of the United States. Jarvis Patten of Bath, 
Maine, was appointed the first commissioner under the act. 

Mr. Dingley commented thus on the session which had come to 
a close: "The house of representatives has shown itself a most 
incapable body. It has not been able to take up and despatch the 
public business, and has left much of it undone from sheer lack of 
capacity. It has shown extreme perversity, in its refusal to take up 
important matters that really demanded important attention, in its 
neglect of business, and its attempt to make political capital rather 
than to attend to the public business. In these respects it has gone 
to such extremes as to convince all thoughtful men that it is not 
safe to entrust the Democratic party with full control of the gov- 



246 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

ernment or to continue it in power in the popular branch of con- 
gress. There is a long Hst of public questions whose consideration 
has been deferred, which have almost imperatively demanded the 
attention of congress, and the ignoring of which has been a fatal 
neglect of public business. While the Democrats were unable to 
unite their differing factions on the tariff question, they have 
clearly shown that the largest majority of their party, as repre- 
sented in congress, is in favor of free trade, and have thus created 
an issue which will predominate, regardless of the action of their 
national convention. The people have been placed face to face 
with the tariff issue, and it must now be fought out." On the last 
day of the session Mr. Dingley started for his home in Maine, and 
once more rejoined his family at his summer abode. Here his mind 
and body obtained much needed rest. Surrounded by his loved 
ones, his kind, gentle and generous nature communed with God. 

The nomination of Mr. Blaine for president made the Demo- 
cratic case in Maine hopeless. Republican rallies were held in 
every county. Big mass meetings and state rallies were held in the 
principal cities. Mr. Blaine, at his home in Augusta, received 
daily, distinguished public men, journalists and prominent Repub- 
licans. Mr. Dingley paid Mr. Blaine a visit July 12th and congrat- 
ulated him personally. The nominee greeted Mr. Dingley with 
unconcealed warmth, and expressed his profound gratitude. Mr. 
Blaine read to Mr. Dingley his letter of acceptance and asked the 
latter's opinion. Mr. Dingley pronounced it admirable and subse- 
quently wrote that "it cannot but serve to sweep away the misrep- 
resentations of Mr. Blaine's attitude on public questions, and to 
convince every candid man of his conservative, patriotic, states- 
manlike and truly American principles." 

The enemies of Mr. Blaine were busy. The spectre of Fisher 
and Mulligan again appeared and the Republican candidate was 
obliged to defend himself against his maligners. Perh.aps it can 
never be proved to some men that Mr. Blaine was absolutely in- 
nocent of wrong-doing in this connection ; but the fact remains that 
nothing wrong was ever proved. At all events, Mr. Dingley always 
stoutly declared that the charges against Mr. Blaine were false. 
While discussing these charges he wrote that "it may be well to 
remark that the character of Mr. Blaine has never been successfully 
nnpeached. In business and in social life his record is clean. He 
has never been accused of disloyalty to his home or want of public 
spirit. His personal habits are such as will bear close inspection. 
In private Hfe a cleaner man cannot be found. Whether in the 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 247 

work of educational, moral or religious reform, Mr. Blaine is never 
niggardly or a loiterer. As in Garfield's case, however, the at- 
tempt is made in Blaine's, to impeach a career of uniform honor, 
integrity and public spirit." 

The Maine campaign continued vigorously. Mr. Dingley ad- 
dressed political meetings at different points in the state during the 
last half of July, the entire month of August and the first week in 
September. July 17 in company with Senator Frye he made an 
address at the dedication of the Poland Springs Music hall. August 
2nd he addressed a temperance gathering at Lake Sebago. He 
said that the adoption of the prohibitory amendment was impor- 
tant because it was regarded everywhere as a test vote on the ques- 
tion of prohibition or license. He addressed himself to the women 
in the audience and appealed to them to aid in its adoption by their 
influence at home and in the social circle, and by their presence at 
the polls in distributing af^rmative ballots. 

The big rally of the campaign was held at Lake Maranocook, 
a few miles from Lewiston. August 12th. Fifteen thousand people 
were present. The speaking was opened from three stands pre- 
sided over by Senators Frye and Hale and Governor Connor. 
When Mr. Blaine arrived the enthusiasm of the fifteen thousand 
people was without limit. After some minutes the excitement be- 
gan to die away into cheers, and then with hats and handkerchiefs 
waving it broke out again anew. Nothing approaching it was ever 
seen in Maine before. Mr. Dingley was one of the speakers at this 
memorable gathering. 

Election day in Maine was September 8th. It was very warm 
and sultry; but the Republicans polled a larger vote than ever be- 
fore. A novel feature at the polls was the presence of ladies dis- 
tributing votes for the prohibitory constitutional amendment which 
carried by over 43,000 majority. Frederick Robie was re-elected 
governor by over 15,000 majority and the four Republican mem- 
bers of congress. Reed, Dingley, Milliken and Boutelle were re- 
elected by large majorities. Mr. Dingley said that the splendid 
majority for the Republicans was "a sufificient response to the false 
charges and persistent abuse which had been heaped upon Mr. 
Blaine." On the vote on the prohibitory amendment Mr. Dingley 
said that "the emphatic result will strengthen the cause in Maine 
and carry great encouragement to the friends of prohibition in 
other states." 

In commenting on the significance of the victory Mr. Dingley 
wrote: "It is undoubtedly true that much of this Republican in- 



248 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

crease is due to the belief of the people in the wisdom of the Re- 
publican protective policy. But more is due to the great personal 
popularity of Mr. Blaine in Maine, and to the unjust abuse heaped 
upon him by the Democratic speakers and organs. Unless some- 
thing new comes up, it is well nigh certain that every northern state 
will give its electoral vote to-Blaine." 

Mr. Blaine's brilliant tour through the west began the latter 
part of September. It was a most remarkable exhibition of phy- 
sical endurance and rare judgment. His addresses were models of 
political utterances, and his presence aroused the people to unusual 
enthusiasm. 

From the close of the Maine campaign to the 22nd of October 
Mr. Dingley devoted his time to editorial work. His articles 
touching all public questions, were able and comprehensive. The 
Lewiston Journal was a power. 

The October victory in Ohio and West Virginia gave the Re- 
publicans fresh hope. It appeared to settle the presidential con- 
test. The tide was surely setting in favor of Blaine and the election 
of the Republican candidate was apparently as certain as any future 
event. 

The Republican national committee early recognized Mr. Ding- 
ley's influence on the stump, not because of his eloquence, for he 
possessed Httle ; but because of his wide and accurate information 
and his convincing way of presenting it. Late in October he 
started on a stumping tour through western Massachusetts and 
eastern New York. Under the date of October 27 he wrote to the 
Lewiston Journal an interesting letter giving his observations of 
the presidential campaign in Massachusetts and New York. "In 
response to your request," he wrote, "that I should give the Jour- 
nal readers my impression of the presidential outlook in the two 
states which I have visited during the past week I may say in gen- 
eral that I find the situation even more cheering for the Republi- 
can cause than I supposed. I addressed large Republican meet 
ings, with other speakers, at Beverly, Fall River, and Pittsfield. 
Mass., last week, and had an opportunity to confer with leading 
Republicans and members of the state committee. I find that the 
only question in the old Bay state is as to the size of Blaine's plur- 
ality — the figures standing all the way from 25,000 to 50,000. 
Blaine's vote will reach and probably exceed 150,000; Cleveland's 
vote will be from 100,000 to 120,000; and Butler's from 30,000 to 
50,000. In order to reach my appointments in western New York, 
i was compelled to leave Pittsfield by the 1 1 o'clock night train 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 249 

immediately after speaking there. Reaching Palmyra (twenty- 
five miles east of Rochester) at 11 o'clock Friday morning, I was 
taken by team to Fairport (twelve miles), where a large mass meet- 
ing of the Republicans of Monroe county was held in the afternoon, 
addressed by Cassius M. Clay, the veteran Kentucky abolitionist, 
and myself. Mr. Clay, although seventy-four years of age, is still 
vigorous and heartily Republican. In the evening there was a 
grand torch-light procession in which 1,600 torch-bearers par- 
ticipated. It was a grand display, and gave a striking idea of the 
Blaine enthusiasm in western New York. 

"Saturday evening I addressed a large Republican meeting at 
Perry, Wyoming county ; and this week speak in Schuyler, Oswego, 
St. Lawrence and Franklin counties, closing at Malone. I have 
conferred with leading Republicans and members of the state com- 
mittee, and I find all entirely confident that Mr. Blaine will carry 
New York on Tuesday of next week — none placing the plurality at 
less than 25,000, and many insisting that it will reach from 50,000 
to 75,000. 

"Said a prominent member of the state committee to me this 
morning, 'The Republicans will have at least 100,000 plurality over 
Cleveland in New York state outside of New York city, Brooklyn, 
and Kings county. Cleveland's plurality in these three Demo- 
cratic strongholds will not be much over 50,000. Butler's vote in 
the state is set at 50,000.' 

"I never saw greater enthusiasm in a campaign than is wit- 
nessed here on the Republican side. Every night torch-light pro- 
cessions are in order, and the air rings with Blaine and Logan 
songs. Evidently the Democrats are discouraged although they 
are working with vigor. Here in Rochester it is estimated that 
100,000 Irish-Americans and workingmen who have heretofore 
voted the Democratic ticket, will vote for Blaine and that the Re- 
publican majority in this county (Monroe) will be larger than Gar- 
field's in 1880. 

"I am informed that the only hope of the Democrats lies in the 
St. John movement, which they are doing their utmost to en- 
courage, as they recognize the fact that a Republican vote for St. 
John is half a vote for Cleveland. It is well understood that the 
Democrats supply the money for the St. John campaign ; and even 
the liquor interests, which have declared for the Democratic ticket, 
is expressing a hope that 'temperance men will vote as they pray' 
meaning by this that they shall vote for the independent prohibi 
tory party, so as to aid in Cleveland's election. 



250 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

"This is so plain that many temperance men who had intended 
to vote for St. John, will now vote for Blaine. The Democrats 
have hoped to get 50,000 votes in New York for St. John, which 
would mainly come from the Republican ranks; but it is now 
thought they will not get more than half this number. New York 
may be put down as sure for Blaine. 

"It is well understood that the Democratic hope of electing 
Cleveland rests on New York, New Jersey and Connecticut, all of 
which states are necessary to add to the solid south in order to 
elect him." 

The last two weeks of this memorable campaign exhausted all 
the ingenuity and energy of the contesting parties. The Republi- 
cans pressed the tarifif issue, and the Democrats dodged. Mr. 
Blaine made from six to eighteen speeches daily, arousing wild 
enthusiasm. A fitting climax of his great western tour was the 
ovation he received in Chicago. Such a hurricane of welcome has 
not often been witnessed on this continent. Wednesday, October 
29, occurred that remarkable and historical meeting in New York 
city between Mr. Blaine and a large delegation of clergymen, 125 
in number, who called to pay their respects. Mr. Blaine was deeply 
moved, and with moistened eyes replied to the speeches of wel- 
come. Rev. Dr. Burchard was one of the clergymen who spoke. 
In the course of his remarks he spoke of Democracy as the bulwark 
of "Rum, Romanism and Rebellion" — an illiteration that cost Mr. 
Blaine ten thousand votes in New York city and helped to lose the 
electoral vote of New York state. That trivial and yet historical 
incident, together with the twenty thousand prohibitory party 
votes in New York state, elected Grover Cleveland president. 

Twenty-four years had elapsed since Buchanan the last Demo- 
cratic president went out of office. That quarter of a century had 
witnessed a marvelous and unparalleled national growth. The Re- 
publican party had waged a successful war to preserve the union ; 
it had abolished slavery; it had restored the national currency and 
credit; paid two-thirds of the cost of the rebellion; and given the 
country wonderful prosperity. Nevertheless the Democratic party 
was restored to power. This restoration was due to a variety of 
causes. Aside from the advantages possessed by the Democrats 
in having a solid south, the Republicans were weakened by the 
depression of business and the inevitable grievances and dissen- 
sions that arise from the possession of power, patronage and re- 
sponsibility. To this were added the Prohibitory diversion and the 
Burchard blunder. 




BENJ. HARRISON. JAS. G. BLAINE. 
R. P. BLAND. S. S. COX. 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 251 

Mr. Blaine received his defeat philosophically. In a speech de-< 
void of bitterness, he simply invited the attention of the people to 
the results of the election in the restoration of the country to that 
status of parties which obtained a quarter of a century ago. Mr. 
Blaine clearly pointed out the fact that the south had thirty-seven 
electoral votes on the strength of the colored voters "whose votes 
it disallows wherever decisive." Mr. Blaine was cheerful, but 
Maine was in mourning. Subsequent events proved that the de- 
feat of the Republicans was a national calamity. 

The last session of the 48th congress met the first Monday in 
December. President Arthur's message was sound, business-like, 
devoid of verbiage and containing many wise suggestions. Mr. 
Dingley observed that "the imposition of responsibility has 
brought out in Mr. Arthur broad and statesmanlike qualities which 
the country gratefully recognizes." 

Mr. Dingley this winter, took up his Washington residence in 
the Hamilton house where many New England residents lived. 
Here in the pleasant sunny rooms overlooking Franklin Square, 
corner of Fourteenth and K streets, he lived for fifteen sessions 
consecutively. It was his Washington home. It was the center of 
a life he loved. With his devoted wife and daughter by his side, 
he plunged deeper than ever into the labors of congressional life. 
He invariably walked to and from the capitol, partook of a light 
lunch (usually bread and milk) in the house restaurant, was alwavs 
abstemious at dinner, and retired promptly at 10 o'clock. Regular 
habits and plenty of sleep fortified him against the exhaustive and 
nervous work incident to official life. 

As a rule congress accomplishes little business, aside from pass- 
ing the regular appropriation bills, during the short session. This 
session was no exception. Samuel Randall, as chairman of the ap- 
propriation committee, was really the dictator of congress ; and 
through his control of the Democratic majority, controlled legisla- 
tion. Morrison and Randall acted together to prevent congress 
from doing anything. But on the 15th of December, the commit- 
tee on banking and currency succeeded in securing a two-thirds 
vote in favor of a resolution to set apart January 15 for the consid- 
eration of the McPherson bill to permit national banks to receive 
from the comptroller of the treasury a circulation equal to the par 
value of the bonds deposited : and the Dingley bill which its author 
explained was a bill "to authorize the secretary of the treasury 
to invest certain lawful money deposited in the treasury by national 
banks which is being accumulated under the following circum- 



252 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

stances : under the law as it exists today, when national banks fail, 
or go into liquidation, or when they propose to retire any part of 
their circulation, and to withdraw the bonds which have been de- 
posited as security, they are required to deposit in the treasury law- 
ful money to the amount of their circulating notes outstanding. 
* * * The government holds this fund for the purpose of re- 
deeming the circulating notes, and whatever portion of the fund 
may remain after the circulating notes shall have been 
presented for redemption, goes to the government and not to the 
banks. Within two years this fund will be seventy-five million dol- 
lars. This will seriously contract the currency. The bill reported 
by the committee proposes to remedy these difficulties by author- 
izing the secretary of the treasury to invest so much of this fund as 
he may think proper in United States bonds, these bonds and the 
accruing interest to be held for the same purpose as the lawful 
money deposited. This will release the large amount of money so 
deposited and restore it to the channels of circulation." 

The house adjourned for the holiday recess December 24 and 
re-assembled January 5th. Mr. Dingley remained quietly in Wash- 
ington during this period, devoting his entire time to deep study. 
He was conscientiously industrious and nothing of importance in 
public affairs escaped him. Mr. Blaine was in Washington com- 
pleting the second volume of his "Twenty Years of Congress," and 
]\Ir. Dingley frequently called upon him to renew pleasant ac- 
quaintances and discuss national politics. One of the few social 
functions Mr. Dingley attended this winter, was a reception given 
by Mr. Blaine at the Windom mansion in the month of January, to 
the judges of the supreme court, cabinet officers, senators and rep- 
resentatives, foreign ministers and others prominent in public life. 
At this reception Mr. Dingley took a modest part in the serious 
discussion of affairs, partook sparingly of refreshments and ex- 
cused himself promptly at 10 o'clock. While fond of social inter- 
course he was not fond of the formal affairs where simplicity gave 
way to indigestion. 

For nearly a month the house "marked lime." The most inter- 
esting events were the defeat of the Mexican pension bill, the His- 
cock free tobacco and brandy bill and the bankruptcy bill. Mr. 
Randall made a southern tour as the champion of a high tariff and 
the friend of free tobacco and whiskey ; but the house declined to 
accept his platform. The inter-state commerce bill wliich passed 
the house the middle of January, marked a new departure in na- 
tional control. A slight tariff debate late in the month, created a 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 253 

bit of a sensation, Mr. Dorsheimer, President Cleveland's special 
friend, coming out for tariff reduction and a reciprocity treaty. 
This indicated that Mr. Cleveland would throw his influence against 
the Randall protective tarifif Democrats, and that Carlisle would be 
the speaker of the next house. 

The defeat of the McPherson bill and the Dingley bill, both de- 
signed to stop the contraction of the currency, alarmed financiers 
who saw that this contraction, together with the forced coinage of 
silver, were rapidly carrying the country away from a gold to a sil- 
ver basis. Silver certificates sold at a discount in New York and 
little gold was used in paying debts. Nevertheless the policy of the 
party was to do nothing, save pass the appropriation bills. It was, 
therefore, somewhat ludicrous for the house to get into a contro- 
versy with the senate over the question of prerogatives — whether 
the senate had power to originate appropriation bills. The house 
Democrats were particularly sensitive on this point. They brought 
forth the dusty volumes of history to maintain the dignity of the 
house, whereupon Mr. Reed of Maine, in reply to speeches re- 
flecting on the senate, remarked, amid applause," that he hardly 
thought it necessary for the house to go hunting around for more 
business. "For my part," said Mr. Reed, "I have not seen anything 
in the history of the house of representatives since I have been a 
member of it that should make me feel inclined to insist on more 
bills originating in it. We are today so clogged with the business 
which legitimately belongs to us that under our present system of 
working we do absolutely nothing. If then, we should undertake 
to shut ofl^ the senate from what is their plain constitutional right, 
1 am afraid we should exhibit to the country a still worse instance 
of inefifectuality than we do today." 

The Republicans carried their point and the house refused to in- 
struct the committee on judiciary to defend its dignity. The bank- 
ruptcy bill and the river and harbor bill were the bones of conten- 
tion. The supporters of the latter measure were repulsed by the 
members of the appropriation committee. As the session grew to 
a close, the "scenes" on the floor of the house became more fre- 
quent. The assistance of the sergeant-at-arms was frequently in- 
voked to preserve order. The lower house was under high pres- 
sure. The demands made upon the Democratic leaders were tre- 
mendous, and angry members made dire threats. The atmos- 
phere was charged with personalities. Mr. Cleveland was soon to 
be inaugurated and the country was agitated over the possibilities 
that might follow tlie change. A panic seemed to take possession of 



254 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

the Democratic party, and the whole country was in a feverish con- 
dition. The house majority defeated an attempt to admit duty- 
free (by draw-back) raw material entering into American manu- 
factures to be exported notwithstanding the "free raw material" 
attitude taken by the party. The majority of the ways and means 
committee declined to report Mr. Dingley's bill providing for the 
admission free of duty of materials for the equipment of vessels for 
foreign trade, notwithstanding the charge that "the tariff prevents 
us from building vessels as cheap as foreign nations." 

The liveliest scene of this session was on Monday, February 
2nd. It was suspension day, and scores of members were anxious 
to get their pet bills before the house. To make the matter more 
complicated, Speaker Carlisle was unable to be present, and failed 
to place in the hands of Speaker pro-tempore Blackburn, a list of 
men he had promised to recognize. As soon as it was known that 
the original program was to be departed from, there was a grand 
rush for Blackburn. Demands for recognition were made on every 
hand. Threats were made. Echoes of the loud and desperate talk 
in the speaker's room reached the corridor. Then out rushed 
Blackburn followed by hordes of members. The struggle began 
on the floor. The friends of the bankruptcy bill saw that unless a 
motion to take a recess which would extend suspension day to 
Tuesday, could be carried, their bill was doomed. Mr. ColHns of 
Massachusetts, the leader, mustered his forces and made an at- 
tempt but it failed. Discomfited, they withdrew and determined 
to compel the house to take up the bankruptcy bill or stay there 
all night. One by one the tired and sleepy members glanced at the 
clock, then hurried home to dinner, until only a handful of despe- 
rate obstructors on each side stood facing each other. Nine o'clock 
came, motions to adjourn and to take a recess being defeated one 
after another. The house was in a deadlock. It refused to do busi- 
ness or adjourn. The members sat there hour after hour, now 
glaring at each other, now relieving themselves with laughter, and 
at all times utterly ignoring the tremendous thump of the speaker's 
ga\'el. Ten o'clock, eleven o'clock came. There was no adjourn- 
ment. Sleepy members began to stretch themselves out on the 
desks and seats. The air was blue with smoke, and from the gallery 
the scene resembled a battle-field. Again and again a motion was 
made to adjourn, the roll called and the motion defeated. Mid- 
night came and they were still at it. It was discovered that there 
was no quorum and a call of the house was ordered. In the course 
of half an hour a number of absent ones, with sleepy eyes and dis- 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 255 

sheveled hair, some with no collar, others scantily clad, were forci- 
bly brought to the house. Mr. Dingley departed early from this 
scene of revelry. He knew the house would accomplish no business 
and felt that he was safe from intrusion in his hotel. Mr. Reed also 
retired early but did not escape the officers of the law. His 
rooms were in the top story of the Hamilton house ; and from the 
windows he could see the lights in the dome of the capitol. He 
knew the house was still struggling; and with a chuckle, he pulled 
down the shades, stepped to the speaking-tube and shouted to the 
clerk: "If anybody comes for me tell them I am not in this even- 
ing." He was soon fast asleep. Suddenly there came a thump on 
the door. Then another thump followed. Then a voice at the key- 
hole said: "Mr. Reed! Mr. Reed!" There was no response only a 
soft "sh-sh" within. Then the officer of the law departed not in an 
angelic state of mind. As soon as the sounds had disappeared in 
the distance Mr. Reed quietly arose from his couch, stole to the 
speaking tube and said softly to the clerk: "Have-they-gone?" 
Receiving an affirmative answer he said : "Then bring me some ice 
water." And he disappeared in the darkness of the chamber. It 
was nearly half past two Tuesday morning when the house finally 
agreed to adjourn. 

Mr. Dingley watched his opportunity to assist the shipping in- 
terests of the country, when the post-office appropriation bill was 
under consideration. Mr. Hunt of Louisiana had, on the 9th of 
February, called the attention of the house to the liberahty of Great 
Britain in promoting her shipping interests engaged in the foreign 
trade, by means of liberal mail pay. On the following day (Febru- 
ary 10) Mr. Dingley addressed the house in advocacy of that sec- 
tion of the bill which provides for generous mail pay to American 
lines of steamers engaged in the foreign trade. ^ He discussed the 
policy of other countries and answered every objection raised. "A 
nation of fifty-six million people," he said, "occupying so high a 
place among the powers of Christendom and proudly boasting of a 
future, of which no other country ever dreamed, ought not to be 
content until her mails are carried to other nations by steamships 
floating her own flag. * * * The same policy of liberal mail 
pay which has built up British steamship lines on all the great 
routes of ocean commerce, and nothing else, will, if persistently 
followed, secure to the United States similar results." The debate 
on this paragraph of the bill continued for several days. The sec- 
tion was assailed bitterly, and by a vote of 105 to 97, was stricken 

1 — See Appendix. 



256 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

from the bill. This result was greeted with applause by the Demo- 
crats. 

When the legislative appropriation bill was under considera- 
tion, Mr. Dingley, ever watchful of the interests of American ship- 
ping, discovered that the annual salary of the commissioner of nav- 
igation had been cut down from four thousand dollars to three 
thousand six hundred dollars. He moved to amend the bill by 
striking out "three thousand six hundred dollars" and inserting 
"four thousand dollars." He said "the act creating this bureau was 
passed at the last session of congress and provided a salary of four 
thousand dollars. Upon the unanimous report of a committee and 
by a two-thirds vote of both houses this salary' was fixed; and we 
ought not now in an appropriation bill to make this reduction." 
Mr. Dingley added that the duties were administrative, not clerical. 
"If the house," he said, "after a thorough consideration of the mat- 
ter should see fit to change the law on this subject, that would be 
a different question. The ofificer entered upon his duties with the 
understanding that the salary should be four thousand dollars." 
But Mr. Dingley's amendment was defeated. 

On the 1 6th the house passed a bill designed to prevent outside 
speculators from obtaining and sub-letting mail contracts. In ad • 
vocating this bill Mr. Dingley said: "It is in the public interest to 
have the mails carried by contractors living in the immediate vicin- 
it}' of the routes, and of giving personal attention to the same. 
Where out-of-state speculators bid off mail lines on speculation, 
they are inclined to sub-let to parties having inadequate equip- 
ment, and whenever irregularities or difficulties arise there is gen- 
erally a long delay in correcting them." 

Mr. Holman's paragraph in the legislative appropriation bill, 
hmiting the compensation of custom officers of several ports to the 
fees, was opposed by Mr. Dingley on the ground that it would take 
away the custom houses and officials from several ports which are 
necessary for fishing and coasting vessels. Mr. Dingley's time ex- 
pired and Mr. Long of Massachusetts courteously yielded his time 
to the member from Maine. As a result the proposition of Mr. 
Holman was defeated. 

February 26 was a stormy day in the house. The fight was over 
a paragraph in the sundry civil appropriation bill authorizing the 
president to suspend the coinage of silver dollars. The house re- 
fused to consider the proposition at all and it was stricken from the 
bill. As this was Mr. Cleveland's own plan, its defeat caused much 
comment, as it showed a division in the Democratic ranks on this 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 257 

important currency issue. Two days later the subject was touched 
upon incidentaUy, and Mr. Horr, the wag of the house, congratu- 
lated the Democrats that Mr. Cleveland should begin his adminis- 
tration by getting on the Republican platform. "I hold here," 
said Mr. Horr, "a letter — the first message given by the incoming 
president to the congress of the United States, if I may call it a 
message. I find in this message nothing but words of wisdom. To 
my astonishment almost every line of it commends itself to my 
judgment, and the one thing I regret is that such pearls had to be 
cast before such — congressmen. I do not know what the notions 
of the incoming president are on the fortification bill. Has any 
member here a message from him on that subject? Did the gentle- 
man from Illinois (Mr. Springer) speak to me?" 

"No, sir," said Mr. Springer, "I am not casting pearls now." 

Smarting under the lash of sarcasm and ridicule, the Demo- 
cratic leaders parried the thrusts of Mr. Horr. Mr. Dorsheimer 
said he should have preferred that the president had waited until 
he had been inaugurated before sending a message to congress. 
Mr. Warner came to the rescue of Mr. Dorsheimer, and declared 
he disagreed with the president-elect as to the danger of silver coin- 
age. Thus the contest over the silver question was again fore- 
shadowed ; and the serious disagreement between Mr. Cleveland 
and a majority of his party which resulted in his political retire- 
ment, became more and more apparent. The decision of the house 
on the silver question during these closing hours of congress, was 
significant and ill-omened. 

The peril of an extra session of congress was removed by the 
recession of the house from its antagonism to the ocean steamship 
mail pay paragraph of the post-office appropriation bill, and its con- 
currence with the senate. For this victory of American shipping, 
great credit was due Mr. Dingley. This measure was one of the 
few important matters wrested from the forty-eighth congress. 
The fight to secure it during the closing hours of this session was 
tremendous. There were only nine votes to spare, after a long and 
sharp running debate. The last three days of this congress were 
crowded with business. Confusion seemed to be supreme ; but out 
of it all, the appropriation bills were saved with the exception of the 
ii\er and harbor bill. The forty-eighth congress expired by limita- 
tion at noon March 4, Speaker Carlisle delivering his valedictory ; 
and President Cleveland was inaugurated. 

The light was burning brightly in the dome of the capitoi as the 
morning broke on the 4th of March. The jaded legislators were still 



258 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

at their desk when the troops began to assemble at the forming 
places. The day was the most beautiful of the year. The sky was 
cloudless, and the air was soft and balmy. The senate chamber 
was early in readiness for the distinguished party. Twenty thous- 
and people with up-turned faces, stood in the space east of the 
capitol. To this multitude and to the entire nation, the first Demo- 
cratic president since 1856 delivered his inaugural address. But 
curiously enough, President Cleveland's message was assailed by 
his own party and endorsed by the Republicans. A delegation of 
Republican congressmen hastened to the White House to assure 
the new president that the Republicans were especially pleased with 
his soundness on the silver question. Thus President Cleveland's 
estrangement from his party began the first day of his term. 

Mr. Dingley was fifty-three years old on the 15th of February, 
and he recorded in his diary: "I feel as young as I did thirty years 
ago." It was a remarkable fact that in the midst of exciting public 
duties and under strain of incessant mental labor, Mr. Dingley 
maintained perfect health. He returned to his home in Lewiston, 
two days after congress adjourned. He was always happy in the 
editorial chair; and in the intervals between public duties, wrote for 
the Lewiston Journal sound and able leaders that were quoted 
freely by the state papers. 

June 16, the general conference of the Congregational churches 
of Maine met in Lewiston. Mr. Dingley, responding to the invita- 
tion of the moderator of the conference said that "the preaching of 
today is as sound, faithful and spiritual as ft was seventy-five years 
ago, when church-going was more general than now. The church 
has not lost any of its zeal, nor the gospel any of its old power. 
How does it happen, then, that there is a large and increasing num- 
ber of non-church attendants in both city and country? It is partly 
because of immigration and partly because the conditions of life 
are changed, while the churches are pursuing their old methods 
of work. Formerly most of our population lived on farms. The 
invention of machinery by which farm work is done with less 
manual labor, and the cheap transportation which has brought 
western farm produce so cheaply to our doors, has carried the boys 
and girls in large numbers from of? the farm, and taken them into 
the manufacturing villages and cities, of which we had none sev- 
enty-five years ago. Young men and women away from home in 
cities do not go to the city churches because they have not parental 
influence to lead them to church. The old method is good for 
church-going people ; nothing better was ever discovered to pro- 



NELSON DINGLE Y JK. 259 

mote spiritual welfare ; but you have got to add some instrumental- 
ity to the old agencies in order to reach those outside the church. 
The preaching is as sound and spiritual, but the people are not in 
the churches to hear it ; neither will free seats bring them in. Some- 
thing must be done. You may have more consecrated men in the 
churches, but that will not bring in non church-goers. You have 
got to go out after them. The Young Men's Christian associations 
and other organizations have already been at work in this direc- 
tion. Whatever agency may be resorted to, it should be under the 
guidance of the church. Whatever may be said of the work of such 
organizations, as the Salvation army, they are certainly reaching 
for good, many whom the ordinary agencies of the church cannot 
reach. They should not be opposed, but guided, moulded and used 
by the church itself. We should remember that even their parades 
and drum-beatings have in view simply the drawing into their 
meetings of the masses who cannot be persuaded to enter a church, 
in order that they may be reached by the gospel truths presented 
in such a way it clearly finds lodgment in the hearts of many. We 
should welcome, use, sustain and guide any and all methods of 
christian work which reach the masses, and this is what we should 
do to the Salvation army." This sentiment was greeted with ap- 
plause. 

Late in July it was announced from Washington that Postmas- 
ter General Vilas had declined to increase the compensation of 
American steamship lines for carrying the mails. The substance of 
his excuse was that English steamship lines would carry our mails-, 
for the annual compensation then paid, and second that the act of 
the last congress did not furnish a sufficiently definite basis for 
action. Mr. Dingley thus commented editorially: "To the first 
excuse, it is sufficient to reply that it was understood by the last 
congress that British steamship lines, supported in part by large 
mail pay appropriations of the British government, would carry our 
mails without compensation, if they could thereby extinguish or 
prevent the establishment of American steamship lines. The sec- 
ond excuse is brushed aside by the terms of the law which gives the 
postmaster general full authority to use not exceeding $400,000. 
Postmaster General Vilas and the administration cannot avoid 
their full responsibility. It is an open secret that the real reason 
for non-action is hostility to the plan of aiding in maintaining 
American steamship lines by liberal mail pay." 

The death of General U. S. Grant July 23rd, cast a gloom over 
the whole nation. Mr. Dingley wrote of the departed soldier : "As 



26o . LIFE AND TIMES OF 

ihe imperturbable leader of our armies in the great contest which 
ended so triumphantly for the rights of men, General Grant was 
honored while living, and his death is the death of a citizen of the 
world to whom every man struggling against caste and prejudice 
owes a debt which happily for justice to his great name, the masses 
of the people on both sides of the sea, are not slow to acknowl- 
edge." 

Mr. Dingley found much rest and recreation at his island home ; 
but his recreation often consisted of writing editorials and ad- 
dresses. July 25th he delivered the opening address at the annual 
mass meeting of the Friends of Temperance at Sebago lake, near 
Portland. His address was on "The First Centennial of the Tem- 
perance Movement in the United States — a Review of the Pro- 
gress of a Hundred years, and a Glance at the Future of the Tem- 
perance Reform." ^ Temperance meetings and political confer- 
ences occupied a large part of Mr. Dingley's time during August 
and September. 

The result of the state elections in eleven states on the third of 
November, indicated very little change in party strength from that 
shown in the presidential election of a year previous. The leading 
feature of the elections was the restoration of Tammany to the con- 
trol of the Democratic party in New York. With David B. Hill 
governor, Tammany was "on top," and Mr. Dingley observed: 
"We doubt not that what seems to many Democrats a victory, will 
in the end only serve to make the Democratic overthrow com- 
plete in the early future." October 14th he attended a meeting of 
the Republican state committee at Augusta, and dined with Mr. 
Blaine. October 21st he ga^■e the address of welcome at the state 
Sabbath school convention at Auburn. On the 15th of November 
he dined at his brother Frank's to celebrate their father's 76th 
birthday. His devotion and tenderness to his father and to his 
children was rare. He never failed to write a loving birthday letter 
to his only daughter, to whom he referred in his diary as the "sole 
daughter of my house and heart." 

Thanksgiving day brought its usual joys. The family — grand- 
father, two sons. Nelson and Frank, and eleven sons and daughters, 
sat down to a bountiful repast, at the Congressman's home, where 
good health and happiness abounded. December 3rd, Mr. Dingley 
started for Washington, leaving his devoted wife to watch at the 
bed-side of his second son who was seriously ill. Silent prayer 
comforted him on his lonely journey. 

1— See Appendix. 



CHAPTER XV. 
1885-1887. 

The death of Vice President Thomas A. Hendricks, November 
25th, 1885, following so soon the assassination of Lincoln and Gar- 
field, joined to the fact that two presidents had previously died in 
office, reminded the country that rulers in a republic are as liable 
to die during their terms as kings and emperors, and that it is the 
part of wisdom to provide for such contingencies by law. Had 
President Cleveland died then, there would have been no ofificial 
authorized to take up the reins of government. There was no pres- 
ident pro tempore of the senate and no speaker of the house. This 
startling situation resulted shortly after, in the passage of the pres- 
idential succession bill, whereby the different members of the cabi- 
net succeeded to the presidency after the death of the president 
and vice president. 

Notwithstanding the fact that the Republicans were in a mi- 
nority in the forty-ninth congress, and therefore the Democratic 
candidate for speaker would be elected, nevertheless the Republi- 
cans held a caucus the Saturday before congress met, to select a 
candidate for speaker. As the nomination was regarded as indi- 
cating the man whom the Republicans would look to as a leader, 
and a probable future candidate for speaker, there was no little in- 
terest manifested. The names mentioned were Reed of Maine, 
Hiscock of New York, Long of Massachusetts and McKinley of 
Ohio. Reed was always looked to as a leader in a partisan debate, 
his great powers of sarcasm giving him peculiar advantage in such 
a rough and tumble w-ar of words. He seemed to be the favorite ; 
and on the day of the caucus was nominated for speaker by a vote 



262 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

of sixty-three to forty-two for Hiscock. His nomination was not 
an empty honor. It gave him prestige as the leader on the Repub- 
hcan side. In accepting the nomination, Mr. Reed simply bowed 
his acknowledgement. In his selection Mr. Dingley played an im- 
portant part. 

Congress assembled December 7 with the usual ceremony. 
John G. Carlisle was elected speaker, and his address to the house 
expressed his confidence that the Democratic congress would be 
able to "lighten the burdens of the people, reform abuses in the 
public service, complete the restoration of confidence and fraternal 
feeling among the people in all sections of the country, and give 
such assurances for a wise and patriotic policy as will guarantee 
a long life of Democratic administration." Mr. Carlisle changed 
his mind before congress adjourned. 

President Cleveland's message was a disappointment to his own 
party, and enigmatical to the Republicans. No light was thrown 
upon the issues of free trade and protection. The President first 
dodged the issue and then declared there was before the adminis- 
tration no economic issue whatever of protection or free trade. 
Mr. Dingley observed: "The president talks of protection in the 
interest of the masses of the people and of the importance of re- 
ducing the revenue, and yet when the question comes up for prac- 
tical solution the Democrats prefer to continue the tariff on sugar, 
which is an uncalled-for tax on the plain people. The program of 
the Democratic party in congress has been to make sugar dear 
and to make whiskey cheap. The perils of the party that under- 
takes to govern the country and to deny that protection is an issue, 
will be seen gradually to accumulate as time rolls on. A party out 
of power, may continue out of power without a constructive policy, 
as the history of bourbonism reveals ; but, in power, something 
other than negations is required." 

In this house were Hilary A. Herbert, William C. Oates and 
Joseph Wheeler of Alabama ; Joseph McKenna of California, sub 
sequently appointed justice of the United States supreme court ; 
Henry G. Turner, Charles F. Crisp and James H. Blount of 
Georgia ; A. J. Hopkins, Robert R. Hitt, Thomas J. Henderson. 
Lewis E. Payson. William M. Springer, Joseph G. Cannon and 
William R. Morrison of Illinois ; William S. Holman, William B. 
Bynum and George W. Steele of Indiana ; David B. Henderson, 
(later speaker of the house). J. B. Weaver and William P. Hepburn 
of Iowa; William P. Breckinridge and J. G. Carlisle of Kentucky; 
Thornas B. Reed, Nelson Dingley Jr., Seth L. Milliken and Charles 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 263 

A. Boutelle of Maine ; John D. Long, P. A. Collins, Charles A. 
Allen, Wilham W. Rice and William Whiting of Massachusetts; 
James O'Donnell, J. C. Burrows, Edwin B. Winans, Byron M. 
Cutcheon and Spencer O. Fisher of Michigan; Knute Nelson of 
Minnesota ; Richard P. Bland of Missouri ; WilliamWalter Phelps 
of New Jersey, later ambassador to Germany, and William Mc- 
Adoo from the same state; Perry Belmont, Joseph Pultizer, Abram 
S. Hewitt and S. E. Payne of New York; Benjamin Butterworth, 
James E. Campbell, Charles H. Grosvenor, A. J. Warner and Wil- 
liam McKinleyJr., of Ohio; Henry H. Bingham, Samuel J. Randall, 
William B. Kelley, Andrew G. Curtin, Thomas M. Bayne of Penn- 
sylvania; Benton McMillin and James D. Richardson of Tennessee; 
James H. Reagan and R. Q. Mills of Texas; George D. Wise and 
John W. Daniels of Virginia; Nathan Goff Jr., and William L. Wil- 
son of West Virginia. 

Debate over the proposed new rules occupied several days, dur- 
ing which Mr. Dingley sought to secure an amendment creating a 
committee on navigation and fisheries, but without avail. The 
most important amendment to the new rules was the granting to a 
majority of the house the power to determine what business shall 
be taken up and prohibiting general legislation in the forms of 
riders to appropriation bills. 

Congress adjourned for the holidays the day before Christmas, 
but Mr Dingley was obliged to return to Maine December 18, be- 
cause of the dangerous illness of his second son. The scene at that 
bedside when the devoted and anxious father entered the sick 
room, will never be forgotten. The father knelt beside his son and 
put his arms tenderly about the wasted body. The anxious and 
weary mother stood near. Both uttered a silent prayer for the re- 
covery of their boy, and the prayer was heard. The crisis was 
passed and the son was soon restored to health. 

The legislative reunion at Augusta early in January, 1886, was 
the event of the winter. Mr. Dingley was to take a prominent part 
and on the afternoon of January 5th started for Augusta. There 
he was the guest of Mr. Blaine. The reception was held in repre- 
sentative hall. Governor Robie and former Governors Hamlin 
Dingley, Connor and Plaisted forming the receiving party. The 
exercises the next day were exceptionally interesting. Some of 
the most noted men of the state were present, several of them well 
advanced in years. Hannil:)al Hamlin, John C. Talbot, N. W. Far- 
well, Nathaniel Wilson, William Dickey and Solon Chase made 
short addresses. Mr. Dingley gave interesting reminiscences of the 



264 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

war sessions of the legislature from 1861 to 1865. He said he had 
looked forward to this occasion with more than ordinary interest 
and had delayed his departure for Washington for the purpose of 
attending. He first became a member of the legislature in the first 
year of the civil war. At that time Hon. Bion Bradbury, Hon. 
George P. Sew-ell. Hon. A. P. Gould and many other able men were 
members of the house. In the senate among others were Hon. 
John A. Peters and Hon. N. A. Farwell. Over the house presided 
Hon. J. G. Blaine. He said that the experience to be gained in a 
legislature composed of such able men as these was valuable. The 
questions to be met at that time were not those of ordinary legis- 
lation but questions of the life and death of the nation. It was a 
session which he could never forget, and it was a pleasure to him to 
meet some of those who sat in these halls at that time. During the 
years he had served in the legislature he had formed the friend- 
ships of men now scattered throughout the union, friendships 
which had not only continued but strengthened and increased as 
the vears had gone by. No friendships formed in the ordinary re- 
lations of life are stronger or more lasting than those formed in 
legislative halls. Nothing would have deterred him, except actual 
necessity, from being present. He thanked those who had con- 
ceived the project of a reunion and made it so successful. 

Mr. Dingley also spoke at the banquet, the other speakers be- 
ing Mr. Blaine. Mr. Hamlin, Governor Robie, W. W. Thomas. 
Charles Hamlin, Seklen Connor, A. P. Morrill and others. Hon. 
J. H. Drummond was toastmaster. Mr. Dingley said: "I suppose 
the toastmaster's reference was whether we consider it a misfor- 
tune to be promoted from a legislative body of this state to con- 
gress. If I were to answer that question I should want to con- 
sider it in two or three points of view. If I were consulted person- 
ally, I should say it was a misfortune, for it has already been stated 
by my friend Mr. Blaine, that no ex-member of our house of repre- 
sentatives who has been transferred to congress has had any other 
view of the promotion than that he has been deprived of the great- 
est pleasure of his life. It is true, my friends, that in one point of 
view it is a promotion, but it is also true in congress, as has been 
said here, there is no such thing as deliberation in the transaction 
of business. It is so to a certain extent in the senate of the United 
States, but it is increased in the house. Deliberation in the latter 
body is practicallv an impossibility, and I appeal to gentlemen who 
have been present if it does not very nearly represent a bear gar- 
den. It is true that we here in our house of representatives delib- 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 265 

erate in the transaction of business. Every man who has anything 
to say, gets a hearing. Few members get a hearing in the house ot 
representatives of tlie United States. Occasionally we have some- 
thing approaching the debates that we have here but very rarely. 
You who have visited Washington, and looking down upon the 
house from the galleries, have observed some gentleman of con- 
siderable reputation sawing the air, and repeating the words to go 
to his constituents, and, apparently, not a solitary member listening 
to what is being said. Now, I must confess that I do not like that 
way of doing business. The legislation there is transacted in com- 
mittees and not in open house. Occasionally some question of 
great importance, commanding the attention of the country, does 
receive some degree of deliberation, but not usually. Therefore, I 
say that in that point of view, a great pleasure is taken away from 
any member who may be transferred 'from the legislature of this 
state to congress. But then, of course when you ask me, for ex- 
ample, if I am ready to step down and out, and come back here, I 
say we all have a little idea that there is something a little more ele- 
vated in it, although it is not quite so agreeable and we stick to it. 
As Jefiferson once said, few die, and none resign." 

The occasion was made still more interesting and historical by 
the presentation to the state of a portrait in oil of Lot M. Morrill. 
The presentation speech was made by the venerable former United 
States senator, James W. Bradbury. The grand ball was led by 
Hannibal Hamlin, then 76 years old. That night the week's festiv- 
ities, a success from inception to close, came to end. 

Thursday before the program was concluded, Mr. Dingley 
started for Washington, arriving in time to hear the announce- 
ment of the committees on the following day. Speaker Carlisle 
placed Mr. Dingley on his old committees — banking and currency 
and American ship building. The shipping committee was almost 
entirely re-constructed by the speaker. Free ship Democrats like 
Holman of Lidiana, Mills of Texas and McMillin of Tennessee, 
were substituted for the Democrats who iii the last congress fol- 
lowed Mr. Dingley in opposing free ships. Speaker Carlisle and Mr. 
Morrison were chagrined in the previous congress to find that their 
shipping committee had reported against free ships, and the 
speaker took particular pains 'this session to make the committee 
strongly in favor of allowing foreign built ships to take an Ameri- 
can registry. 

In speaking of the outlook for legislation Mr. Dingley said that 
he did not expect any important financial legislation. In regard to 



266 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

the silver coinage law he thought that there would be no change 
until some financial calamity occurred to open the eyes of con- 
gressmen. 

Mr. Dingley"s interest in American shipping never waned. On 
the 28th of January he secured consideration of his bill to abolish 
certain fees for ofificial services to American vessels, and to amend 
the laws relating to shipping commissioners, seamen and owners 
of vessels. ^ This bill was unanimously reported from the select 
committee on American shipping. Mr. Dingley explained the bill, 
section by section, and displayed a minute knowledge of shipping 
law and navigation regulations. 

He was busy all day, February 4, fighting dangerous amend- 
ments ; and by his rare skill and diplomacy secured the passage of 
the bill substantially as it came from the committee. This bill 
passed the senate May 17, with amendments, and Messrs. Miller, 
Dolph and Vest were appointed conferees on the part of the senate. 
The house committee voted to recommend non-concurrence in 
most of the senate amendments. This was not through opposition 
to the amendments but for the purpose of protecting them in con- 
ference. May 25th Mr. Dingley reported the bill to the house with 
■the recommendation that some of the amendments be concurred 
in and others rejected, and that conferees be appointed. The 
speaker appointed Messrs. Dingley, Dunn and McMillin conferees 
on the part of the house. Mr. Dingley was the leading spirit in the 
conference held May 26th, and succeeded by his superior knowl- 
edge, in carrying a majority of the conferees with him. On the fol- 
lowing day, he presented the conference report to the house, and 
explained it. The amendment "authorizing the president to with- 
draw commercial privileges in our ports from the vessels of any 
foreign country to the extent that such privileges are denied to the 
vessels of the United States in the ports of such foreign countries," 
caused some debate. Mr. Dingley explained that "in view of the 
fact that Canada is attempting to discriminate against American 
fisliing vessels by depriving them of certain commercial privileges 
which we freely allow Canadian vessels in our ports, it is proposed 
by this section simply to extend the authority already given the 
president by the act of 1823. * * * if Canada or any other 
country shall come to understand that her vessels can obtain full 
privileges in our ports without corresponding return on her part, 
then we shall have her vesels coming into our ports and claiming 
these privileges, while our vessels in her ports are denied similar 

1 — See Appendix. 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 267 

privileges, and she will simply laugh at us." Mr. Dingley reiterated 
his statement that the amendment did not undertake to settle the 
pending controversy in regard to the fisheries between the United 
States and Canada. The report was agreed to in the house and 
also in the senate ; and on the 19th of June President Cleveland 
signed the bill. This law, enacted through the efforts of Mr. Ding- 
ley, was a great boon to the shipping interests of the country. The 
Portland Advertiser said ; "Mr. Dingley's work in behalf of Amer- 
ican shipping deserves great praise, for in a quiet way he has man- 
aged to pass bills raising an annual burden of a million and a half 
dollars on American ships." 

The president in his message, recommended the passage of a 
bill authorizing him to appoint a commission to negotiate a treaty 
with Great Britain to settle the question of fishing grounds on the 
Canadian and American coasts, and to make arrangements relative 
to trade with Canada. It was well understood that the real purpose 
of the commission on the part of Canada was to secure a treaty for 
the free admission of Canadian fish into our markets. Mr. Dingley 
foreshadowed the strong opposition that would be made by Ameri- 
can fishermen, by presenting in the house the protest of a large 
number of fishermen and citizens of Maine against any such ar- 
rangement. The memorial was signed by a number of citizens of 
Maine "who feel a deep interest in the preservation and encour- 
agement of the sea fisheries which have always proved so valuable 
a nursery of seamen to man our national vessels in case of war." 
The signers represented that "these fishing interests have seriously 
declined during recent years, largely in consequence of the dis- 
astrous competition of Canadian fish, which, under treaty arrange- 
ments, have until recently, been admitted into the markets of the 
United States without the payment of any duty." It was pointed 
out that the advantages to be obtained by American fishermen 
were never realized, and that the arrangements had been termi- 
nated July 1st, 1885 : "and that Canadian fish have ever since been 
charged the same duty as fish brought into our markets by other 
foreign fishermen." The memorialists "respectfully protest against 
any treaty, arrangement or legislation which would admit Cana- 
dian fish into American markets free of duty. We urge this not 
simply because of the importance of the industry, which cannot 
maintain itself in open, free competition with the cheaper labor and 
cheaper vessels and supplies of Canadians engaged in this industry, 
but also and especially because it is a nursery of seamen from which 
the nation has in the past drawn the men that have defended our 



268 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

flag on the ocean in time of war ; and which it is as essential to 
maintain as a resource and defence in case of a conflict with naval 
powers as it is to erect forts and build a navy." 

Interest in the proposed fisheries commission increased. Mr. 
Dingley said that "the friends of the fishing interests of New Eng- 
land are steadily gaining in strength in the house. In the senate 
the Republican majority has been steadily opposed to any commis- 
sion looking to the admission of Canadian fish free of duty from 
the beginning, and there has been no fear that any commission bill 
that the house would pass, could pass the senate. The largely 
signed remonstrances from the lake region against any commis- 
sion looking to free Canadian fish, which have recently poured into 
the house, have so strengthened the friends that I am satisfied we 
can beat the commission in the house, as many Democrats are 
coming over to us. Indeed, it would not surprise me if the admin- 
istration found the job of carrying a commission so hopeless that 
Secretary Bayard would intimate to Mr. Belmont of the foreign 
affairs committee that the matter had better be allowed to die in 
committee." The proposition was allowed to die. 

Early in April, agitation over the vexed fishery question was re- 
newed by the policy of the Dominion government in prohibiting 
any fishing vessel of the United States from entering Dominion 
harbors except for the purpose of shelter, repairs, and purchase of 
wood and water. Several seizures of American fishing vessels were 
made by the Canadian authorities and the situation was somewhat 
strained. Mr. Dingley called Secretary Bayard's attention to the 
violation by the Dominion of the treaty of 1844, and the secretary 
agreed that the Dominion had overstepped the bounds in these 
three respects: in warning American vessels from Canadian waters 
though not engaged in the fishing trade ; in denying the right to en- 
ter these ports for trade, and in refusing to American fishing vessels 
the right to land fish caught in deep water for shipment to the 
United States in bond. This was in direct opposition to the agree- 
ment made in 1850 between the two nations that the vessels of each 
should have the freedom of the ports of the other. 

April 5th, Mr. Dingley introduced the following resolution in 
the house: "Resolved, that the president be requested to furnish 
the house, if compatible with the public interests, with any informa- 
tion in his possession relative to the exclusion of American ship- 
ping vessels from the ports of entry of the Dominion of Canada for 
the purpose of trading, purchasing supplies or landing fish caught 
in deep water for shipment in bond to the United States, or doing 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 269 

other acts which Canada and other British vessels are freely per- 
mitted to do in ports of the United States, and also to inform the 
house what steps have been taken or are proposed to bring such 
unwarrantable and unfriendly acts of the Dominion authorities to 
the attention of the British government." 

Mr. Dingley made an argument before the committee on for- 
eign affairs in favor of his resolution, and the resolution (with the 
preamble eliminated) was unanimously adopted and reported to 
the house. April 16, the resolution was reached and Mr. Dingley 
spoke in favor of its adoption. ^ He traced the history of the con- 
troversy and pointed out clearly wherein Canada was violating a 
solemn agreement with the United States. "It is time," he said, 
"that the interests of American fishermen should be scrupulously 
and persistently guarded as the similar interests of other nations 
are guarded by them. Considered simply as an industry to supply 
food to our people, our fisheries are of great importance. But 
their value as a resource in time of war cannot be over-estimated." 
The resolution was adopted. 

The seizure of Gloucester and Portland fishing vessels by a 
Canadian vessel, precipitated matters, and Mr. Dingley on the loth 
of May introduced in the house a bill "to limit the commercial 
privileges of vessels of foreign countries in the ports of the United 
States for such purposes as are accorded to American vessels in 
the ports of such foreign countries." The bill was referred to the 
committee on American ship building. In the meantime Senator 
Frye secured the adoption of an amendment to the Dingley ship- 
ping bill covering the- same point. This amendment was rejected 
by the house, but finally agreed to in conference ; and formed a part 
of the Dingley shipping bill that passed both houses May 27th. 

Seizures of American shipping vessels continued, and steps 
were taken by New England fishermen to protect themselves if the 
government declined so to do. Secretary Bayard claimed that he 
was doing everything in his power ; but the season was rapidly ad- 
vancing and nothing was done. Mr. Dingley said in Julv, after 
fruitless efforts to secure action by the state department : "It must 
be admitted with chagrin by the American citizen that in our tran- 
sactions with Great Britain relative to the fisheries, ever since 1818. 
the British have got the best of us ; that while we have somehow 
or other beaten Great Britain in the settlement of other issues be- 
tween the two countries, she has uniformly gained a notorious ad- 
vantage in the several fishery bargains we have made with her. 
1 — See Appendix. 



270 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

The English authorities are now using their old and successful 
game — the game that cost us so much in 1877 — the game of delay. 
Here is Minister West leaving Washington for a summer's jaunt 
right in the midst of the troubles. English and Canadian states- 
men hope by a studied system of postponements to fret us into 
making a reciprocity treaty with Canada. Secretary Bayard is not 
the man to cope with the craft of British statesmen who, having 
cheated us before so badly and so many times are hardly to be 
blamed for thinking that by their old policy of delays and evasions 
they can tire us out, drive us to their terms and cheat us again. In 
the present emergency, this country needs a quick-witted, strong- 
willed man in Secretary Bayard's place." 

While the house had under consideration the postoffice appro- 
priation bill, Mr. Dingley on the 30th of March, delivered an able 
and exhaustive speech ^ on liberal pay to American steamship lines 
for transportation of foreign mails. He sharply arraigned the post- 
master general for the blow he had administered against American 
shipping by refusing to apply the foreign mail pay appropriations 
for the purposes designed by the last congress. He showed how 
protection had built up our coastwise marine and how our mer- 
chant marine had suffered from Democratic policy. This speech 
was a remarkable exposition of the intimate and vital relations be- 
tween American shipping and American commerce, and added to. 
Mr. Dingley's reputation as an authority on this subject. 

Eree trade and free ships were the shibboleths of the Demo- 
oratic majority in the house. On the 25th of March a bill was re- 
ported to the house "to amend section 4132 of the revised statutes 
so as to authorize the purchase of foreign built ships by citizens of 
the United States and to permit the same to be registered as ves- 
sels of the United States." The Republican members of the com- 
mittee opposed the bill and signed a minority report written by 
Mr. Dingley. ^ This report was an unanswerable argument 
against free ships and an appeal to congress to continue the motto 
of Washington, of Jefferson and of Madison'— "American ships 
built in American ship yards." This bill came up in the house for 
discussion May 22nd. Mr. Dunn, chairman of the shipping com- 
mittee, made the opening speech in favor of the bill. Mr. Dingley 
replied in a speech ^ of remarkable power. "Before we commit 
ourselves to this policy," he said, "it will be wise for us to consider 
that all history teaches that no people can permanently maintain 
their prestige unless they strengthen their position on the ocean as 

1 — See Appendix. 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 271 

well as on the land, and that no nation can gain and maintain mari- 
time supremacy unless it builds its own vessels." Mr. Dingley was 
warmly congratulated, and the bill was abandoned by its promot- 
ers. 

February 2nd was set apart by the house for the consideration 
of resolutions in relation to the death of Vice President Hendricks. 
Mr. Dingley was invited to speak on this occasion. His remarks 
were brief but thoughtful and tender. ^ On the afternoon of 
February 21 (Sunday) he addressed a large temperance meeting in 
Washington. 

The fight against Mr. Dingley's bill to abolish compulsory pilot- 
age in the coast-wise trade was sharp and persistent. Members of 
the various pilot associations were given hearings before the ship- 
ping committee ; but the committee voted to report the bill. The 
report ^ accompanying this bill was written by Mr. Dingley. The 
New York pilots attempted to secure the support of the labor or- 
ganizations, but when it was found that the pilot organization was 
a monopoly, the labor organizations refused to be used for any 
such purpose. April 15, when the house had under consideration 
rhe river and harbor appropriation bill, Mr. Dingley spoke at some 
length ^ in favor of removing the unnecessary pilotage fees from 
American coast-wise vessels. The friends of the measure however, 
decided not to take it up for action until an opportunity could be 
had to organize the shipping interests. 

On the 16 of February Chairman Morrison of the ways and 
means committee introduced his tarifif bill. Mr. Dingley called at- 
tention to the fact that "the bill professes to be a very moderate 
one, but it cuts Maine's industries and products fearfully. Alto- 
gether the thrusting of this new tariff revision before the country 
will be likely to further delay the revival of business, as few will 
care to make investments in industries threatened with increased 
foreign competition by a reduction of duties." Concerning the 
tariff Mr. Dingley said : "There will be a tariff bill, and I under- 
stand that Morrison and Hewitt are interested in its preparation. 
It will be a queer sort of combination, for they propose to make it 
up with a lot of things designed to please someone on the Demo- 
cratic side and to embarrass our side by tacking on some changes 
in the law we favor. It will be a political bill, designed to unite the 
Democrats and afford them a chance to make the country solid for 
revenue reform. They do not care much whether it becomes a law 
or not if they can only get it through the house. They are really 

1 — Bee Appendix. 



272 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

in earnest because Mills of Texas has resigned his place on the ship- 
ping committee in order to devote all his time to the tariff." 

April 12, Chairman Morrison reported his bill "to reduce tariff 
revenue." Mr. Dingley said it was the most unjust tariff measure 
€ver presented by congress. It was framed not with any view of 
dealing equally and fairly with the industries of the country, but 
simply with a view of winning the votes of the Democratic mem- 
bers of the house. The industries of states represented by Republi- 
cans were mercilessly slaughtered, while even the raw products of 
the states represented by Democrats were left untouched. 

The fate of this second Democratic tariff hung in the balance. 
Chairman Morrison summoned all his forces and on the 17th of 
June moved that the house proceed to the consideration of the bill. 
The motion was lost by a vote of 140 to 157. Every Republican 
and every Randall Democrat voted against the motion ; and the 
announcement of the result was greeted with applause on the Re- 
publican side. Mr. Morrison, with unconcealed discomfiture, an- 
nounced that he would renew the motion on the following Tuesday. 
Mr. McKinley promptly replied: "Mr. Speaker, I desire to give 
notice that we will try to be here next Tuesday." Mr. Morrison 
and the free trade wing of the Democracy were enraged, and in 
secret conference denounced Mr. Randall and his thirty-five fol- 
lowers. 

When the next Tuesday arrived, Mr. Morrison did not renew 
his motion, as promised, to take up the tariff bill. In place of this 
he proposed an amendment to the rules providing when any bill to 
increase pensions or to grant new pensions is before the house, "it 
shall be in order to provide by taxation or otherwise for the pay^ 
ment thereof; but no such amendment shall be in order unless the 
net revenue provided for shall be thereby set apart for the sole pur- 
pose of paying such increased pensions." This was simply a left- 
handed way of getting the tariff bill before the house and of rebuk- 
ing the Republicans for what Mr. Morrison called "reckless and 
extravagant appropriations for pensions." President Cleveland 
had already vetoed scores of private pension bills, and the Demo- 
cratic leaders came to the rescue of the executive in his warfare 
upon the old soldiers. Mr. Reed made a sharp fifteen minute 
speech in which lie arraigned the Democrats. "They rush for- 
w'ard." he said, "with enormous anxiety to pay pensions and saddle 
them with tariff discussion ! Good Heavens ! What legislation on 
earth in the way of appropriations could stand a tariff discussion ? 
Why, this house, by a majority of 17, in a Democratic house of 40 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 273 

majority, has expressed its disgust with the subject to such an ex- 
tent that although the bill was still-born, nevertheless they abso- 
lutely refused the oratorical ceremony of burial." An interesting 
feature of this episode was the sharp discussion between Mr. Morri- 
son and Mr. Randall in which the latter asked the former if he 
thought Mr. Cleveland would have been elected if the national con- 
vention had declared for free raw wool. Mr. Morrison replied by 
charging Mr. Randall with betraying the principles of his party. 
Mr. Reed's motion to lay the proposed amendment on the table 
was defeated by only 13 votes, and the house adjourned amid con- 
fusion without settling the controversy. The battle was renewed 
on the following day ; and after much filibustering, the proposition 
of the Democrats was defeated. 

Thus Mr. Morrison again failed in the matter of tariff legis- 
lation, and on the 29th of June, Mr. Randall tried his hand. He in- 
troduced a bill purely for political purposes, as it was necessary for 
the protection Democrats after defeating the Morrison bill, "to get 
to the country," with something. But nothing was ever heard of 
the bill and all tariff legislation this session failed. 

The Democratic party was at this time, ten years before the 
first "battle of the standards," committed to the free coinage of sil- 
ver at the ratio of 16 to i. The national Democratic platform of 
1884 had declared for the "gold and silver coinage of the constitu- 
tion," and the Democratic majority in the house felt compelled to 
give concrete expression to this declaration. Therefore a bill was 
reported to the house from the committee on coinage, weights and 
measures, permitting the free and unlimited coinage of silver dol- 
lars, 412 1-2 grains each, and repealing so much of the act of Febru- 
ary 28th, 1878, "as provides for the purchase of silver bullion to be 
coined monthly into silver dollars." This was known as the Bland 
bill ; and after a rather desultory debate, the bill was defeated by 37 
majority. Thirty Republicans and ninety-six Democrats voted for 
it. and ninety-two Republicans and seventy-one Democrats voted 
against it. Mr. Dingley said : "It seems strange that a proposition 
to allow any holder of silver bullion to take 412 1-2 grains, nine- 
tenths fine, worth 79 cents in the market, to a government mint, 
and receive a silver dollar, should receive so large a support. It 
seems so plain that so long as we coin silver bullion at a profit of 
21 cents on a dollar, that profit should go to the people, instead 
of to the owners of silver mines, that the silver mania 
must have turned the heads of many men. So far as can be dis- 



274 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

covered from the debate, every member of congress is in favor of 
retaining both silver and gold in our coinage, and also in favor of 
doing all we can to restore silver to its old value and thus make free 
coinage practicable. All agree that an agreement among leading 
commercial nations for the use of silver in legal tender coinage will 
bring this about, but as to what course to take to bring this about, 
members differ. The great authorities who have written on bimet- 
alism and who favor the use of both metals, agree that the best 
way is to temporarily suspend our coinage in order to bring a pres- 
sure to bear upon other governments which rest easy sjo long as we 
take care of the surplus silver. The decision however, is to go 
along as we are going until actual calamity necessitates action." 

One of the important bills of the session provided for "creating 
boards of arbitration for the speedy settlement of controversies 
and differences between common carriers and their employers." 
Mr. Dingley supported the bill ^ on the ground that it formulated a 
statutory method of providing boards of arbitration and because of 
the moral effect which the enactment of such a law would have. 

A slight incident happened in the house July 2, that illustrates 
Mr. Dingley's watchful care over public expenditure and his 
earnest desire to maintain a moral standard in every department. 
When the general deficiency bill was under consideration, a clause 
was reached appropriating $363 for a deficiency in the expense of 
the government visitors to the naval academy at AnnapoHs. Mr. 
Dingley offered an amendment providing "that no part of this sum 
or any other appropriation by congress for expenses of the board 
of visitors shall be used to pay for intoxicating liquors." Mr. 
.\dams of New York looked at Mr. Dingley curiously and said : 
"You do not seriously press that amendment, do you?" 

"I do press it seriously," replied Mr. Dingley. 

"I am surprised," said Mr. Adams. 

"Are you opposed to the amendment?" inquired Mr. Dingley. 

"Oh, certainly," replied Mr. Adams, with hesitation. "I shall 
vote against it." 

Mr. Findlay of Maryland said : "If the bill is a fair and moderate 
one, we have no right to refuse payment simply because the officer 
who ordered the expenditure may have traveled outside of the rules 
of propriety." 

"I will ask the gentleman," said Mr. Dingley, "whether any of- 
ficer of the government is warranted in purchasing liquors to be 
paid for by the taxpayers?" 

1 — See Appendix. 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 275 

"I can only answer that question," replied Mr. Fincllay, "by say- 
ing that I suppose there has been a uniform custom to order such 
things ; and whether the custom be good or bad, the men who fur- 
nished the articles upon the order of an officer of the government 
had a perfect right to do so and are entitled to payment." 

"The custom had better be broken up now," said Mr. Dingley. 

"Then break it up some other way," retorted Mr. Findlay. 

"The officer may be personally responsible," said Mr. Dingley; 
"but this is not an indebtedness which should be borne by the tax- 
payers." The amendment was adopted by a vote of 79 to 47. 

Mr. Dingley's close application to public business sapped his 
vitality and brought on an illness early in May that alarmed his 
lamily and friends. On the 12th of the month while going to the 
house, he was overcome with an attack of vertigo or heart weak- 
ness that caused him to totter and fall on the sidewalk near the cor- 
ner of 14th street and New York avenue. He was assisted to a 
neighboring drug store where restoratives quickly brought him to 
consciousness. Mr. Reed, his colleague, happened to appear on 
the scene, and was told of Mr. Dingley's illness. He quickly went 
I0 Mr. Dingley's side, and shortly afterwards assisted him to his 
room in the Hamilton house. The tender hands of a loving wife 
and daughter soon restored the sick man to his accustomed health ; 
but it was five days before he again ventured to the house to par- 
ticipate in public business. The work involved in the conference 
over the shipping bill, still further drew upon his strength ; and on 
the 8th of June in company with his wife and daughter, he started 
for his home in Maine for a few days of needed rest. Shortly be- 
fore he left Washington he received information that he had been 
unanimously renominated for congress by the Republicans of the 
second congressional district. The convention was held at Auburn, 
Hon. J. P. Swasey presided, and presented Mr. Dingley's name. 
In referring to the only candidate before the convention, Mr. 
Swasey said: "He has filled with honor the gubernatorial chair; 
he has industriously and efficiently represented this district in con- 
gress. His fidelity is attested by the fact that while a convention is 
in session to nominate his successor he is attending to his duties in 
Washington." The resolutions said that : "In the person of Hon- 
orable Nelson Dingley Jr., we recognize an active and faithful ex- 
ponent of those principles upon which the success of our govern- 
ment has depended, and that his untiring efforts in behalf of the 
business and commercial interests of not only his district and state 



276 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

but of the whole country, entitle him to the support of all voters of 
this district." 

Throughout this session of congress, a storm was gathering 
about the head of President Cleveland because of his wholesale 
vetoing of pension bills. On the 21 st of June he sent 15 messages 
to congress, vetoing as many special pension bills which had passed 
both branches of congress. July 6th he sent to the house mes- 
sages announcing his disapproval of twenty bills of a similar char- 
acter; and three days following, the storm broke in the house 
ivith terrific fury. President Cleveland was severely arraigned for 
his course. Mr. Brumm ot Pennsylvania characterized him as "the 
great obliterator of segregated ribs and the great representative 
uf absolute power." After a heated debate lasting until nearly mid- 
night, the veto messages were referred to the committee on invalid 
pensions. 

One of the Democratic campaign statements made before the 
presidential election of 1884, was that the high war tariff had ac- 
cumulated a large surplus in the treasury, thus depriving the people 
of needed money. With a view of appearing to carry out its 
pledge, the Democratic majority in the house, through the chair- 
man of the ways and means committee, presented a resolution pro- 
viding, "that whenever the surplus or balance in the treasury, 
including the amount held for redemption of the United States 
notes, shall exceed the sum of one hundred million dollars, it shall 
be, and is hereby made, the duty of the secretary of the treasury to 
apply such excess, in sums net less than ten millions per month, 
during the existence of any such surplus or excess, to the payment 
of the interest-bearing indebtedness of the United States payable at 
the option of the government." Mr. Morrison brought up the 
resolution in the house July 13th, and made a lengthy speech in 
explanation of its provisions. He made his resolution plausible by 
declaring that "the application of one hundred million which now 
lie unused and unproductive, to that part of our debt which is 
payable whenever we are able and willing to pay it. would put that 
much more money to its legitimate uses. It would tend to make 
money cheaper, increase the means of exchange, and help in the 
transaction of business. A hundred million of money is the capital 
which employs a hundred thousand men in productive industries ; 
together they make two thousand million dollars worth of pro- 
ducts, and add seventy millions to the annual wealth of the country. 
It would save us from three million dollars of annual interest and 
annual taxes which we are now paying. More than that, it will take 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 277 

away something of the temptation which leads us here in congress 
to vote large appropriations and make improvident expenditures in 
which we pretend to justify ourselves because there is too much 
money in the treasury." The debate covered the whole range of 
federal finance, and party politics. On the next day, Mr. McKinley 
of Ohio, and Messrs. Reed and Dingley of Maine made notable 
speeches exposing the true inwardness of the resolution. They 
called it "a mere political game." Mr. Dingley said: "This is the 
first attempt in the history of this government to determine by leg- 
islative resolution what should be the working balance of the treas- 
ury," and added: "Today by virtue of the gold redemption fund, 
which has been maintained by the secretary of the treasury for 
more than seven years, every greenback dollar is as good as gold. 
But with this resolution a law, this redemption fund will begin to 
disappear." ^ 

This was really an attempt on the part of the Democratic lead- 
ers of the house to force the payment of the national debt in silver, 
and to force the government in its financial transactions, to a sib'er 
basis ; but the resolution was agreed to by a vote of 207 to 67. Mr. 
Dingley voted "no." The resolution was amended in the senate so 
as to provide for a working balance of twenty millions, in addition 
to the greenback redemption fund, and also so as to authorize the 
president to suspend the operations in case of expediency. In this 
form it was adopted by both houses. 

During the discussion of the fortifications appropriation bill, 
July 17, Mr. Dingley took occasion to remark that "economy is al- 
ways essential but a wise economy is not parsimony. Adequate 
appropriations for any object of public concern is economy and not 
profligacy of expenditures ; and the withholding of necessary ap- 
propriations is waste and may result in injury to the pubUc inter- 
ests. It seems to me that the witholding of appropriations to put 
the nation in a state of defense in case of war, which is sure to come 
to all nations, is anything but statesmanship. The great majority 
of the people are willing to support the proper employment of the 
public money in furthering whatever will advance the prosperity 
and strength of the nation." He then proceeded to show that the 
Democratic claim of economy was not well founded, "for there has 
been almost no reduction of expenditures for ordinary purposes or 
in directions under the control of the administration." This speech ^ 
was in reply to Mr. Springer of Illinois, who claimed that "the 

1 — See Appendix. 



278 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

Democrats had expended sixteen million dollars in the last fiscal 
year less than the Republicans did the previous year." 

Mr. Dingley on the third of August was excused from attending 
the sessions of the house during the remainder of the session, and 
left Washington for his summer home on the coast of Maine. Two 
days later the first session of the forty-ninth congress adjourned. 
This was the first session of a congress under a Democratic admin- 
istration for twenty-five years, and the country watched its course 
with interest, if not with hope. The record brought universal dis- 
appointment. The session was more important in what it omitted 
to do than in what it actually did. The Democratic majority 
seemed to have no definite policy, hence the business of the session 
drifted. Mr. Dingley played a very important and influential part. 
Mr. Morrison asked Mr. Dingley how it was he had his own way in 
every committee meeting. "It seems to me you pretty much run 
things," he said. 

" Oh, I guess not. I merely give my advice," replied Mr. Ding- 
ley. 

His influence was great because of his tact and knowledge of 
human nature. He always kept out of unnecessary quarrels. 

Mr. Dingley secured one week of rest before he plunged into 
the state campaign. The Republicans of Maine had nominated 
Joseph R. Bodwell for governor, and adopted resolutions endors- 
ing the protective tariff' and the course of the members of congress 
from Maine. He began his speaking August ii at his home in 
Lewiston. The next day he spoke at Damariscotta with Senator 
Hale. Then followed many speeches at different points in the 
state. Several temperance addresses were intersperced, so that the 
month of August and the first two weeks of September found his 
time fully occupied. He always dreaded a stumping tour, and re- 
turned from this one in a state of physical collapse. His speeches 
however, were models, not in their oratory, fcut in their candor and 
conviction. 

The state election was September 13, and the RepubHcans were 
victorious by 13,000 plurality. All four Republican candidates for 
congress were elected by large majorities. Mr. Dingley's plurality 
was 6,000 and his majority 3,000. The legislature was overwhelm- 
ingly Republican, insuring the re-election of Senator Hale. Mr. 
Dingley said: "If the result in Maine is an indication of the pop- 
ular feeling in the country, as it usually is, than it is clear that the 
Republican party has not been in a better condition since 1874 than 




GROVER CLEVELAND. "«'. L. WILSON. 
J. D. RICHARDSON. J. C. S. BLACKBURN. 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 279 

now. The trial of Democratic rule in the country has evidently 
not been reassuring." 

The Prohibitory party vote in this election was much smaller 
than anticipated, being only 3,607 votes. Mr. Dingley was a con- 
sistent Prohibitionist, and yet the third party Prohibitionists in his 
congressional district, nominated a candidate for congress against 
him. Mr. Dingley said that "the result of the Maine election for 
the third time emphasizes the fact that there is no dislodging prohi- 
bition from the people of Maine ; that there is no party so loyal to 
legal suasion as the Republican ; that the Prohibitionists of Maine 
cannot consent to sacrifice prohibition for the sake of founding a 
new party on one issue whose interests are well cared for by the 
party through which the slaves has been freed and through which 
has been won the great moral and legal reforms of the last quarter 
of a century." 

The November elections reduced but did not overcome the 
Democratic majority in the national house of representatives. Sad 
havoc was made among the leading Democrats. Mr. Morrison, 
chairman of the ways and means committee was defeated ; J. Ran- 
dolph Tucker, chairman of the committee on judiciary, saw the 
storm coming and declined a renomination. Mr. Hurd, the free 
trade leader was overwhelmingly defeated. The only Democrat of 
abilitv and leadership qualities (aside from Speaker Carlisle who es- 
caped defeat by only a narrow margin) who weathered the storm 
was Mr. Randall, whose tariff views made him in bad odor in the 
Democratic ranks. The continued decline of the Democratic ma- 
jority was significant. President Cleveland's administration had 
not met with popular favor. 

Mr. Dingley secured much needed rest in the month of Novem- 
ber. He devoted his time to editorial writing and attention to pri- 
vate business. During the month he made only one address and 
that at Bath on "American Shipping" on the evening of Novem- 
ber 20th. On the third of December, he left his home for Wash- 
ington, tarrying in Boston on the following day to deliver an ad- 
dress ^ on "The Fisheries Question" before the Middlesex club. 
On this occasion he was given a royal reception as one of New Eng- 
land's most distinguished sons. 

The second session of the forty-ninth congress assembled at 
noon December 6th. The president's message contained no new 
practical suggestions. His position on the fisheries question was 
criticised. He dodged the vital question of the commercial privi- 

1 — See Appendix. 



28o LIFE AND TIMES OF 

leges of American vessels in Canadian ports and addressed himself 
to the fishery rights of American vessels in Canadian waters. Mr. 
Dingley said "that the president ought to have interviewed some 
of the hardy fishermen of Maine before trying to make ancient his- 
tory a modern issue." 

Mr. Morrison was determined to again force consideration of 
the taritr bill at once and to prevent the passage or consideration 
of Mr. Hewitt's administrative part of it, as a separate measure. 
The protective tariff Democrats, led by Mr. Randall, held a con- 
ference, and voted to oppose the Morrison bill. Mr. Dingley said 
that "the bill should not be taken up. Mr. Morrison drew his bill, 
and then went around the house bargaining and amending it so as 
to get as many Democrats as possible to support it. Such a 
patched-up measure does not deserve consideration. It is much 
better to wait until the next session. The surplus has not piled up 
yet so. as to be anything dreadful." On the 19th of December the 
house by a vote of 154 to 140 refused to consider the bill. All but 
five Republicans voted "no," and 26 Democrats voted "yes." The 
announcement of the second defeat of the bill awoke great applause 
on the Republican side. This ended all chance of tariff legislation 
at this session. Mr. Morrison was angry over his defeat and made 
many threats. The hopeless division in the Democratic ranks was 
again manifest. 

Soon after the assembling of congress, President Cleveland sent 
to the senate the correspondence between the state department 
and Minister Phelps of London, regarding the fisheries trouble. 
The correspondence stated that demands had been made upon 
Great Britain for remuneration for losses incurred by American 
fishermen not only from seizures of their vessels and damages re- 
sulting therefrom, but also for the denial of commercial rights 
which rightfully belonged to them. It also recommended the es- 
tablishment of a commission to collect proof of such losses in- 
curred. "These letters," said Mr. Dingley, "show that our side has 
been very ably presented. Mr. Bayard's statement of the issue is 
good, but not equal to Mr. Phelps' presentation which I regard as 
absolutely perfect in terms and spirit. The complaint can be justly 
made that the department here did not act with due promptness 
and spirit ; but nothing can be said against the manner in which Mr. 
Phelps attended to the matter when it was laid before him. But he 
was not given the case until four months after the hostile proclama- 
tion by the Canadian minister of marine. Too much time was 
wasted over the British legation in Washington. I wanted our 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 281 

government to act in March immediately upon receipt of the Cana- 
dian proclamation, and perhaps if the case had been turned over to 
Mr. Phelps then, a settlement could have been arranged before the 
Dominion had committed itself so far as to seize our vessels. The 
president, I regret to say, does not show in his annual message that 
he has any appreciation of the dispute. When he refers to it as re- 
lating to "fishery rights' and the "territorial waters' and 'in shore 
fisheries,' he falls into the extremely unfortunate error that our op- 
ponents have all along sought to advance. The correspondence 
has nothing whatever to do with fish, but is wisely confined to our 
commercial rights in Canadian ports. We do not want to fish 
within the three mile limit, and of all the seizures that have been 
made, only one, I believe, was on the pretext that this regulation 
had been violated. If this vessel really disregarded the limit, no de- 
fence will be made by our people or our government." 

Late in January a bill passed the senate authorizing and direct- 
ing the president not only to exclude Canadian fishing vessels from 
our ports, but also to deny admission into this country of Canadian 
fish, in case the Canadians continued to deny commercial privileges 
in their ports to our fishing vessels. It even went further and in 
such event authorized exclusion of all Canadian vessels and Cana- 
dian produce if the president should consider it proper to do so, 
although the purpose was to only exclude Canadian fishing vessels 
and Canadian fish. January 26th, this bill was referred to the house 
committee on foreign affairs, and later a substitute was reported. 
The substitute went further than the senate bill, by authorizing the 
president to stop communication by rail with Canada. The house 
bill also described "vessels owned wholly or partially by British sub- 
jects" as subjects for exclusion, overlooking the fact that the 
ownership of the vessel does not determine her nationality. Mr. 
Dingley was opposed to this substitute bill, ^ and addressed the 
house at some length, reviewing the whole situation and pointing 
out his objections. The bill was finally passed but not until after 
Mr. Dingley's amendment had been accepted providing "that any 
foreign vessel found fishing within the three mile limit of the coast 
of the United States shall be liable to seizure and forfeiture, and 
any persons employed thereon liable to a fine of fifty dollars for 
each offense." This amendment was a portion of Mr. Dingley's bill 
introduced in the house February 7 and reported unanimously 
February 1 1 by the committee on shipping. 

1 — Ste Appendix. 



282 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

The committee on shipping, February 1 1, voted unanimously to 
report three bills introduced by Mr. Dingley- — one relating to ships' 
papers, a second relating to the abolition of ship fees, and a third 
relating to vessel fisheries of the United States. These bills were 
reported to the house the following day. None were reached, how- 
ever, during the session. 

Congress adjourned from December 22nd to January 4th for 
the holidays ; and two days before adjournment Mr. Dingley intro- 
duced a resolution instructing the committee on naval affairs to in- 
quire into the expediency of authorizing the secretary of the navy 
in the construction of vessels for the navy hereafter, to invite pro- 
posals for the building of a part of such vessels on such special 
terms as will best secure the end sought, by responsible citizens or 
companies who will undertake to establish new iron and steel ship 
building establishments at desirable points on our Atlantic, Paciiic 
and Gulf coasts, and to provide for these establishments such suit- 
able plants as will make them available for the building of iron and 
steel vessels for the navy as well as the merchant marine. The 
Washington Post the following day said editorially: '"Come, Mr. 
Dingley; don't play the veiled prophet of Khorassen or the silent 
sphynx of Sagadahoc. Tell us what you mean by your mysterious 
resolution about the navy." 

Mr. Dingley left Washington for Maine December 21st. Here 
he spent the holiday recess in the bosom of his family. With his de- 
voted wife and his five children he partook of a Christmas reunion 
dinner. "It was a happy season," he recorded in his diary. And 
how dear to him was his family ! He returned to Washington with 
his wife and daughter January ist, 1887. On the evening of Janu- 
ary 18 he spoke at the shipping league dinner and also at the Dart- 
mouth alumni dinner. 

The afternoon of February 22nd was assigned for consideration 
of resolutions relative to Austin F. Pike, a senator from New 
Hampshire, who died on the 8th of October previous to the as- 
sembling of congress. On this occasion Mr. Dingley delivered a 
brief but impressive eulogy. ^ 

The appropriation bills were rushed through the house ; and at 
noon on the 4th of Alarch, the 49th congress expired. Mr. Dingley 
left for his home the day before congress adjourned. On the loth of 
the month he accepted an invitation to address a merchants' club 
dinner in Boston, on the fisheries question. His address ^ was re- 
ceived with great favor; and he was extended unusual courtesies as 

1 — See Appendix. 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 283 

the ablest representative in congress of New England's great fish- 
ing industry. March 15 he visited Mr. Blaine at the latter's resi- 
dence in Augusta and took tea with him. 

Mr. Dingley devoted a large share of his time during this spring 
pnd summer, writing editorials for the Lewiston Journal and watch- 
ing with deep interest its remarkable growth. In the Journal of 
April 7 appeared a long article from his pen, giving his personal 
recollections of the progress of his paper since 1854 when he first) 
took up the editorial pen. He recalled the month of September, 
1857, when he became "not only sole proprietor and editor, but also 
foreman, book-keeper and reporter, and worked from 12 to 14 
hours every day." 

The grand lodge of Good Templars held its session in Lewis- 
ton, late in April, and Mr. Dingley made an address. He said that 
it was twenty-one years since he was elected grand chief of the 
order in Maine, and no position that he had occupied since, had 
given him more genuine satisfaction than that. He spoke of the 
prominence that Maine held in the Temperance interests of the 
world, and said that a drunkard in Europe, on the continent or in 
England, was the same as in this country. He spoke of the recep- 
tions tendered him at one time in Europe as a representative of the 
temperance work of the state of Maine, congratulated the order on 
its position in Maine and its name and renown abroad, and ended 
with a prophecy, "that the grog shops must go." Mr. Dingley was 
elected a delegate to the national grand lodge which met at Sara- 
toga, May 15. Here he made an address of some length. On the 
23rd of June he attended commencement exercises at Bowdoin col- 
lege and made a short address at the commencement dinner. 

The temperance forces of Maine held a grand Fourth of July 
celebration at Canton. Neal Dow, Sidney Perham, Governor Bod- 
well and Mr. Dingley made addresses. Mr. Dingley was intro- 
duced as "one of the men who has done valient service with pen and 
voice for the cause of prohibition and temperance." Mr. Dingley 
was received with applause, and spoke of the importance of mak- 
ing faithful use of those moral and educational agencies which form 
temperance habits in the young, maintaining a healthy temperance 
sentiment, and securing the enactment and enforcement of good 
laws. 

Mr. Dingley's life at his summer home on the coast of Maine 
was all his fond heart desired. Surrounded by his children and 
grandchildren, so dear to him,. he surrendered mind and body to 
rest and recreation. From the broad piazza of his cottage, swept 



284 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

by the cool sea breezes, he viewed the beauties of an ideal summer 
home and watched with dsep interest the doings of an ideal sum- 
mer colony. Twice a day he walked leisurely to the little postoffice 
near the steamer landing to get the mail. After meals he regularly 
put on his soft felt hat, buttoned his coat about his chest and walked 
briskly to the shore. Evenings always found him playing some 
game in the family circle or reading a newspaper. He invariably 
joined in the laughter and jokes. His gentle nature was a benedic- 
tion to his household ; and in the twilight, his great heart and brain 
were lulled to rest by the sound of his beloved c'aughter's voice — a 
voice that was sweet and tender. Sunday evenings he invariably at- 
tended praise service at the little chapel, offering some simple tes- 
tmiony of liis love of Christ. To this island community he was 
something more than human ; and all showed him a respect and 
honor that was beautiful. The purity of his life, the sincerity of his 
nature, and the generosity of his soul, made his life here well nigh 
perfect. Thus passed the summer. 

During September, October and November Mr. Dingley de- 
voted much time to editorial work. The columns of the Lewiston 
Journal fairly bristled with his strong and pointed articles on im- 
portant public matters. In commenting on Speaker Carlisle's pro- 
posed plan for the reduction of the revenue Mr. Dingley wrote : 
"He proposes to abolish the internal tax on tobacco, amounting to 
about twenty-eight million dollars annually — a reduction which 
would have been made at the last session of congress if the speaker 
had not refused to allow it to come before the house. He does not 
now propose to allow a bill for the abolition of the tobacco tax to 
come before the house simply, but coupled with a measure to re- 
duce the duties on imports." Mr. Dingley pointed out that Mr. 
Carlisle's plan of admitting "food products" and "raw materials" 
free, simply meant "the giving up to Canadians the benefit of our 
market." 

Late in October Sir Charles Tupper was appointed Canada's 
lepresentative on the British membership of the fisheries commis^ 
sion which was soon to meet in Washington. The other British 
members were Minister West, and Mr. Chamberlain. The 
American members were Messrs. Bayard, Putnam and Angell. 
Mr. Dingley wrote: "The fishermen of this country will 
be entirely content with the commission. What they have 
feared has been that the commission would go outside of the dis- 
puted question relating to the fisheries, that is. the line of the three 
mile limit, and the rights of American fishing vessels in Canadian 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 285 

ports, and negotiate as to the free admission of Canadian fish, etc., 
in our ports. We have entire confidence that Messrs. Putnam and 
Angell, who are associated with Secretary Bayard, will not advise 
any departure from questions relating to the three mile limit and 
the rights of fishing vessels." 

On October 21st Mr. Dingley addressed the New England 
branch of the national shipping and industrial league in Boston. 
The Portland Argus, in commenting on this, said that Mr. Ding- 
ley confessed "the tarifY had done more to drive our ships from the 
ocean than any other cause." Mr. Dingley wrote in reply : "After 
Congressman Dingley has argued repeatedly in and out of congress 
that the changes from the tariff of 1846 and 1857 to the tariffs of 
1861, 1872 and 1883 have had nothing to do with the decline of our 
shipping in the foreign trade, and after he presented that argument 
at the shipping convention in Boston, with such success that even 
Judge Woodbury, Colonel Spofford and other prominent Demo- 
crats admitted that it was beyond successful dispute, it is certainly 
surprising to have the Argus now assert that Congressman Ding- 
ley confesses what he has already denied." 

The result of the November elections was on the whole favor- 
able to the Republicans and full of encouragement to Republican 
hopes for the future. Mr. Dingley observed that: "Every state 
that was Republican two years ago still maintains its proud posi- 
tion." November 10 he attended a meeting of the Republican state 
committee at Augusta and made a short address. At this meeting 
nothing was said about Maine's presidential candidate in 1888, be- 
yond a passing allusion to the general expectation of the Republi- 
cans of the country that Mr. Blaine was desired as their standard 
bearer, and that the decision practically rested with him as to 
whether he would head the ticket. 

On the 20th of November Mr. Dingley left for Washington, 
reaching there in time to take part in the opening session of the 
house. 

1 — See Appendix. 



CHAPTER XVI. 

1 887- 1 889. 

The first session of the fiftieth congress assembled on the eve of 
an important presidential election. The events of the succeeding 
six months were to shape the policies of the contending parties, and 
to bring before the people the great issues of the campaign. There 
were 168 Democrats, 153 Republicans and 4 Independents in the 
house, and the whole country awaited with deep interest the de- 
bates and votes on the tariff, and the proceedings on other import- 
ant matters. President Cleveland's message called attention to 
what he called "a congested national treasury and a depleted mone- 
tary condition in the business of the country," and added that "our 
present tariff laws — vicious, inequitable and illogical source of taxa- 
tion, ought to be at once revised and amended." The president 
however said that "it is not proposed to entirely relieve the country 
of taxation. It must be extensively continued as the source of the 
government's income ; and in a readjustment of our tariff the inter- 
ests of American labor engaged in manufacture should be carefully 
considered, as well as the preservation of our manufacturers. It 
may be called protection, or by any other name, but relief from the 
hardships and dangers of our present tariff laws, should be devised 
with a special precaution against imperiling the existence of our 
manufacturing interests." This declaration did not suit the free 
traders ; but the slight disapprobation was appeased by his appeal 
for "free raw materials" — a popular and catchy phrase. The presi- 
dent gained no little distinction by the use of epigrams which were 
subsequently freely quoted in the campaign. The most familiar 
phrase was his declaration that a dwelling upon the theories of pro- 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 287 

tection and free trade savored too much of "bandying epithets; it 
is a condition which confronts us — not a theory." ^ Thus the coun- 
try was notified that an assault would be made on the protective 
tarifif; and this mas made still more emphatic by the re-election of 
Speaker Carlisle, a radical free trader. Mr. Reed of Maine was the 
Republican candidate for speaker. Congress met on the 5th of 
December and the battle began. 

Mr. Blaine was traveling in Europe at this time, searching for 
health and recreation ; and when in Paris read the message of Presi- 
dent Cleveland. He immediately gave out a brilliant interview in 
which he exposed the fallacies of the president's message and gave 
his own plans for reducing the revenue. This interview attracted 
even more attention that the president's message, and caused a 
.shout of joy to go up all over the country. Mr. Blaine probably did 
not intend it as such, but it straightway made him a formidable can- 
didate for president. 

President Cleveland and his free trade associates used the fact 
that all parties desired to reduce the revenue about seventy million 
dollars annually, to force a reduction of duties on articles which 
could be produced in this country to the extent of our wants. Mr. 
Dingley said that "the only way to reduce the revenues, so far as im- 
ports of articles similar to those which we can produce in this coun- 
try are concerned, is either to make the duty high enough so as to 
very nearly hold our markets for our own industries and labor, or 
else to put these articles on the free list or at rates approaching 
nothing. The former method would build up our industries, the 
latter method would destroy them." 

In the fiftieth congress were — Joseph Wheeler, Hilary A. Her- 
bert and William C. Gates of Alabama ; Joseph McKenna and W. 
W. Morrow of California; Charles A. Russell of Connecticut; 
Charles F. Crisp and James H. Blount of Georgia ; William E. 
Mason, A. J. Hopkins, Robert R. Hitt, Lewis E. Payson, William 
M. Springer and Joseph G. Cannon of Illinois ; William S. Holman, 
William D. Bynum, George W. Steele and Benjamin F. Shrively of 
Indiana; David B. Henderson and James B. Weaver of Iowa; John 
G. Carlisle, William C. P. Breckenridge and J. B. McCreary of Ken- 
tucky; Thomas B. Reed, Nelson Dingley Jr., Seth L. Milliken and 
Charles A. Boutelle of Maine ; John D. Long, Henry Cabot Lodge 

1— President Cleveland was famous for employing strange and epigrammat- 
Ical phrases and unusual words in his messages. In his famous message of 
March 1, 1886, relative to his power to suspend certain officials during the re- 
cess of the senate, he said: "And so it happens that after an existence of nearly 
twenty years of almost innocuous desuetude, these laws are brought forth " The 
■words "innocuous desuetude" were quoted freelv in the campaign 



288 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

and Charles H. Allen of Massachusetts ; J. C. Burrows, James 
O'Donnell. Mark S. Brewer and Byron M. Cutcheon of Michigan; 
John M. Allen and T. C. Catchings of Mississippi ; Richard P. Bland 
of Missouri ; William Walter Phelps of New Jersey ; S. S. Cox, A. J. 
Cummings and William B. Cockran of New York ; Benjamin But- 
terworth. James E. Campbell, Charles H. Grosvenor, and William 
McKinley Jr., of Ohio ; S. J. Randall, Henry J. Bingham, John Dal- 
zell and William L. Scott of Pennsylvania ; James D. Richardson of 
Tennessee ; Roger Q. Mills and J. D. Sayers of Texas ; William L. 
Wilson of West Virginia — all distinguished as public men and sub- 
sequently occupying high positions of trust. 

The house met at noon on the 5th of December. When the 
drawing of seats was reached Mr. Dingley asked unanimous con- 
sent that Mr. Cox be allowed to select his seat in advance, owing to 
his long service. The request was granted unanimously. On the 
same day Mr. Dingley offered amendments to the rules creating a 
standing "committee on merchant marine and fisheries." This new 
committee was created, and has been of inestimable benefit to the 
shipping interests of the country. On the 21st of December, Mr. 
Dingley returned to his home in Maine, and on the following day 
congress adjourned for the holidays. 

About the middle of December it was announced that the fish- 
eries commission had been unable to agree; and an adjournment 
was had until January 4th, 1888. This failure to agree was on ac- 
count of the uncompromising attitude of Canada. The Washing- 
ton correspondent of the Boston Journal interviewed Mr. Dingley 
at some length on this matter. The latter said: "It should be re- 
membered that the refusal of Canada to allow American fishing ves- 
sels to enter her harbors for the ordinary commercial purposes 
which every other civilized nation freely accords to the vessels of 
foreign countries, has been for the purpose of driving the United 
States to admit Canadian fish and other products into the markets 
of this country, free of duty. Our commissioners say, first that our 
fishermen do not desire to fish in Canadian waters, although they 
do ask to have the three mile limit clearly defined ; second, that 
commercial privileges in Canadian ports for our fishing vessels are 
not to be bought, but are due us in turn for the same privileges to 
Canadian vessels of all kinds in our ports, and are freely conceded 
by all commercial nations since maritime reciprocity became the 
rule of civilization ; and third, that the question of reciprocal trade 
relations with Canada is a distinct one from the fisheries question, 
and ought not to be complicated with them. When the fishery 



NELSON DiNGLEY JR. 289 

complications are settled, we shall be in a better frame of mind to 
approach the reciprocal trade question." Mr. Dingley called at- 
tention to the fact that the United States and Great Britain had 
adopted maritime reciprocity since the treaty of 1818, and the re- 
nunciation of that treaty does not affect the rights of American ves- 
sels to enter Canadian ports to ship fish in bond. He added : "The 
Canadian representative argued very much as Shylock did in re- 
gard to his pound of tlesh, and I told him so. And I added 'if you 
claim that you must have your pound of flesh, according to what 
you insist is the bond, you cannot complain if the United States in- 
sists that you cannot take any blood with it. Or in other words you 
can not find fault if we go back also to the condition of things in 
1818 and refuse to allow Canadian fishing vessels to enter our ports, 
and refuse to allow you to land goods in our ports to be shipped in 
bond to Canada.' The Canadian representative took exceptions to 
this, and protested that it would be unjustifiable retaliation. He 
urged that so long as Canada had near-by ports as a base of sup- 
plies for the best fishing grounds in the world, she was entitled to 
hold this advantage for her vessels, to which I replied that these 
fishing grounds belonged to the world, and Canada had no more 
right to attempt to usurp them by denying vessels of the United 
States the use of her ports, for the landing and shipment of fish in 
bond to this country and purchase of supplies, than the United 
States had to attempt to increase the markets for her own products 
in Canada by denying to Canadians the privilege of using our ports 
to land goods, for shipment in bond to Canada." 

On the 28th of December Mr. Dingley left his home for Wash- 
ington, remaining in Boston long enough to make an address that 
evening at the Merchants' association banquet on the fisheries 
question. ^ 

Mr. Dingley's prominence in the fisheries controversy prompted 
many friends of the fishing industry to urge Speaker Carhsle to 
place him on the committee on foreign affairs, anticipating foreign 
complications over the question ; but the speaker could not or did 
not heed the request and Mr. Dingley was given his former com- 
mittee places — "merchant marine and fisheries" and "banking and 
currency." 

Immediately upon the reassembling of the house Mr. Dingley 
introduced petitions of the grand lodge of Good Templars of Maine 
for a commission of inquiry into the liquor traf^c, and for an 
1 — See Appendix. 



290 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

amendment of the constitution of the United States prohibiting the 
manufacture and sale of intoxicating hquor. He also introduced 
several bills of importance relating to shipping and currency mat- 
ters. June 3rd he visited the treasury department and laid before 
Secretary Fairchild some facts relative to the effect of the order for 
the reduction in the force in the custom service. He showed that 
the strict enforcement of the recent order would result in the clos- 
ing of many custom houses in Maine. The treasury authorities, 
therefore, decided to suspend final action in the matter and send a 
special commissioner to Maine to examine into the situation and 
report as to the advisability of a modification of the order. 

Mr. Dingley was now what the Washington Post said, "one of 
the best informed men in public life on the subject of American 
shipping interests." The American Shipping league was in session 
in Washington, and Mr. Dingley was requested to act as a delegate. 
In speaking of the work of the league he said that "the convention 
will probably approve the same line of policy adopted some five 
years ago by France with wonderful success — providing that every 
American vessel, sail or steam, which trades with foreign ports, 
shall be allowed thirty cents per ton for each thousand miles sailed 
or steamed for a period of twenty years. England subsidizes only 
mail-carrying lines ; but she pays heavily for this service, and at the 
same time holds these lines ready for a naval reserve. We are liable 
at any time in case of a foreign war, in which England is involved, 
to see the Cunarders and other swift trans-Atlantic steamships 
withdrawn with scarcely a word of warning from our ports, and our 
foreign commerce seriously crippled at a blow." 

Mr. Dingley's attention early in the session, was called to al- 
leged discriminations on the Welland canal against vessels and car- 
goes bound for American lake 'ports, in violation of the treaty of 
1871. He promptly introduced a resolution calling upon the presi- 
dent for all information. The resolution asking the secretary of the 
treasury instead of the president for the information, was adopted 
by the house. ^ Mr. Dingley made a brief speech pointing out the 

1 — In the New York Tribune of May 14, 18S8, Joseph Nlnimo Jr., published an 
article on "The relations between Canada and the United States," in which he 
said: "A flagrant and most absurd violation of a treaty stipulation between the 
United States and Great Britain was brought to the attention of the house of 
representatives on the fourth of January, 18S8, in the form of a resolution sub- 
mitted by the Hon. Nelson Dingley Jr., of Maine, a gentleman always vigilant 
of the maritime and commercial interests of the United States. During the last 
three years, through the device of an 'order in council,' a rebate of eighteen 
cents per ton has been allowed out of the total toll of twenty cents per ton on 
grain of all sorts passing through the Welland and St. Lawrence canals, if 
shipped to Montreal. The long and short of this is "a premium of eighteen cents 
a ton offered by the Canadian government in favor of the div<-rsion of American 
commerce from American seaports and American transportation lines. An offl- 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 291 

admission of the discriminations by the Canadian g-overnment. On 
the 25tli of January the secretary of the treasury sent to the house 
an extract from the report of the commissioner of navigation, giv- 
ing evidence of a constant violation of treaty obhgations by Can- 
ada. The Dominion government denied the charge and in dis- 
patches to the Boston Herald, sarcastically called upon Mr. Ding- 
ley to study the 27th article of the Washington treaty. The latter 
replied: "I doubt not that the president will promptly call the at- 
tention of the British government to this infraction of treaty obli- 
gation ; and if the discrimination is continued at the opening of 
navigation in the spring, will inform congress, in order that such 
discrimination against the United States may receive proper atten- 
tion." 

The fisheries negotiators reassembled in January but main- 
tained a discreet silence. The sessions of the commission were less 
and less frequent until they met only twice a week with sessions 
only an hour long. Mr. Dingley said: "I have no means of infor- 
mation as to what is actually going on, but I am inclined to think 
the English members of the commission are purposely delaying its 
deliberations. The demand which England has always made for 
Canada has been that, in consideration of opening her ports to 
American vessels, Canada should be able to send her lumber and 
fish into this country free of duty. I feel confident that the fisheries 
negotiators are simply delaying matters with a view to ascertaining 
what congress intends to do with the tariff bill which will soon be 
under discussion. If it is decided to put lumber and fish on the free 
list neither Canada nor England will place anything further in the 
way of a speedy settlement of existing difficulties." On the 25th of 
January Mr. Dingley dined at the Arlington hotel, as the guest of 
Mr. Putnam, one of the American commissioners. It was, how- 
ever, more and more evident that the commission would adjourn 
without settling the matter. It had been in session two months 
with nothing to show for it. President Angell and Mr. Putnam 
were reported to be prejudiced in favor of the administration's pol- 
icy of granting free fish to the Canadians ; but their investigations 
convinced them that such a policy was neither called for nor ad- 
missible. They advised Secretary Bayard that the United States 
ought not to make any of the concessions asked for by Canada. 
However, on the 15th of February, the commissioners reached an 

cer of the revenue department of Canada has innocently confessed that 'the ob- 
ject of the Dominion government in promulgating this order is to encourage 
trade over the St. Lawrence route instead of allowing- it to go to American ports.' 
This, however, as explained by Mr. Dingley on the floor of the house of represen- 
tatives, is an open violation of Article XXVII of the treaty of Washington." 



292 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

agreement in the shape of a treaty with sixteen articles and a pro- 
tocol, which were presented to the senate. The publication of the 
text of the treaty created consternation. It was an abject surren- 
der of the United States. Mr. Dingley said: "It certainly cannot 
get the necessary two-thirds vote. Why, look at it. To under- 
stand what we have failed to get, it will be better to recall what the 
contention has been. The American fishermen from the beginning, 
and the secretary of state in his correspondence with Great Britain 
insisted upon three things, first, the right to enter Canadian ports 
for the purchase of bait, any kind of provisions and supplies that 
might be needed for fishing ; second, the right to ship the men and 
to do anything and everything that was necess?.ry for preparing to 
fish; third, the right to trans-ship fish when caught, and to send 
them in bond to the United States. This was, if anything, more 
important than any other claim. All of these things the secretary 
of state in the correspondence, insisted should be ours. As to the 
other things wdiich were sought, there is not much difficulty about 
them. They conceded we had the right to enter their harbors for 
repairs and shelter, and in certain exigencies, on the way home, 
upon telegraphing to Ottawa, permission was given to obtain pro- 
visions to go home. But they denied the main things which our 
fishermen insisted were theirs of right. With this controversy go- 
ing on, these negotiations opened. What is the result? We can 
go into Canadian ports for shelter and for repairs, and for pro- 
visions on the way home. That is to say, we have exactly the same 
rights or privileges that ive had before. These rights, to be sure, 
are set forth a little more clearly, but that is all. Everything else 
is to be purchased in some way. The Canadians have conceded to 
us just what thev were willing to concede before the conference 
met and nothing more. But the real gist of the treaty is in what 
will be called the 'snapper.' The 'snapper' of the treaty is this : that 
whene\'er we put upon the free list all kinds of prepared fish, we 
shall have things for which we have contended, the right to trans- 
ship fish in bond, the right to buy bait, etc. But these things must 
be purchased by our free list. Meanwhile we are to live by the 
modus vivendi. And what is the modus vivendi ? That any fishing 
vessel of the United States that will pay a dollar and a half a ton for 
license shall ha\e a right to purchase pro\-isions and supplies and 
bait and may ship fish in bond. That is to say, a three hundred 
tons fishing vessel, and that is about the average size of the fishing 
vessels, may pay a license of $450 and obtain these rights. This is 
the most abject surrender of the main points for which the Ameri- 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 293 

can fishermen have contended. How much better off are we ? It 
will be answered that we can go into Canadian ports for shelter 
and repairs. True ; but we can remain there only twenty-four 
hours. We are certainly no better off than we were before, and we 
have surrendered all of the important points for which we have 
contended. I do not make much of the provision as to the delimi- 
tation of the three mile limit. That is secondary. There is no real 
controversy over that point. It has been many years since the 
Canadians have really insisted upon the head line theory. None of 
the vessels that have been seized were seized upon that ground. 
But, even in this respect, we have made a surrender. Bays are now 
to be closed to us which were partly opened before. It does not 
matter that a bay is thirty miles wide, near the shore end ; if it is ten 
miles at the mouth is a closed sea for us. I cannot for a moment 
think that this treaty can be ratified." 

The controversy was not over the three mile limit or the man- 
ner in which the four privileges mentioned by the treaty of 18 18 
should be exercised, but it was over the question of commercial 
privileges outside of these. The Canadians contested that we had 
no right to any privileges outside of these four, and especially that 
we had no right to buy provisions and supplies for a fishing voyage, 
to purchase bait and trans-ship fish. The United States commis- 
sioners contended that we had a right to exercise these privileges. 
Our claims to these privileges were pressed at the start, and at last 
surrendered, with the simple concession by Canada that an Ameri- 
can fishing vessel on its way home might buy in a Canadian port 
sufficient provisions to last it to the home port, and that such a ves- 
sel which had been disabled might land and sell and trans-ship its 
catch of fish — concessions which a savage could not refuse. The 
result was not a compromise but a surrender. Fortunately the 
treaty was rejected. After a protracted debate in the senate a vote 
was taken August 21st on a resolution of ratification requiring a 
two-thirds vote. The resolution was rejected by a vote of 27 to 30. 
Every Republican senator present voted for rejection. Mr. Ding- 
ley said that "the rejected treaty surrendered the very privileges 
which Secretary Bayard demanded as the right of our fishing ves- 
sels in his correspondence with the British government between 
May 1886 and July 1887. It is surprising that a single senator was 
found to vote to ratify such a surrender." 

President Cleveland was so disconcerted by the rejection of tht 
treaty that he straightway sent a message to congress asking for an 
amendment to the so-called retaliatory act of 1887, so 'as to give 



294 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

him the power to stop aU transit of bonded Canadian goods 
through our territory (which would have involved a similar denial 
of transit for American goods through Canadian territory) in case 
Canada continued to deny commercial privileges to our fishing ves- 
sels in her ports. i\Ir. Dingley said that this message was "a most 
remarkable document considering that the president has refused 
for a year and a half the ample power given him by the act of 1887, 
and especially considering his efforts for six months past to force 
the ratification of a treaty admitting that these vessels have no 
commercial rights in Canadian ports and providing that we can 
obtain them only by free fish or the purchase of a license. It is im- 
possible to avoid the conclusion that the president's object is not 
to secure the rights of our fishermen, but to divert attention from 
the treaty which surrendered these rights." This message received 
a storm of indignant protests and contributed to the large Repub- 
lican majority in Maine. 

On the 27th of February the congressional temperance society 
celebrated its 55th anniversary. Mr. Dingley, who had been elected 
president the year before, presided and made an address. He 
spoke of the encouraging outlook for temperance, not only in 
Maine but all over the country. 

Mr. Dinglev's bill authorizing the secretary of the treasury to 
issue fractional silver certificates of the denominations of twenty- 
five, fifteen and ten cents, passed the house March 19 under a sus- 
pension of the rules. Mr. Dingley spoke briefly in explanation of 
the bill. Its passage by a large majority was somewhat of a sur- 
prise, because it was opposed by the quiet influence of the secretary 
of the treasury who did not want the trouble of the new issue, and 
by such Democratic leaders as Randall, Cox, Bacon and Bland, 
who spoke against it. The brunt of the fight for the bill was borne 
by Mr. Dingky, aided by Mr. Phelps of New Jersey and Mr. Dar- 
gan of South Carolina. The argument presented by Mr. Dingley 
was that "there is a large and increasing demand for a currency of 
fractional parts of a dollar for transmission through the mail. Seed 
men, publishers, farmers, etc., find it necessary to largely use the 
mails and this form of currency will be a great convenience to 
them." 

The bill to exempt coastwise sailing vessels, when piloted by 
their own master licensed as a pilot, or when towed by a steam ves- 
sel in charge of a United States pilot, from the obligation to pay 
state pilots whose services are not employed, was reported ad- 
versely from the committee on marine and fisheries. The minority 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 295 

report prepared by Mr. Dingley declared that "congress thirty-six 
years ago, exempted costwise vessels, piloted by their own hcensed 
master or mate from the obligation to pay state pilots not used. 
Twenty-eight states have also exempted coastwise sailing vessels 
from paying fees to state pilots not used, and this bill would sim- 
ply place x\merican sailing vessels on the same basis as steam ves- 
sels." But the lobby of the pilotage association defeated the bill 
this session precisely as it did in the last session. 

Mr. Dingley's keen sense of fairness and justice was again mani- 
fested when on the 21st of March a bill came before the house pro- 
viding for the payment of a full days' wages for each eight hours of 
work performed by laborers employed by the government since 
June 25, 1868, the day when congress enacted the eight hour law. 
In supporting this bill Mr. Dingley said that "whenever any 
laborer, workman or mechanic employed by or on behalf of the 
government has not been paid in accordance with the terms of the 
eight hour law, he should be. It has been the proud boast of our 
go\'ernment that it has observed in letter and spirit all its engage- 
ments to those who took our bonds and other obligations in the 
dark hour of the civil war. We should deal with equal fidelity to- 
wards the laborers, workmen and mechanics employed by or on 
behalf of the government." 

The most memorable fight of the session occurred early in 
April. It was over the direct tax refunding bill. It will be re- 
membered that soon after the breaking out of the rebellion in 1861, 
congress levied a direct tax of twenty million dollars to carry on 
the Avar for the preservation of the union. The loyal states all as- 
sumed the amount assessed against them and paid their share of 
the tax in full — less the fifteen per cent allowed any state for as- 
suming and collecting it. The returned rebel states were not called 
upon to pay their proportion of the tax. ^^'hen the bill, which had 
already passed the senate, reached the house the Democrats op- 
posed it, taking the ground that if there was to be any refunding, 
*-he cotton tax imposed during the war ought also to be refunded. 
The friends of the bill replied that what was just twenty-five years 
ago is just now; and that the fact that the disloyal states obtained 
a practical rebate of their proportion of the tax over twenty-five 
years ago by not paying it, only strengthened the claim of the loyal 
states who paid the tax to have their rebate now. The Democrats 
resorted to filibustering for nine days ; and on the 12th of April, the 
deadlock was broken by the adjournment of the house, the Demo- 
crats voting solidly for adjournment. 



296 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

A resolution authorizing the secretary of the treasury to apply 
the surplus money in the treasury to the purchase or redemption 
of United States bonds caused considerable debate in the house. 
In supporting the resolution ]\Ir. Dingley said that "this is simply 
a declaratory resolution to the effect that the provision incor- 
porated in the appropriation act of 1881 to which it refers, was in- 
tended to be and is a permanent and continuing authority to the 
secretary of the treasury to use up the surplus funds in the treasury 
for the purpose of purchasing the public debt." He favored the 
resolution because "under existing circumstances the business of 
this country demands that there shall be such action taken as would 
lead to the use of that provision in the act of 1881 in employing the 
hundred millions of surplus that is today in the treasury in reduc- 
ing the public debt, and to set afloat for the use of the business in- 
terests of the country that hundred millions which the condition 
of business so much demands. * * * We all know, as a mat- 
ter of fact, that for six months, yes for eight months, past, there 
has been accumulating in the treasury of the United States money 
which the business interests of the country demands and needs for 
circulation, and which, in my judgment, months ago the president 
ought to have used in purchasing the debt of the country and thus 
releasing that money to the use of the business public." The presi- 
dent had doubts respecting his power under the act of 1881, but 
Mr. Dingley thought there was no necessity for such doubt. The 
resolution was passed by more than a two-thirds vote. 

The Democratic majority in the house felt compelled to make 
an eft'ort to enact a "tariff reform" bill; therefore, on the 2nd of 
April, Chairman Mills reported from the ways and means commit- 
tee a bill "to reduce taxation and simplify the laws in relation to the 
collection of the revenue." Mr. McKinley of Ohio, the leader of 
the minority on the committee, submitted the views of the Republi- 
cans. This bill was President Cleveland's platform, modified 
slightly by the demands of the southern members, especially from 
Louisiana, who wanted a higher duty on sugar. The bill as re- 
ported to the house, placed wool, manufactured lumber, lime, wood 
and chemical pulps, potatoes and other farm products on the free 
list, and reduced the duty on all woolen and cotton goods and 
other manufactured products. The bill was a severe blow to 
northern farmers, and northern interests in general : and the publi- 
cation of its provisions caused wide-spread alarm. Debate on the 
bill began April 17. Chairman Mills opened it with a lengthy 
speech in support of the measure. He was enthusiastically ap- 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 297 

plauded by his Democratic sympathizers. Mr. Kelley of Pennsyl- 
vania followed in reply, and was likewise applauded by his Repub 
lican followers. The tariff debate was resumed April 24, when Mr. 
McIMilHn of Tennessee made an elaborate speech in favor of the 
bill. He declared that protection had destroyed American ship- 
ping, whereupon Mr. Dingley challenged the statement and re- 
minded Mr. McMillin and the house that American commerce de- 
clined between 1855 and 1861, prior to the adoption of the protec- 
tion. Then turning to Mr. Dingley, the gentleman from Tennes- 
see said: "Do you favor that policy which nermits the United 
States to seize and confiscate the ship bought by the 
citizens of the United States in a foreign port, if it 
comes into our own ports, but at the same time pro- 
tects him if he goes somewhere else, and sails under the 
flag of some other country?" Applause from the Democrats fol- 
lowed this query. Mr. Dingley promptly replied : "I favor the 
policy of confining American registered vessels to vessels built in 
this country — a policy which was inaugurated by Washington, and 
has continued in operation from that day until the present." This 
retort w-as greeted with loud applause from the Republicans. Mr. 
McMillin then tried to force Mr. Dingley into admitting that the 
tariff had made materials entering into the construction of ships 
higher than before the war. But ]\Ir. Dingley refused to be forced 
into such a corner, and demanded the right to answer such a ques- 
tion so as to bring out the real facts. He parried Mr. McMillin 
successfully amid the laughter and applause of the house. On the 
3rd of May he spoke at great length on the tariff bill ^ following Mr. 
\\'ilson of West Virginia. This speech was considered one of the 
ablest delivered during this entire debate in favor of protection. It 
exhausted the entire subject, exposed the fallacies of the free- 
traders, proved the falseness of the claim that a tariff is a tax to the 
extent of the duty ; and showed that the true test of price is labor. 
He discussed "free raw materials," the "foreign market delusion" 
and the "value of our home markets." He pointed out that "there 
is no basis for the oft-repeated assertion that the protective tariffs 
of the United States since 1861 have restricted the export trade 
of the United States. By common consent the United States is 
pointed to everywhere as the most mar\-elous growth recorded in 
history." The foreign carrying trade, the value of protection to 
farmers, and the object lessons in free trade, were topics elabor- 
1— See Appendix 



J98 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

ated in this able speech. He conckided with this eloquent sen- 
tence: "It ought to be sufficient to deter us from hazardous ex- 
periments, which look attractive in the figures of rhetoric, that 
under the protective policy which has prevailed for more than a 
quarter of a century, the United States has grown so wonderfully in 
population, agriculture, manufacture, and all the elements which 
have to do with material prosperity, that even the most distin- 
guished and most highly honored statesman of Great Britain — the 
peerless Gladstone — has spoken of her in debate in parliament as 
the most marvelous and prosperous nation in Christendom." This 
speech was received with prolonged applause — in fact Air. Dingley 
received an ovation. It was pronounced the greatest tariff' speech 
of the session, and was used by the Republican national committee 
as a campaign document, and was circulated in every state in the 
union. It added to his already splendid reputation as a tariff ex- 
pert. It made him. next to his colleague, Mr. Reed, the foremost 
Republican in the house. Already he was marked as a coming 
leader. 

On the 24th of May when the postoffice appropriation bill was 
under consideration, Mr. Dingley called the attention of the house 
to the small compensation paid American steamships for carrying 
the mails. In reply to Mr. Blount of Georgia, Mr. Dingley said: 
"I say to my friend from Georgia, that unless this government shall 
do at least as much for the American steamship lines as Great 
Britain, as Germany, as France, as Italy, and as other foreign gov- 
ernments are doing for theirs, that the day is not far distant when 
the American steamship lines shall have been driven from the 
ocean." In this same debate Mr. Dockery of Missouri, said that 
"it is conceded by both sides of the house that the gentleman from 
Maine is particularly well informed on all matters relating to our 
merchant marine, and is usually extremely fair in debate." 

In the meantime, debate on the Mills tariff bill dragged wearily 
along. As the first paragraphs of this bill placed imported Cana- 
dian manufactured lumber on the free list, the bill received a most 
vigorous onslaught from the members from Maine. Mr. Dingley's 
attacks on the bill were persistent and unanswerable. May 31st 
and June ist he replied specifically ^ to Mr. Outhwaite of Ohio, in 
which he pointed out the consequences of puttmg lumber on the 
free list. He called the attention of the house to the careless way 
in which the census figures were used in debate. Thus again the 
Democratic members of the house learned to huve a wholesome re 

1 — See Appendix. 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 299 

spect for Mr. Dingley's familiarity with statistics. On the 6th of 
June he offered an amendment to the hunber schedule which 
opened up the fisheries question. The amendment provided "that 
all said articles shall be subject to the same duty as now provided 
by law when imported from any country which denies in its ports. 
10 fishing or other vessels of the United States authorized to touch 
and trade at foreign ports, the same commercial privileges, includ- 
ing the right to buy provisions, bait and supplies, and to trans-ship 
any portion of cargo, as are granted to similar vessels of such coun- 
try in the ports of the United States." Mr. Dingley spoke at some 
length on this amendment. ^ He presented an argument on the 
protection of American fishermen that has been pronounced the 
ablest ever offered on that question. This speech showed the un- 
patriotic and inconsistent course of Secretary Bayard and con- 
tained proof of the betrayal of American interests. He closed with 
this splendid peroration : "But it is said with a sneer that this gov- 
ernment does not propose to go to war for a few New England 
fishermen. Mr. Chairman, the heroic deeds of the fishermen of the 
United States, the fishermen of New England if you please, as re- 
corded in the history of the republic, ought to awaken in the halls 
of congress as well as in every patriotic breast, a determination to 
stand by their interests. It was the fishermen of New England who 
in large part officered and manned the armed vessels which sailed 
under John Paul Jones and bore so gallant and conspicuous a part 
in our war for independence. It was the fishermen of New Eng- 
land who contributed a generous quota to the gallant crews of the 
naval vessels which won such conspicuous laurels in the war of 
1 81 2. It was from the fishermen of New England that the nation 
drew liberally to man our blockading fleet in the late civil war. 
Surely such men as these are deserving not only of the protection 
but of the gratitude of the republic." 

The effect of Mr. Dingley's amendment was to bring out the 
fact that the Democratic leaders were anxious to put imported fish 
on the free list. The Democratic members of the ways and means 
committee conferred hastily on the floor and put forward Mr. 
Breckinridge of Kentucky, to offer an amendment providing that 
"all kinds of Canadian fish be put on the free list when Canada 
should extend commercial privileges to American shipping ves- 
sels." A lively debate followed in which the conduct of the Cana- 
dians in denying to American fishing vessels privileges freely ac- 
corded to similar Canadian vessels in our ports, was shown up in its 

1 — See Appendix. 



300 



LIFE AND TIMES OF 



true color. A division was had, and every De:nocrat except Ran- 
dall and two others voted for the free fish amendment. This prac- 
tically destroyed Mr. Dingley's amendment, so the Republicans 
voted solidly against the whole proposition. But Mr. Dingley ac- 
complished what he desired by calling public attention to the facts, 
first, that Canada was denying rights and privileges already be- 
longing to our fishermen in order to compel this government to 
permit the free admission of Canadian fish; second, that the ad- 
ministration was trying to accomplish this very thing, through the 
treaty at this time before the senate. In the language of Mr. But- 
terworth of Ohio, Mr. Dingley proposed simply to say to the Cana- 
dians : "If you want to bring into the United States your lumber 
free of duty, you shall at least bestow upon the fishermen of this 
country the right to go into your harbors, the right they have 
hitherto enjoyed, at least in practical experience, for more than half 
a century. We will not concede that we have been wrong in in- 
sisting upon this right, and pay you for the privilege of enjoying 
that which is already our own, though you interfere temporarily 
with its enjoyment by our fishermen." 

June II was the thirty-first anniversary of Mr. Dingley's mar- 
liage and on that day he recorded in his diary these simple but 
touching words: "What a happy thirty-one years!" Five days 
later he was at his home in Lewiston, surrounded once more by his 
entire family. "A very pleasant reunion," he wrote. 

W'hile at home he followed eagerly the proceedings of the Re- 
publican national convention at Chicago. Notwithstanding the 
publication of a second letter from Mr. Blaine, unqualifiedly with- 
drawing his name from the list of presidential candidates, his name 
Avas freelv used prior to the con\ention. Mr. Blaine's letter was to 
Whitelaw Reid. editor of the \ew York Tribune, and was dated 
Paris, May 17. Mr. Blaine referred to "a single phrase of my let- 
ter of January J5th from Florence" which "has been treatetl by 
many of mv most valued friends as not absolutely conclusi\e in 
ultimate and possible contingencies." He added: "If I should 
now, by speech or by silence, by commission or omission, permit 
my name in anv event to come before the convention. I should in- 
cur the reproach of being uncandid with those who have been can- 
did with me. I speak, therefore, because I am not willing to re- 
main in a doubtful attitude." This almost pathetic letter was made 
the more so by this sentence : "The misrepresentations of malice 
have no weight, but the just displeasure of friends I could not 
patiently endure." 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 301 

Fourteen candidates received votes on the first ballot. Mr. 
Blaine received 33 votes. On the fourth and fifth ballots, Mr. Har 
rison of Indiana developed great strength. Mr. Blaine still had 48 
votes, notwithstanding the fact that Mr. Boutelle of Maine read 
two dispatches from Mr. Blaine asking his friends to "respect his 
Paris letter," and adding : "I think I have a right to ask my friends 
to respect my wishes." Benjamin Harrison was nominated on the 
8th ballot, and Levi P. Morton was nominated for vice president. 
Mr. Dingley had said early in February relative to Mr. Blaine's 
declination to run for president : "His decision will not be changed 
no matter what is done in the convention. He has carefully re- 
viewed the situation, and having taken this step through motives 
of patriotism, will adhere to it." 

Mr. Dingley was in his seat again in the house of representa- 
tives June 26, and in the succeeding session took part in the debate 
on the tariff bill. He spoke of the injustice of placing manufac- 
tured bricks on the free list, and allowing bituminous coal to re- 
main on the dutiable list, since "more than one third of the cost of 
bricks is in the coal used to burn them." He called attention to the 
fact that the Democratic platform recently adopted had declared 
that "it did not propose to place a single article produced by the 
labor of this country in such a condition that it would not protect 
the difference in the cost of labor as between the production of the 
same article here and in foreign countries ; and yet," he added, 
"here is a proposition to put manufactured brick upon the free list 
where the labor cost of every thousand brick manufactured is at 
least a dollar more per thousand than it costs in the adjoining Brit • 
ish provinces." June 29, he fought for a duty of fifteen cents per 
cask on lime. The bill as reported, provided for a duty of ten cents 
per cask. Mr. Dingley's main point in his speech was that "it 
ought to be evident to the committee that unless the duty on im- 
ported Canadian lime is made sufficient to cover the difference in 
the cost of labor employed in Canada and in the United States, the 
lime manufacturing industries in this country will be gradually 
driven to the wall by Canadian competition, or our labor will be 
compelled to accept Canadian wages." 

June 30th, Mr. Dingley cleverly exposed the insincerity of the 
Democrats who pretended to be waging war against trusts. In the 
course of the discussion of the Mills bill the item regulating the 
tariff on bi-chromate of potash and bi-chromate of soda was 
reached. The Mills bill reduced the duty from 3 cents to 2 1-2 
cents per pound. The two bi-chromates were used extensively in 



302 LIFE AND TBIES OF 

the dying of woolen and cotton goods. The chromate mines which 
produced the ore from which the potash and soda were manufac- 
tured, were controUed by a trust — "an absohite monopoly"^ — Mr. 
Dingley said. He moved to strike out 2 1-2 cents and insert i 
cent. So strong was Mr. Dingley"s argument and so convincing his 
figures that on a viva voca vote his motion was carried. As soon as 
it had been declared carried, there was a scurrying among the 
Democrats ; tellers were demanded and Mr. Dingley's motion de- 
feated by a narrow margin. 

July 3rd he spoke several times during the tariff discussion. He 
challenged the production of any statistics to show that wages were 
no higher in this country than abroad. "I am assured, Mr. Chair- 
man," he said, "that wherever comparisons are made in any indus- 
try in this country, it will be found that labor receives, for effective 
results accomplished, at least 50 per cent more that the same labor 
receives in Great Britain ; and when protective duties are removed 
from all our industries, we must either give them up or reduce the 
wages of our labor to the foreign standard." The debate on this day 
was most interesting. Mr. Rogers of Arkansas, and Mr. Scott of 
Pennsylvania, assaulted the protective tarit? and ridiculed the posi- 
tion of the Republicans. Mr. Dingley replied to these gentlemen 
it some length, ^ pointing out that a tarifif on goods produced in 
this country to the extent of our wants is not a tax which increases 
the burdens on the consumer ; and calling further attention to the 
fact that "the Mills bill comes in to discourage domestic industry 
and to encourage importations." 

The weather in Washington during this protracted debate was 
excessively warm, and the physical strain upon members of con- 
gress was great. The two days occupied by the house in the dis- 
cussion of the sugar schedule in the Mills bill, served to place in a 
striking light the sectional and unjustifiable attitude of the majority 
party on the tariff. Mr. Dingley moved to amend the bill by cut- 
ting down the duty on sugar one half. He said the prevailing 
specific duty on raw sugar was the enormous figure of 82 per cent, 
and the Mills bill proposed to keep it at the high and unjustifiable 
figure of 68 per cent. His proposition was to reduce the duty to 41 
per cent, which would be the same protection given to other indus- 
tries considered from the protection point, and at the same time a 
reduction of a tax on an article of food used in every family — "as 
so little sugar is made in this country that home competition does 
not fix the price, but every cent of duty is added to the price." Mr. 

1 — See Appendix. 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 303 

Dingley's speech ^ in support of his amendment surprised and wor- 
ried the majority who saw its purport but who raUied enough votes 
to defeat it. July 10 Mr. Dingley moved to amend the tariff bill 
so as to make the duties on cotton goods specific instead of ad 
valorem. The amendment was however defeated. When the wool 
schedule was reached he entered his protest against the free admis- 
sion of wool. In a speech ^ of great force he pointed out the incon- 
sistency of the Democratic contention that free wool would raise 
the price of wool to the farmers and lower the price to consumers. 
July 16 he ofTered an amendment permitting the free admission in 
bond of materials used in the construction of iron vessels for for- 
eign trade. His speech ^ was effective, but the amendment was re- 
jected. 

Mr. Springer of Illinois, made an elaborate speech in favor of 
the tarifif bill. As it finally appeared in the record, it bristled with 
figures, tables, statistics and applause. Mr. Dingley replied to Mr. 
Springer without special preparation. The debate ^ which followed 
between Messrs. Springer and Dingley was lively in the extreme. 
Several Democrats came to the rescue of the member from Illinois, 
but Mr. Dingley conquered them all. This contest gave the latter 
a rare opportunity to display his ability and power in debate, and 
his wide and accurate knowledge of the tariff question. 

Saturday, July 21st, the Mills tariff bill passed the house amid 
great applause on the Democratic side. The Republicans con- 
tented themselves by replying: "Wait until November." Mr. 
Dingley's summing up ^ of the Mills bill was used liberally in the 
next election as a campaign document. 

July 13, when the postoffice appropriation bill was under consid- 
eration Mr. Dingley spoke ^ at some length in favor of fair mail 
compensation to American steamships carrying the mail to for- 
eign countries. 

The excitement attending the tariff debate was over and Mr. 
Dingley sought rest. He still remained in Washington but at- 
tended the sessions of the house only a short time each day. He 
spoke but twice and then briefly, the remainder of the session. On 
the 3rd of August he spoke ^ on the French spoliation claims and 
on the 1 8th of August he spoke ^ briefly in reply to Mr. Bynuni of 
Indiana, who in the course of the debate on'the Chinese treaty bill 
said it was the policy of the Republican party to open the doors of 
the country to import cheap labor and to close them to cheap food 
and clothing. This charge Mr. Dingley indignantly denied. 

1 — See Appendix. 



304 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

Mr. Dingley was renominated for congress April 27 by accla- 
mation. Cheers were given for the nominee and the resolutions 
declared that "the convention cordially commends to the voters 
of this district the nomination of Honorable Nelson Dingley Jr.. 
and with pride points to his past faithful and distinguished services 
in office and pledge to him our earnest support." The campaign 
in Maine was already under way, and on the 22nd of August Mr. 
Dingley returned to Maine for a few days rest at his island home. 

Mr. Blaine returned from his foreign trip August 17. He was 
received with enthusiastic and loving regard by thousands of his 
fellow citizens in New York City ; while his journey from the me 
tropolis to his home in Augusta, Maine, was a series of ovations. 
Every city and town in Maine sent an urgent request to the Re- 
publican state committee for Mr. Blaine ; and the first great meet- 
ing he addressed was at Lewiston on the evening of August 25th. 
Mr. Dingley was the first speaker at this mass meeting and re- 
ceived an enthusiastic welcome, the large audience breaking into 
applause that was taken up again and again. 

Mr. Dingley labored until election day on tlie stump and in the 
editorial chair. He discussed the tariff and the fisheries question 
with marked ability. His influence was felt not only in Maine but 
all over the east. The position of the Democratic party on the 
tariiT was assailed vigorously. His familiarity with the subject 
eave ereat weight to his utterances. His statements were un- 
challenged, his logic was unanswerable. It was a hard fought bat 
tie in every county of the state ; and when the votes were counted, 
it was found that the Republicans had carried the state by nearly 
19,000 plurality. Mr. Dingley's majority over all other candidates 
in the second district was 4.000. It was a crushing defeat for free 
trade. Mr. Dingley said of this important election : "The result 
shows that the Democratic leaders were greatly mistaken in their 
estimate of the eft'ect of the Mills bill and the fishery treaty on the 
voters of Maine. The tarilT and the fishery question have been 
thoroughly discussed by both Republican and Democratic speakers 
and papers, and the voters of Maine clearly appreciated the ques- 
tions at issue. When it is borne in mind that Elaine is a type of 
other northern states, and that the tendencies of public opinion are 
usually the saiue here as elsewhere, the significance of the election 
cannot be misunderstood. The result in Maine shows that the peo- 
ple of the north are rising against the Democratic policy as in- 
dicated by the Mills bill, the fishery treaty and other acts of com- 
mission and omission bv the majority of the house." 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 305 

Congress was still in session and Mr. Dingley resumed his seat 
in the house September 14. Three days later he introduced a reso- 
lution calling on the president for information as to whether the 
rights of American fishermen had been violated by the Canadian 
authorities during the past year, and if so, whether he had retali- 
ated as he had authority to do under the act of March 3rd, 1877. 
Mr. Dingley said : "I shall be curious to see President Cleveland's 
answer." The resolution practically said to President Cleveland: 
'"Inasmuch as you have informed the house that you want more 
power to secure the rights of our fishermen in Canadian ports, now 
denied, and inasmuch as you say that your treaty of last February 
would have secured all these rights if it had been ratified; please 
inform the house first, whether Canada denies any of the rights se- 
cured by your treaty (which she does not) ; secondly, whether you 
now hold that our fishing vessels are entitled to enter the Cana- 
dian ports to buy bait, etc., and land fish, and if so whether Canada 
has denied these rights, and whether you have taken any steps to 
enforce existing laws that give you ample authority to withdraw 
from Canada, which she denies to us ; and if you have not enforced 
these laws whether because you think we are not entitled to such 
privileges or for any other reason, why do you ask congress to give 
you more power?" 

The result of the election in Maine was an object lesson to the 
Democratic party. It was also a severe blow to the doctrine of 
free trade as exemplified in the Mills bill. But in order to bring 
out in still clearer contrast the position of the Republican party on 
' the tariff, the Republican majority in the senate reported a bill 
early in October. This bill like the Mills bill, proposed to revise 
the tariff and reduce the revenue ; but it preserved the protection 
principles. It was, Mr. Dingley said, "designed to restrict the im- 
portation of articles which can be produced here to the extent of 
our wants, and to hold our own markets for our own industries and 
our own labor by removing as far as possible the competition of the 
products of the cheaper labor of Europe, and thus taking away a 
factor which would compel us to give up making such articles, or 
else to reduce our wages to the British standard." The house and 
senate tariff' bills thus brought the issue between free trade and pro- 
tection squarely before the people. 

On the 29th of September Mr. Dingley in company with Sena- 
tor Hawley of Connecticut addressed an immense Republican rally 
at the Academy of Music, Philadelphia. The Press said that the 
meeting was never but once equaled, and added that "cheers long 



3o6 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

and loud fairly shook the immense Academy when Mr. Dingley was 
introduced. It was an ovation seldom accorded to any man." He 
accepted the greeting as a recognition of the importance of the 
great victory which had recently been achieved by the Republicans 
of Maine. He said it foreshadowed the election of the Republican 
national ticket. His discussion of the tariff was pronounced able 
and exhaustive. On the 7th of October he started for Wood- 
stock, Virginia, where he was to make a political address. He 
stopped that night at Harper's Ferry, and early in the morning 
rode through Shenandoah Valley, made historic by Sheridan's bat- 
tle, and reached Woodstock early on the morning of October 8th. 
He stopped with Senator Riddleberger, the famous Virginian ; and 
that afternoon addressed a large audience, three-fourths former 
confederates. Mr. Dingley wrote thus of his experiences : "The 
meeting was announced to commence at one in the afternoon, and 
I was to make the opening and principal speech to be followed by 
local speakers. When on my way to the place of meeting I was in- 
formed that Col. O'Ferrall, the Democratic canditate for congress 
and several leading county Democrats were on hand and proposed 
to hold a Democratic meeting in opposition to the Republican 
meeting unless they w^ere allow'ed half the time set apart for speak- 
ing at the Republican meeting. This struck me as rather an impu- 
dent proceeding. I was informed however, that this was the course 
pursued throughout the state ; and that in many cases to avoid 
trouble the Republicans had allowed the Democratic speakers to 
come into their meetings and occupy half the time (although the 
Democrats never reciprocated) and that on several occasions where 
a division of the time had been refused by Republican speakers the 
meetings had been disturbed and even broken up by rowdies. The 
Republican committtee this day declined the proposition of the 
Democrats. The Republican meeting at once commenced. The 
audience was unusually large for such a community, mostly con- 
federates. 

"I have addressed many northern audiences but I never found 
one which appeared to listen more intelligently and more sympa- 
thetically. The applause was frequent and on several occasions 
came very near the yell which makes the southerner. 

"The Democrats organized another meeting so near that the 
voices of the speakers and the shouts of the audience could be 
heard. The speakers principally defended the confederate cause 
and derided the idea of a Yankee earning down to Virginia to speak 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 307 

of political duties." Mr. Dingley returned to Washington by way 
of Strasburg and Manassas. 

October 9 when the deficiency appropriation bill was being 
considered in the house Mr. Dingley spoke on public expenditures. 
He called attention to the fact that in 1884 the Democrats charged 
that the Republican party and the Republican administration had 
largely and unnecessarily increased the appropriations and the 
number of officials. He pointed out that these charges were utterly 
without foundation. The points made in the brief debate were un- 
answerable. 

October 10 he visited the battlefield of Gettysburg and in the 
evening addressed a political meeting. 

The first session of the fiftieth congress closed October 21. It 
was ten and a half months long, the longest in the history of thej 
country. The only session that ever approached it in length was 
in 1850, the year of the great slavery debate resulting in the so-i 
called compromise measure, when congress did not adjourn until 
September 30. Yet notwithstanding the unprecedented length of 
the session, very little of special public importance was accom- 
plished. The whole session in the house was given up to the tariff 
fight which was precipitated by President Cleveland in his free 
trade message. The session was memorable, however, for the cru- 
sade inaugurated by President Cleveland and the Democratic ma- 
jority against the system of protection of American industries and 
labor under which the country had prospered for twenty-seven 
years. The Mills bill passed the house and went to the senate 
where the Republican majority formulated a substitute which re- 
duced the revenue but preserved the system of protection. 

In reviewing Mr. Dingley's work in this session of congress, it 
is not too much to say that he was the best informed member of the 
house on the tariff. His colleagues conceded this. He was modest 
and unassuming; generous and forbearing; fair and candid in de- 
bate ; just to all. He added to his already wide reputation as an in- 
dustrious and conscientious member of congress. 

October 16, five days before congress adjourned, Mr. Dingley 
started for his home in Maine, making a brief stop at New York, 
New Haven, Conn., and Pawtucket, R. I. At the latter place he 
addressed a political meeting. October 19 he was once more at his 
home fireside — a spot so precious to him. 

But his rest was not of long duration, for five days after he 
reached home he plunged inot the national campaign. He ad- 
dressed political meetings nearly every day and wrote editorials 



3o8 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

for the Lewiston Journal. October 29 he spoke at a banquet given 
by the Portland club. 

Interest in the presidential election was intense. Mr. Dingley 
sat up all night Tuesday, November 6, and personally supervised 
the election returns for the Journal. At two o'clock in the morn- 
ing it was quite clear that Harrison and Morton had been elected; 
and at four o'clock an extra edition of the Journal was published 
announcing the glad news to the people in Mr. Dingley's home. 
He wrote of the result: "It is admitted by the most observing 
Democrats that the president's message and the Mills bill have 
turned into a Republican triumph what in all probability would 
have been a Democratic victory if they had not capitulated to the 
southern free traders. All honor to the Republican hosts who have 
fought so splendid and successful a battle in the face of so great 
obstacles. For every electoral vote the Republicans have given 
Harrison and Morton they had to fight in an open field ; while the 
Dembcracy have had 147 southern electoral votes assured to them 
from the start. Altogether it has been the severest contest in 
which the Republicans have ever engaged and the grand victory 
does all the more honor to the Republicans who have taken hold of 
the work so zealously and faithfully." 

The Republicans in this election secured control of the national 
house of representatives, and retained control of the senate. The 
real significance of the election was the rejection of the revenue 
policy as embodied in the i\Iills bill which passed the house of rep- 
resentatives. The country emphatically declared for a protective 
policy; and it was a matter of speculation what the Democratic 
leaders would do in the approaching short session of congress. Mr. 
Dingley outlined the probable Republican policy as follows : First, 
tariff revision along protective lines; second, admission of Dakota, 
Washington and Montana; third, liberal pension laws; fourth, im- 
IM'ovement of public school system ; fifth, restoration of our mer- 
chant marine; sixth, a new navy; seventh, a sound financial policy; 
eighth, a new /American spirit in our foreign policy. 'Tn short," 
he wrote, "under Republican auspices we expect to see the narrow 
and un-American Bourbanism buried, and the broad progressive 
and truly American spirit which controls the Republican party 
come in and take its place, building up a new and progressive south, 
which will frown down the cruel methods that have there kept 
Bourbonism in the saddle, developing the spirit of enterprise and 
starting the wheels of business in all parts of the country." 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 309 

From election day to December i, Mr, Dingley divided his 
time between editorial work, political addresses and rest in his fam- 
ily circle. On the 27th of November he attended a banquet in Port- 
land in honor of Governor-elect Burleigh. In his address he spoke 
of the prediction he had made at the last meeting of the club prior 
to the election, and although his prophecy waS' based largely on the 
statements of others, and was almost too sanguine for his own be- 
lief, yet it had more than come true ; New York and Indiana had 
been carried and West Virginia had been most thoroughly shaken 
up. The victory was achieved under the most discouraging aus- 
pices, and it could not have been achieved had not the cause been 
so grand, so glorious, and had not every Republican from one end 
of the country to the other come up and done his duty. "Nothing 
afforded me," he continued, "greater satisfaction than to notice af- 
ter the victory that when our friends in Philadelphia proposed to 
give the chairman of the Republican national committee a recep- 
tion, he modestly declined saying that it was not a victory of the 
national committee or of any leaders but it was a victory of every 
member of the Republican party. I believe, my friends, that this is 
a victory not simply for today, not simply for four years, but that it 
is a victory which if wisely used, will be followed by a succession of 
Republican triumphs in the years before us." Later on he said ; 
"And if my friend and coUegue at my right (Mr. Reed) shall be as 
I believe he is to be, speaker of the next house of representatives, 
I believe that he and his Republican associates will apply them- 
selves as my friend Capt. Boutelle has said, to some remedy for this 
southern evil." 

His honored father was seventy-nine years old November 15 
and the day was celebrated by a family gathering. Thanksgiving 
day this year was not filled with the joys of former years ; for only 
one of Mr. Dingley's children was at home. Saturday following 
Thanksgiving day he started alone for Washington, reaching there 
Sunday morning. Once more he sat before the open frre in his 
Washington home, the Hamilton house. That first Sunday eve- 
ning was very lonesome for this gentle and generous man whose 
joy and happiness was never complete when dear ones were absent. 
Public business never crowded from his mind thoughts of wife and 
children. 

The second and last session of the fiftieth congress met Decem- 
ber 3rd and the members listened to the reading of President Cleve- 
land's message. Of this message Mr. Dingley said: "Mr. Cleve- 
land goes down with his flag flying. His message is a declaration 



3IO LIFE AND TIAIES OF 

that he has nothing to take back. He glories in the sentiment he 
has previously expressed. This is all very well. Everybody re- 
spects a man who sticks to his sincerely entertained opinions. But 
the president goes farther and gives expression to certain bitter 
and inflammatory sentiments." This message was an appeal for 
"the relief of those of our countrymen who suffer under present 
conditions," and contained this dark observation: "When to the 
selfishness of the benficiaries of unjust discrimination is added the 
discontent of those who suffer, we shall realize that the benefits of 
our government are endangered. Communism is a hateful thing 
and a menace to peace and organized government, but the com- 
munism of combined wealth and capital, the outgrowth of over- 
weening cupidity and selfishness which insidiously undermines the 
justice of free institutions, is not less dangerous than the com- 
munism of oppressed poverty which, exasperated by injustice and 
discontent, attacks with wild disorder the citadel of rule." 

Mr. Dingley signalized the opening of the session by attempting 
to secure the passage of a bill for the erection of a monument to 
Gen. Henry Knox at Thomaston ; but the Democrats filibustered, 
broke a quorum and defeated the bill. December 7 he spoke briefly 
in favor of a bill granting a charter to the Maritime Canal com- 
pany of Nicaragua. ^ He urged upon the house the importance of 
constructing the canal, "not simply that we may have a short route 
for trade with the east and with the western coast of South Africa, 
but because such a canal gives to our vessels in the coastwise trade 
an important advantage." He appealed to the house not to kill the 
bill by attaching unnecessary amendments. The conference report 
on this bill was adopted by the house February 6 by a vote of 178 
to 60. Mr. Dingley again spoke ^ in favor of granting the charter. 

Mr. Dingley was accompanied during the first few weeks of this 
session by his only daughter who was attending school in Washing- 
ton. He loved devotedly this "sole daughter of his home," and re- 
corded at this time in his diary many beautiful and touching senti- 
ments of her whom he tenderly adored. December 16 was his 
daughter's birthday and he recorded in his diary : "It hardly seems 
possible that this young lady nearly as tall as I am is our little 
daughter who so short a time ago was a baby springing towards me 
as I entered the house. She is a great joy to us." December 20 he 
attended the marriage of his second son and the following day was 
once more at home with his devoted wife. Christmas day was un- 
usually happy to this indulgent father who found no sacrifice too 
great for those most dear to him. 

1 — See Appendix. 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 3" 

The second week of the new year found him again in Washing- 
ton with his wife and daughter occupying his familiar and home- 
like rooms in the Hamilton house. 

Little business was done by the house during January; and on 
the last day of the month Mr. Dingley accepted an invitation to ad- 
dress the Boston chamber of commerce on "American Shipping in 
Foreign Trade." 

An incident occurred in the house February 6 showing Mr. 
Dingley's close observation of events and his shrewdness in making 
a point for his side of the case. He sent to the clerk's desk a reso- 
lution from the committee on merchant marine and fisheries asking 
the secretary of the treasury "to inform the house what orders were 
given to the commander of the United States revenue cutter Rich- 
ard Rush, in reference to the protection of the seal fisheries in 
Behring Sea in the spring and summer of 1888." He asked unani- 
mous consent to insert "in lieu of, debate" some of the evidence 
taken by the committee. Mr. Breckinridge of Kentucky objected, 
whereupon Mr. Dingley had read to the house the evidence of 
Capt. Sheppard of the revenue cutter Richard Rush showing that 
he had secret orders directing him not to seize illegal sealers in 
Behring Sea. This created a sensation in the house to the discom- 
fiture of the Democrats who felt that this was another evidence of 
the incapacity of the state department. 

February 15th, Mr. Dingley's fifty-seventh birthday, he wrote 
in his diary: "It hardly seems possible I can be so old. I feel as 
young as I ever did." 

This session of congress was notable from the fact that it en- 
acted the laws whereby four new states — North Dakota, South 
Dakota, Washington and Montana were admitted into the union. 

February i8th a bill to provide for the better protection of the 
fur seal and salmon fisheries of Alaska came up for consideration in 
the house and Mr. Dingley in a speech ^ criticised the state depart- 
ment for neglecting to protect the Alaska seal fisheries. 

The remainder of the last session of the fiftieth congress was un- 
eventful. The senate tarilT bill died in the house ; the Democratic 
factions were divided on the minor revenue bills, and the Demo- 
cratic congress adjourned with no reform tarifif legislation to its 
credit. Mr. Dingley, troubled with a serious bronchial affection, 
was considerably indisposed and was obliged to refrain from taking 
part in public business. Sunday night, February 24th, the coldest 
of the year, he presided at the annual meeting of the Congrega- 

1 — See Appendix. 



312 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

tional Temperance society at the Garfield memorial church. At the 
close of the meeting he was elected president. 

Public interest was now absorbed in the incoming Republican 
administration. President Harrison arrived in Washington Febru- 
ary 26 and at once began the serious and important work of com • 
pleting his cabinet. Mr. Blaine had already been invited to accept 
the portfolio of state and had accepted. Mr. Dingley indignantly 
denied a story that Mr. Reed was opposed to Mr. Blaine as secre- 
tary of state and that Mr. Blaine was opposed to Mr. Reed asi 
speaker. "Mr. Blaine and Mr. Reed," he said in an interview, "are 
friends and the attempt to represent them as antagonistic to each 
other is silly and groundless. There is no foundation for the story 
that Mr. Blaine has not been tendered the position of secretary of 
state. The first gentleman to whom a place in the cabinet was 
tendered, was Secretary Blaine ; and the tender was made to him in 
most flattering terms, as soon as Gen. Harrison was chosen by the 
electors." 

The storm of March 4 disappointed thousands who attended the 
inauguration of President Harrison. Mr. Dingley ventured to the 
capitol to witness the closing scenes of the fiftieth congress and the 
inauguration ceremonies ; but returned immediately to his rooms 
The following day President Harrison's cabinet was confirmed and 
the Republican administration was launchec 

For a month Mr. Dingley was overwhelmed with office seekers. 
He called on the members of the new cabinet ; presented to Secre- 
tary Windom the name of T. R. Simonton for commissioner of nav- 
igation ; conferred with the secretary relative to the protection of 
seals; and on the first day of April started for his home in Maine, 
stopping on his way at New York and New Haven. Seven days 
later he recorded in his diary : "It seems good to get home again." 
April 15 he spoke at Lynn, Massachusetts, in favor of a constitu- 
tional prohibitory amendment ; and on the two following days 
spoke at Lowell and Fall River. 

The proposed prohibitory amendment to the constitution of 
Massachusetts was defeated. Mr. Dingley observed that "the 
moral effect will be to strengthen the demands of the liquor interest 
for looser legislation and looser enforcement of existing laws. But 
this interest should remember that 'the mills of God grind slowly 
yet they grind exceeding small.' The citizens of the union who are 
getting their eyes open to the fearful dangers of the dram-shop, are 
dailv increasing in numbers, and the time is not far distant when the 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 313 

policy of every state towards it will be one of extermination rather 
than protection." 

April and I\Iay were months of comparative rest for Mr. Ding- 
ley. The only official cares he had were over postoffices — and 
every member of congress knows that these cares are not light. 
The last of May he visited his son in Michigan returning early in 
Jmie. The nth of this month was the thirty-second anniversary of 
his marriage to his devoted wife. "Thirty-two happy years !" were 
the tender words he recorded in his diary. June 13 he attended the 
150th anniversary of the incorporation of the city of Brunswick, 
and made an address at the dinner. On the 27th of the month he 
delivered an address at the Bates college commencement dinner. 

The month of July brought to him many anxious days. His 
beloved daughter was taken dangerously ill and for many days 
hovered between life and death. With his devoted wife he watched 
day and night anxiously at the bedside of his only daughter and 
silently prayed for her recovery. No language can describe, no pen 
can picture, the silent and tearless grief of this devoted father 
watching for the faintest signs of hope. Those prayers were 
answered and his daughter was restored to health and strength. 

The latter part of August President Harrison made a trip 
through ilaine stopping at the principal cities. Mr. Dingley joined 
the presidential party at Bath where a reception was given. In an 
interview given the Boston Herald he predicted an extra session of 
congress and declared the existing circumstances demanded such 
extra session. "The narrowness of the Republican majority," he 
said, "the importance of the subjects to be considered and the evi- 
dent disposition of the Democratic leaders to open the campaign 
now for the next presidential election, and to contest every Repub- 
lican measure inch by inch, will inevitably make the approaching 
session of congress unusually important and exciting." 

The 22nd of August, 1889, was the looth anniversary of the in- 
corporation of the village of Durham, Maine, Mr. Dingley's birth- 
place. The story of the founding of this place, the history of Mr. 
Dingley's ancestors and the birth of the town's most distinguished 
son is told elsewhere. The centennial day was ushered in by a 
salute of thirteen guns in honor of the original states. Five thous- 
and people were assembled in the big tent when Mr. Dingley, ac- 
companied by his venerable father, reached the scene of festivities. 
What sweet memories must have come to both father and son as 
they rounded the bend of the river and beheld once more the re- 
minders of their joys and sorrows, their struggles and triumphs! 



314 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

The house where the distinguished son was born recalled the dear 
face of his sainted mother; the faces of old settlers, still alive; car- 
ried him back to the days of childhood and youth ; and as he faced 
the large and sympathetic audience his heart was filled with 
joy and thanksgiving. His address ^ was tender and eloquent — full 
of sweet memories of the past and large hopes for the future. 

September 23rd he received news of the birth of his first grand- 
child, "which," he wrote in his diary, "caused something of a sensa- 
tion in our family." He started for Washington by way of the west 
saw his first grandchild, attended and spoke at a banquet of the 
Sons of Maine at Chicago and reached Washington November 28, 
prepared for the arduous duties of another session of congress 

1 — See Appendix. 



XVII. 

I889-I89I. 

The fifty-first congress assembled with a Republican majorit}' in 
both branches. The membership of the house was very much the 
same as in the fiftieth congress. Most of the veterans including 
Herbert, Oates, and Wheeler of Alabama ; Crisp and Blount of 
Georgia ; Hopkins, Hitt, Springer and Cannon of Illinois ; Holman, 
of Indiana ; Gear, Henderson, Lacey and Dolliver of Iowa ; Car- 
lisle of Kentucky; Reed, Dingley, Milliken and Boutelle of Maine: 
Lodge of Massachusetts; O'Donnell and Burrows of Michigan; 
Butterworth, Grosvenor and Taylor of Ohio ; Kelley, Bingham and 
Dalzell of Pennsylvania ; McMillin and Richardson of Tennesee ; 
Mills and Sayers of Texas ; and Wilson of West Virginia, had been 
returned. 

At noon November 30th the Republican caucus met and nomi- 
nated Mr. Reed for Speaker on the second ballot. The other can- 
didates were McKinley, Cannon, Henderson and Burrows. Mr. 
Dingley was very active in Mr. Reed's behalf, and the result caused 
the Maine men to rejoice. 

Congress assembled at noon December 2nd and at once elected 
Mr. Reed speaker. The vote was — Reed 166, Carlisle 154, Cum- 
mings I. The result was greeted with applause. Speaker Reed's 
brief address to the house was characteristic and somewhat 
prophetic of his course during his career as presiding officer. He 
said : "Under our system of government as it has developed, the re- 
sponsibilities and duties of this office are both political and parlia- 
mentary. So far as the duties are political. I sincerely hope they 
may be performed with a proper sense of what is due to the people 



3i6 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

of this whole country. So far as tliey are parhamentary, I hope 
with equal sincerity that they may be performed with a proper 
sense of what is due to both sides of this chamber." 

The president's message was received with great favor. He 
recommended a revision of the tariff laws along the lines of protec- 
tion. He also said: '-Earnest attention should be given by con- 
gress to a consideration of the question how far the restraint of 
combinations of capital commonly known as trusts is a matter of 
federal jurisdiction. When organized as they often are to crush out 
all healthy competition and to monopolize the production and sale 
of any article of commerce and general necessities, they are danger- 
ous conspiracies against the public good, and should be made the 
subject of prohibitory and even penal legislation." 

Speaker Reed was more prompt in appointing important com- 
mittees than was his predecessor, Mr. Carlisle. December lo, he 
appointed the committees on election, ways and means, appropria- 
tion, manufactures and mileage. The Republican membership of 
the most important of these committees (ways and means) was as 
follows: Messrs. McKinley, Burrows, Bayne, Dingley, McKenna. 
Payne, La Follette, Gear. The Republican membership of the 
ways and means committee in the fiftieth congress was — Kelley, 
Brown of Indiana, Reed, McKinley and Burrows. Mr. Kelley was 
too old to serve and asked to be relieved. Mr. Brown of Indiana 
preferred a chairmanship and Mr. Reed was speaker. Conse- 
quently in accordance with precedent Mr. McKinley of Ohio was 
made chairman. It was through this chairmanship that the name 
of McKinley first became a household word. It was the tarii? bill 
subsequently framed by this committee that materially assisted in 
making Mr. McKinley president of the United States. 

The new members of this important committee were — Messrs. 
Bayne, Dingley, McKenna, Payne, LaFollette and Gear. Mr. 
Dingley's appointment to this committee was a fitting recognition 
of his services in the fiftieth congress. He was also retained on the 
committee on merchant marine and fisheries. 

The committee on ways and means decided on prompt action in 
regard to tariff legislation ; and on the 13th of December organized 
by the election of Mr. McKinley as chairman. The chairman ap- 
pointed sub-committees, Mr. Dingley being placed on the sub-com- 
mittees "On the public debt" and "On relief bill? and claims." The 
committee met daily and arranged for hearings during the holiday 
recess. Thus was begun the long and laborious work of framing 
the McKinlev tariff bill. The administrative bill "to simplify the 




WILLIAM MpKINLEY. CHAS. H. GROSVENOR 
J. B. HENDERSON. J. G. CANNON. 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 317 

laws in relation to the collection of the revennes" was prepared 
early by the committee, and on the 25th of January passed the 
house. 

The Democratic minority in the house had already decided upon 
a course of obstruction. They did not intend to do any business or 
to permit the Republicans to do any. Accordingly when, on the 
29th of January the contested election case of Smith vs. Jackson 
was called up, the Democrats declined to vote on the question of 
consideration. Mr. Crisp raised the point of "no quorum," where- 
upon the speaker "directed the clerk to record the following mem- 
bers present and refusing to vote." This was the signal of a burst 
of applause from the Republicans and jeers from the Democrats. 
The clerk proceeded to read the names of the Democrats whom the 
speaker had noted as being present and not voting. When the 
name of Mr. Breckinridge was reached that gentleman stepped 
into the aisle and in a loud voice said : "I deny the power of the 
speaker and denounce it as revolutionary." Cheer after cheer went 
up from the Democratic side and it was several minutes before or- 
der could be restored. The clerk proceeded with the names, several 
members protesting vigorously. Mr. McCreary of Kentucky 
shouted : "I deny your right, Mr. Speaker, to count me as present, 
and I desire to read from the parliamentary law on that subject." 
The speaker calmly replied : "The chair is making a statement of 
fact that the gentleman from Kentucky is present. Does he deny 
it?" This characteristic and pointed reply provoked long laughter 
and applause on the RepubHcan side. 

When order was finally restored the speaker made a statement^ 
declaring that there was a provision in the constitution which de- 
clared that the house might establish rules for compelling the at- 
tendance of members. "If members can be present," he said, "and 
refuse to exercise their function, to wit, not be counted as a 
quorum, that provision would seem to be entirely nugatory. Inas- 
much as the constitution only provides for their attendance, that at- 
tendance is enough. If more were needed, the constitution would 
have provided for more." The speaker insisted that all members 
present be counted. The house adjourned that evening in a high 
state of excitement, both sides preparing to renew the battle on the 
next day. Hardly had the chaplain finished his prayer and the clerk 
the reading of the journal, when the fight began. The Democrats 
refused to vote on the question of approving the journal of the day 
previous. The speaker said: "The roll call discloses the fact that 
160 members have voted in the affirmative, and one in the negative. 



3i8 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

which, in addition to the gentlemen present and dedining to vore, 
constitutes a quorum." The applause on the Republican side was 
deafening. Mr. Springer appealed from the decision of the chair, 
but the speaker declined to entertain the appeal. The house was in 
an uproar, cheers, laughter and hisses following in quick succession. 
Mr. Springer insisted upon his right to be heard on the point of or- 
der that no quorum had voted, but the speaker refused to recog- 
nize him. "The gentleman from Illinois will take his seat," shouted 
the speaker. "The gentleman from Illinois will take his seat or not 
as he chooses," roared Mr. Springer. "There are no rules under 
which I can be called to take my seat, and I can stand up here if I 
desire." Thus the battle waged all that afternoon. The house re- 
fused to adjourn, and the roll call was begun on the motion of Mr. 
McKinley to lay the appeal from the speaker's decision upon the 
table. The speaker followed the roll call and noted the names of 
Democrats who declined to vote. When the vote was completed, 
the speaker took the roll from the clerk and directed him to call the 
names of Democrats present not voting. Mr. Flower, whose name 
was in the list, said that he was very much obliged to the speaker 
for recognizing him as being present. The speaker quickly re- 
torted : "The chair is very glad to be able to recognize the gentle- 
man from New York as present vocally." The announcement that 
the motion was agreed to and that a quorum was present, was fol- 
lowed by a tumult and uproar. In the midst of it, the speaker' 
recognized Mr. McKinley and the house adjourned. The same ob- 
struction tactics were continued by the Democrats on the following 
day, various epithets being applied to the speaker. Mr. Bynum 
spoke excitedly of "the outrageous and damnable ruling of the 
chair." He said he did not propose "to be silenced or gagged on 
this floor." Amid the hubbub the speaker stood calm and collected 
Mr. Bynum denounced the speaker as a tryant who attempted to 
vamp up some feeble show to sustain his rulings. "But," cried the 
member from Indiana grandiloquently, "in the language of the im- 
mortal Emmet, we propose to dispute every inch of ground, burn 
every blade of grass, and the last entrenchment of liberty shall be 
our graves." Partial order was restored and the speaker said 
calmly : "The house will not allow itself to be deceived by epithets. 
No man can describe the action and judgment of this chair in lan- 
guage which will endure unless that description be true. WHienever 
it becomes apparent that the ordinary and proper parliamentary 
motions are being used solely for purposes of delay and obstruc- 
tion ; when members break in an unprecedented way over the rules 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 319 

in regard to the reading of the journal; when a gentleman steps 
down to the front, amid the applause of his associates on the floor 
and announces that it is his intention to make opposition in every 
direction, it then becomes apparent to the house and to the coun- 
try what the purpose is. It is then the duty of the occupant of 
the speaker's chair to take, under parliamentary law, the proper 
course with regard to such matters." The speaker counted a 
quorum on the question of laying on the table the appeal from the 
decision of the chair; refused to entertain a dilatory motion to ad- 
journ; and debate on the contested election case began. The ob- 
struction tactics were renewed Saturday and twice the speaker 
counted a quorum. But the Democrats wearied of the con- 
test and the business of the house proceeded. Speaker 
Reed triumphed and established the fact that mem- 
bers of the house could not be present for the purpose 
of making dilatory motions and at the same time be absent to 
prevent a quorum. An important step was thus taken in parlia- 
mentary procedure, and to Speaker Reed the whole country owes 
a debt of gratitude. The last act in this exciting drama was on the 
3rd of February when Smith of West Virginia was seated by one 
more than a quorum. 

The new rules which were adopted by the house February 14th, 
made out of order, all manifestly dilatory motions; made 100 mem- 
bers instead of a majority, a quorum of the committee of the whole ; 
and permitted the counting of members present and refusing to 
vote in order to determine whether a quorum was present. This 
was the practical result of the heated controversy in the house. 

February and March were busy months for the Republican 
members of the ways and means committee. Sessions were held 
daily and frequently far into the night. Every industry in the land 
that desired it, was given a hearing; and the history of those hear- 
ings upon which was built the McKinley tariff, reveals Mr. Ding 
ley's remarkable grasp of the details of the tariff and the great busi- 
ness interests of the country. Framing a tariff bill is tedious work; 
and Mr. Dingley's RepubHcan associates on this committee unite 
in saying that his knowledge of public business was invaluable in 
the preliminary deliberations over the bill. For two months he was 
absorbed in the details of this measure. When in his rooms in the 
Hamilton house he paced the floor hours at a time wholly oblivious 
of his surroundings. He mentally framed schedules, debated im- 
portant points, argued questions and met objections. With brow 
knit as if in deep thought ; with pencil and pad on his knees, he 



3_'o LIFE AND TIMES OF 

drew forth eloquence from tables of statistics. Callers at his rooms 
anxious to talk tariff, were always received respectfully and courte- 
ously, and listened to patiently. He was deemed a leading spirit 
in, and a close student of, taritY matters. His devoted wife watched 
him anxiously, ministering to him as only a fond wife can minister. 
During these busy weeks she kept up his diary for him, and one 
day wrote: "For a wonder Nelson is folding his hands." 

March 31st the McKinley tariff was completed by the Republi- 
can members of the committee and reported to the full committee 
Mr. Dingley said: "The sugar duty has been largely reduced and 
so arranged as to break the trust. This will be welcome news to 
the people. The duties on farm products have been greatly in- 
creased. The duty on wool and woolen goods has been increased. 
The Republican members of the committee believe that the bill has 
been so prepared that they can say to the country that they have 
carried out the long felt want for a high rate on the luxuries and a 
low rate on the necessities of life." The day before the bill was re- 
ported to the house, it was decided by the Republican members of 
the ways and means committee to put sugar and hides on the free 
list. Tuesday, April 15th, the McKinley tariff' bill was launched in 
the house. Chairman McKinley presented the detailed report of 
the Republicans and Mr. Carlisle the report of the minority. 

The bill met with warm approval in its general features from 
the great body of Republicans and protectionists in the country. 
To be sure the California men, affected by the fact that Californians 
were the owners of the sugar plantations on the Sandwich islands 
and heretofore had the munificent advantage of importing these 
sugars free of duty under the reciprocity treaty with that country, 
while all other sugar paid a duty of from two to three cents per 
pound, protested against the proposition of the committee to place 
sugar and molasses on the free list, and the carpet manufacturers 
protested against certain restrictive clauses in the bill affecting car- 
pet wools; but otherwise the well nigh unanimous verdict of the 
Republicans and protectionists of the country was that the com- 
mittee had succeeded admirably well in harmonizing the thousand 
divergent interests aft'ected by tariff legislation. The most import- 
ant change in the proposed tariff was the transfer of molasses and 
sugar then paying a duty of over 70 per cent, to the free list as to 
all raw and yellow refined sugars, and the placing of a small duty on 
white refined sugar. This meant a reduction in the cost of sugar 
to every family. The proposition to pay a bounty of two 
cents per pound for fifteen years to encourage sugar production in 



NELSON DINGLEYJR. 321 

this country, received approval as the most .economical and eff ec- 
ti\e method of solving the problem as to whether sugar could be 
produced in this countrj- substantially to the extent of our wants. 
The increase of duties on those farm products which have been so 
largely imported as to take the place of articles which our farmers 
could readily produce to the extent of our wants, was the notice- 
able feature of the bill. At the last moment hides were placed on 
the free list because it was ascertained that this country at that 
time imported mainly only such hides and skins as were needed to 
make classes of leather for which our hides were not adapted. In 
all the textile, metal and other schedules of manufactured pro- 
ducts, the aim was to so arrange the duties as to give our markets 
to our own industries. All through the bill the object was to 
adopt rates "for the better defense of American homes and indus- 
tries, and while securing the needed revenue, to look to the suc- 
cessful prosecution of industrial enterprises already started and to 
the opening of new lines of production where our conditions and 
resources will admit." Both sides of the house prepared for the 
battle over the tariff. 

In the meantime Mr. Dingley was as active as ever in other 
hues. On the 24th of February he presided over the 56th anni- 
versary of the Congregational Temperance society and made what 
was deemed "a very interesting address." 

A curious incident happened early in March illustrating Mr. 
Dingley's attention to his applicants for favors and his persistent 
efforts in their behalf. He received a letter from an old lady in 
Haverhill. Massachusetts, who had formerly been a constituent of 
his, asking what had become of a pension bill introduced in her be- 
half seventeen years before. He took the trouble of looking up 
the matter personally and found that the bill had been passed and 
signed by the president. The matter was followed up ; and it was 
found that the woman was entitled to $2,500 back pension money 
which she finally secured. 

About this time the United States supreme court startled the 
temperance people of the country with a decision to the effect that 
the United States has such complete control over inter-state com- 
merce as to prohibit the seizure in original packages, of liquor 
brought into one state from another. Mr. Dingley said : "If the 
effects of the decision will be to enable any man in any state to 
have liquor brought in from another state and sell it in the origi- 
nal package in defiance not only of prohibition but of license laws 
as well. I regard it as a second Dred Scott decision ; as an attempt 



322 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

on the part of the majority of the supreme court to impose upon 
the people of the states which prohibit or restrict the hquor 
traffic. The people of the country will not stand this ; and when it 
is apparent that the decision of the court is aitecting this result, 
the question will be brought into congress, as the court concedes 
that congress may enact a law to prevent the consequences of 
their decision." 

Under the tariff of 1883 the treasury department was com- 
pelled to admit foreign worsted at a lower duty than woolen 
goods. As a matter of fact worsted goods are w'oolen 
goods, the difference being entirely in the process of combing. 
American manufacturers of worsted goods found themselves un- 
justly discriminated against. The compensatory duty (that is the 
duty intended to be equivalent to the duty on the wool if im- 
ported) was from ten to twenty-four cents on worsted, and thirty- 
live cents on woolen cloth. Worsted cloths, having in them the 
same amount of wool per pound, costing the same and used for 
the same identical purpose for which woolen cloths were then be- 
ing used, were coming into the markets of the United States and 
paying a duty of eighteen and twenty-four cents a pound, when 
the duty upon the wool of which they were made exceeded thirty- 
five cents per pound, and wdien woolen cloth was paying a com- 
pensatory duty of thirty-five cents per pound. Mr. Dingley pre- 
pared a bill authorizing and directing the secretary of the treas- 
ury to classify as w'oolen cloths "all imports of worsted cloth." 
The bill came up for debate in the house April 29th. The Demo- 
crats under the leadership of Mr. Breckinridge of Kentucky 
fought the bill. They first tried to talk it to death, then to kill it 
by amendments. A free wool amendment was offered, but Mr. 
Dingley made a point of order against it, and the chairman (Mr. 
Burrows of Michigan) sustained the point of order. The debate 
was long and sharp, and Mr. Dingley successfully maintained his 
position. But when the vote was taken on the passage of the bill 
the Democrats all refused to vote and there was no quorum. The 
fight was renewed the next day; and the Democrats, still refusing 
to vote. Speaker Reed counted seventy-fi\'e Democrats present 
but not voting, and declared a quorum present and the bill passed. 
The ImII subsequently passed the senate, was signed by the presi 
dent and became a law. Mr. Dingley received a large number of 
telegrams from woolen manufacturers congratulating him on his 
;;.uccessful fight for justice to them. 



NELSON DINGLEYJR. 323 

Debate on the McKinley tariff bill began May 7th. Mr. Mc- 
Kinley, chairman of the ways and means committee opened the 
discussion. It was an interesting day. The members moved nearer 
the chairman ; the galleries were crowded ; and the whole country 
listened to the words of him whose name was already linked with 
the presidency. Mr. McKinley said in after years, that Mr. Ding- 
ley's assistance on this memorable day was invaluable. An inti- 
macy amounting to affection had arisen between these two men; 
and the first to extend congratulations to the distinguished chair- 
man was Mr. Dingley. Mr. McKinley's speech was a splendid 
effort, interrupted with frequent and loud applause from the Re- 
publican side. Mr. Mills, representing the minority of the ways 
and means committee and the Democratic free traders, replied 
in a speech of great length and no little force. He closed with this 
remarkable peroration : "We will content ourselves by giving our 
votes against the bill, and when you leave this house and senate 
with this enormous load of guilt upon your heads and appear be- 
fore the great tribunal for trial, may the Lord have mercy on your 
souls." General debate continued until Saturday, May loth, when 
Mr. Dingley, who had been previously selected, closed the debate 
for the Republicans, speaking for an hour and a half. He made 
the most complete and exhaustive speech of the session. He ex- 
plained the provisions of the bill, compared it with other tariff 
bills, exposed the fallacies of the free traders, and paid special at- 
tention to the wool and woolen schedules. In commenting on Mr. 
Mills' argument for free wool, he said that "inasmuch as my friend 
from Texas gave notice the other day that he proposed to meet 
the friends of this bill at Philippi I am very sure that he will find 
the wool-growers on hand whenever he reaches that field. He ex- 
ploded the "free raw material" theory and the "tariff is a tax" 
theory, and enlarged upon the importance of preserving our own 
markets. He closed with this eloquent defense of the measure, and 
splendid tribute to the chairman: "I favor it because I believe, 
as the distinguished gentleman from Ohio, the chairman of the 
ways and means committee, has so eloquently said, that it is framed 
in the interests of the people of the United States ; because it is 
for the better defense of American homes and American industries ; 
because while securing the needed revenue, its provisions look 
alike to the occupation of our people, their comfort and their wel - 
fare." 

This speech w^as pronounced one of the ablest of the entire 
debate. The Washington correspondent of the New York Tri- 



324 . LIFE AND TIMES OF 

bune said: "Mr. Dingley delivered one of the most exhaustive 
speeches of the entire debate. There is no better equipped man in 
the house, and his argument covered almost the entire ground. 
His exposure of the fallacies of Mills, McMillin and Flower, the 
three Democratic members of the committee who had spoken, 
was searching and thorough. He placed on record an array of 
facts which may be profitably studied by every man. Republican 
or Democrat, who is interested in the tarifif question and desires to 
study digested information, rather than crude theories or unsup- 
ported assertions." 

This tariff speech ^ of Mr. Dingley's was issued as a campaign 
document by the Republican congressional committee in the suc- 
ceeding congressional campaign. It was a most effective docu- 
ment. 

Consideration of the tarifif bill by paragraphs began May 12. 
On the next day the article of "lime" was reached. Mr. Springer 
of Illinois attempted to defeat the provision in the bill for a duty of 
six cents per one hundred pounds, charging that the Maine pro- 
ducers of lime were in a trust. Mr. Dingley denied this and argued 
for the proposed duty on the ground that manufacturers of lime 
in New Brunswick, having the advantage of cheaper fuel and 
labor, could manufacture lime for less money than could the 
American manufacturers in Maine and the other twenty-one states 
of the union where lime was manufactured. "In Knox county," 
said Mr. Dingley, "there were last year made two million barrels 
of lime, giving direct and indirect employment to thousands of 
men. A failure to provide sufificient protection to maintain such 
an industy as this would be a great wrong." Mr. Dingley en- 
tered in his diary that day: "I have scored a great victory." 

The debate in the house over the McKinley tarifif bill was an im- 
portant and memorable feature of this session of congress. Every 
feature of the tariff was discussed and American industry and en- 
terprise illuminated as never before. These debates contain a vast 
array of information as to the industrial and social condition of the 
country at that time. The debates however were more or less of a 
partisan nature, interspersed with eloquence, wit, sharp thrusts 
and bad poetry. 

The day upon which the McKinley tariff bill was passed in the 
house must always stand as the climactic mo\ement of Mr. ]\Ic- 
Kinley's congressional career. The bill, by adroit parliamentary 
generalship, which had prevented it from being weighed down 

1 — See Appendix. 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 325 

with amendments not approved by the committee, had been 
brought under the operation of the previous question. It stood 
complete, ready to go forth for good or evil. Upon Mr. McKin- 
ley devolved the task of smoothing its path and speeding it upon 
its way. The scene of which he was at that moment the central 
figure is one not easily to be forgotten. The occasion, thoroughly 
advertised, attracted to the capitol an immense throng. The gal- 
leries were one mass of humanity, and the anticipation of the 
vote had compelled the attendance of every member. As usual, 
Mr. McKinley spoke without notes. His voice, penetrating but 
not harsh, filled the chamber and was modulated with all the art 
of an elocutionist. His gestures were those of a man who might 
have been educated for the stage, graceful and appropriate. His 
well rounded figure, not above the medium height, was enveloped 
in a close fitting Prince Albert coat, which, in the sedateness of its 
cut was thoroughly in keeping with the serious and earnest tones 
of the speaker. His face, paler than usual, was nevertheless 
lighted up by the inspiration of the occasion, and as it was turned 
upward toward the galleries, revealed the lines which reminded 
the spectator forcibly of the countenance of Napoleon. ^ 

Chairman McKiniey's righthand man throughout this contest 
of brains and parliamentary skill was Mr. Dingley; ^ and when on 
the twenty-first of May the bill passed the house by a vote of 164 
to 142 there was great rejoicing among the Republicans and 
throughout the land. To Mr. Dingley, Chairman McKinley and 
the other members of the ways and means committee paid a high 
tribute for his patience, skill, laborious study and valuable assis- 
tance. ^ Mr. Dingley paid this tribute to Chairman McKinley: 
"The passage of a new tariff bill through the house under the 
leadership of William McKinley Jr., of Ohio, has called special 
attention to this distinguished gentleman, although he was 
previously known as an able and eloquent Republican leader, and 
given him additional prominence. The successful piloting of such 
a bill, involving several thousand items and covering every diver- 
sity of industry, through a house having only eighteen Republi- 
can majority, is in itself an evidence of great generalship. Con- 
flicting interests must be harmonized and personal ambitions and 
jealousies in the ranks of the majority party in addition to the as- 

1— H. L. West in Washington Post. 

2— In the campaign of 1S92. Mr. McKinley said to the author of this biog- 
raphy: "Mr. Dingley was of invalualale assistance to me in the preparation 
presentation and final passage of the tariff bill of 1S90. It is not too much to say 
that it was a Dingley bill rather than a McKinley bill." 



326 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

saults of the opposition; and no one but a great political leader 
could have done this. And such a leader — able, skillful, and elo- 
quent — Major McKinley has proved to be. He has proved himself 
in this conflict worthy of the highest praise. Notwithstanding the 
Democratic legislature has so gerrymandered Major McKinley's 
district as to make it impossible for him to be returned to the next 
congress, yet a leader of so great ability and statesmanship will be 
recognized by the people and kept in public life." But Mr. 
Dingley's extreme modesty did not deprive him of deserved con- 
gratulations from his fellow Republicans, who were all aware of 
the important part he took in the struggle. 

New England in greneral and the Boston Home Market club in 
particular appreciated the great services of the Republican leaders 
and the latter organization had on the evening of May 31, as their 
special guests, Hon. Redfield Proctor, secretary of war; Hon. 
Thomas B. Reed, speaker of the house; Hon. Nelson Dingley Jr., 
of Maine and Hon. Frederick T. Greenhalge of Massachusetts. 
The party left Washington the night of May 30. A reception was 
tendered them the afternoon of Alay 31. Mr. Dingley was one of 
the speakers at the banquet and made a splendid impression. ^ He 
returned to Washington June 2. 

The silver question was still unsettled. The act of 1878 re- 
quiring the purchase and coinage of two million dollars worth of 
silver per month, was not satisfactory to the advocates of either 
side of the controversy. To the opponents of the free and unlim- 
ited coinage of silver, this compulsory purchase of the white metal 
was simply piling up dollars in the treasury, that were constantly 
depreciating in bullion value. To the advocates of free and un- 
limited coinage, this limited coinage was the cause of the decline 
in the bullion value of silver. The silver question had been agi- 
tated continuously for fifteen years; and yet the conditions sur- 
rounding it made its immediate solution more difficult than ever. 
The Republicans were not wholly united ; and a caucus of the Re- 
publican members of the house was held June 3 to discuss the 
matter and adopt some measure. The committee on coinage, 
weights and measures had previously considered several bills and 
listened to the arguments of many distinguished men. especially 
"tlie distinguished secretary of the treasury Mr. Windom, whose 
personal experience and successful refunding operations during a 
previous term of service entitled his suggestions to careful con- 
sideration and great weight." The bill finally agreed to by the 

1 — See Appendix. 




H. C. LODGE. R. R. HITT. 
J. C. BURROWS. BENTON McMILLIN. 



NELSON DiNGLEV JR. 327 

committee, was presented to the Republican caucus. Mr. Dingley 
addressed the caucus briefly, urging the adoption of this measure. 
The bin was brought into the house June 5 and the debate begun. 
The measure provided for the purchase at the market rate of silver 
bullion, of the value of four and one half million dollars per month 
(which was at that time substantially the American product) and 
the issue in payment thereof of legal tender treasury notes, re- 
deemable in coin on demand. The bill was a very liberal one in 
the direction of the increased use of silver as money and in the 
increase of currency. It was a measure to meet the demands of 
the ad\ocates of the free and unlimited coinage of silver at the 
ratio of 16 to i, who maintained that the decline in the price of 
silver was due to the fact that the demand for coinage purposes 
had fallen off. The bill proposed to provide a market for 
the entire American product ; and thus the demand theory 
would be tested. Mr. Conger of Iowa had the bill in charge, and 
explained its provisions. The debate was long and exhaustive. 
Both sides of the controversy were presented with great ability. 
Mr. Dingley, shortly before the bill was passed, on the afternoon 
of June 7, spoke ^ in reply to the advocates of free coinage, mak- 
ing a clear and business-like presentation of the case. He closed 
by saying that "it is impossible in the present status of silver to 
dispose of the silver question otherwise than tentatively, and in 
many respects unscientifically. We are simply waiting in the hope 
that the gulf now existing between silver bullion and gold will be 
in due time bridged. We hope and believe that this bill by using 
more silver as money in such a w'ay as to maintain the parity of 
our gold and silver coins, will aid in bridging this gulf, when free 
comage can safely come. But it cannot safely come now. I ap- 
peal to gentlemen who are inclined to vote for free coinage now to 
meet what they think is a popular clamor, to stop and carefully 
consider their duty as representatives of the people. Rest assured 
that in the long run popular approval goes not with votes which 
respond to ill-considered demands but with votes in which con- 
science, sound judgment, and patriotism, blend." A motion to re- 
commit the bill with instructions to report a bill providing for the 
free and unlimited coinage of silver at the ratio of 16 to i was de- 
feated by a vote of 140 to 116. The bill was finally passed by a 
vote of 136 to 119. It is doubtful if free coinage could have been 
defeated in the house if the Republican leaders had not framed a 
bill with enough concessions to secure the support of wavering 
1 — See Appendix. 



328 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

Republicans so as to make it a party measure. The Republicans 
put forward Messrs. Cannon, Dingley and McKinley to make the 
closing arguments for the bill. 

On the eleventh of June Mr. Dingley with his wife and daugh- 
ter (the latter having just graduated from a Washington semi- 
nary) left for their home in Maine. That very day he was renomi- 
nated for congress by the Republicans of his district. Hon. Chas. 
E. Littlefield who succeeded Mr. Dingley in the house, presided at 
this convention. Hon. James S. Wright presented Mr. Dingley's 
name and said in his short speech that the second district was 
proud of her representative in congress. The nomination was 
made by acclamation. The resolutions recited the great pride the 
Republicans of that district took in Mr. Dingley, and "his great 
and wisely exercised influence in shaping legislation for the wel- 
fare of New England workers." 

After a few days rest at his home in Lewiston and at his sum- 
mer residence, he returned to Washington and again took up his 
public duties. 

Debate on the silver bill was resumed in the house when the 
senate free coinage substitute for the house bill came over into the 
house June 24. It was the sharpest fight of the session and the 
hottest day of the month, the thermometer registering 95. On 
the next day the battle was resumed ; and in the midst of con- 
fusion, applause, laughter and cries of "sit down," the resolution 
to consider the house bill with senate amendments was adopted. 
The motion to concur in the senate free coinage amendment was 
rejected by a vote of 152 to 135. The announcement of the vote 
was received with great applause on the Republican side. The 
house asked for a conference and the senate agreed. The speaker 
appointed Messrs. Conger, Walker and Bland as the conferees on 
the part of the house. Senators Sherman and John P. Jones were 
tb.e conferees on the part of the senate. The conference commit- 
tee agreed upon a compromise, and reported to both houses Juh 
12. The bill agreed to changed the amount of silver bullion to be 
purchased, from four and a half million dollars to four and a half 
million ounces, or so much thereof as may be offered, and the issue 
in purchase thereof of legal tender treasury notes, redeemable on 
demand in gold or silver coin at the discretion of the secretary of 
the treasury. Silver dollars were to be coined at the rate of two 
million per month until July i. 1891, after which time only so many 
silver dollars were to be coined as were required to redeem these 
treasury notes. Mr. Dingley closed the debate for the Republi- 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 3jy 

cans. The conference report was adopted by a \ote of 122 to 90. 
The senate had previously adopted the report and the biU was 
sent to the president and signed. Mr. Dingley said that "tlie 
country is to Ije congratulated on so fortunate an escape from the 
great peril of immediate free coinage of sih'er, b\' which first 
owners of silver mines would have been able to dispose of their 
iilver to the go\ernment and the people for twenty-eight per cent 
more than it is worth and finally the currency would have been 
brought to a silver basis, and gold driven from the country." 

July 8, the senate bill to adopt regulations for preventing 
collisions at sea came into the house, and JNIr. Dingley moved its 
immediate consideration. He explained that the bill provided for 
the adoption of regulations to prevent collisions at sea, which 
were unanimously adopted at a recent international marine con- 
ference. After a sharp fight the bill was passed. 

The "original package" decision of the supreme court stirred 
the temperance men in congress to action. The senate passed a 
bill that liquors transported into a state "shall upon arrival in such 
state or territory be subject to the operation and effect of the laws 
of such state or territory." The house committee on judicary 
amended the bill slightly, and in this amended form it came up in 
the house July 18. Debate continued until the afternoon of July 
22, when the bill passed the house and a conference was asked for. 
Mr. Dingley on the 19th took part in the discussion, making a 
lengthy and able speech covering the whole question of prohibi- 
tory legislation and stoutly defending the Maine law. The bill 
agreed upon in conference was finally passed in both houses and 
sent to the president. 

On the 2 1 St of July Mr. Dingley left for his summer home in 
Maine to escape the excessive heat in Washington. He reached 
Squirrel Island the next day and again joined his happy family 
circle. How completely he enjoyed this rest! Ten days with his 
loved ones fortified him for further labors in Washington to whicli 
place he returned early in August. 

August 12 Mr. Dingley secured the passage through the house 
of a senate bill amending the shipping commissioner's law pro- 
viding that when seamen are shipped by American ves- 
sels in the coastwise trade, a written agreement shall 
be made, and that both seamen and vessels shall be sub- 
ject to the laws regulating the nnitual obligations of each in 
other cases; also a senate bill requiring vessels in collision at sea 
to stand by each other in order to prevent loss of life. September 



330 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

I St he left for Maine to take part in the state campaign. Only one 
week remained before the state election, and Mr. Dingley made 
the most of it, speaking every night. The Republican victory 
September 8 was a great surprise. The Republicans did not ex- 
pect over twelve or fourteen thousand plurality, but the returns 
showed a Republican plurality of over 18,000. It was evident the 
people of Maine were well satisfied with the work of the Republi- 
can majority in congress. The splendid endorsement given the 
Republican members of congress and especially Speaker Reed, 
was a most effective reply to the assaults which had been made on 
the course of the Republicans in congress in changing the rules, 
revising the tariff, etc. Mr. Dingley was re-elected by over 4,500 
plurality. Hardly had the votes been counted when he hurried 
back to Washington to resume his seat in the house. He reached 
there September 1 1 and was heartily congratulated over the vic- 
tory in Maine. 

Mr. Blaine was an ardent advocate of reciprocity; and when 
the Republican members of the ways and means committee were 
framing the tariff bill in tlie early months of 1890 Mr. Blaine 
made it known publicly that he thought it was a mistake to place 
sugar on the free list. He favored keeping sugar on the dutiable 
list and using it as a means of securing favorable reciprocal rela- 
tions with sugar-growing countries. Chairman ;\IcKinley sent an 
invitation to Mr. Blaine to appear before the Republican members 
of the committee. Mr. Blaine accepted the invitation and the con- 
ference took place in Chairman McKinley's room in the Eljbitt 
house February 10. Here occurred the famous hat episode when 
the secretary of state was both eloquent and angry, smashing his 
new silk hat over the table in his earnestness. But a majority of 
the Republicans were opposed to Mr. Blaine's proposition. Then 
followed the latter's public declaration, so widely copied, that 
"there is not a section or a line in the bill that will open a market 
for another Inishel of wheat or another barrel of pork." This bold 
declaration disconcerted the Republican members of the commit- 
tee. Even Mr. Dingley was disturbed but maintained his usual 
calm. Of this statement of Secretary Blaine Mr. Dingley said : "Of 
course in this respect the McKinley tariff bill is like all other tariff 
bills ever enacted in this country — they have dealt simply with im- 
ports and have not touched exports. It could have been said of 
the tariff' of lf'<4C^. as well as of the McKinley bill, that there was 
not a line in it that would open a foreign market for another bushel 
of wheat or another barrel of pork. That has not heretofore been 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 331 

regarded as the office of tariffs, but of reciprocial treaties ; and the 
only reason that Secretary Blaine now suggests a topic which 
usually is treated by treaties and not by tariffs, is because it is pro- 
posed to put sugar on the free list in the tariff, and Secretary 
Blaine thinks it would be wiser to leave sugar on the dutiable list 
as capital to be used in reciprocal treaties. Secretary Blaine's 
suggestion in this particular, and his contention, that by leaving 
sugar for the present on the dutiable list, and making it free only 
to such sugar-producing countries of this continent as will admit 
our breadstuffs free of duty, will undoubtedh' receive the consider- 
ation it deserves. Much is to be said upon the question, and it will 
be decided with a view to the best interests to the country. But 
whatever may be done in this particular, it should be borne in 
mind that in every other respect Mr. Blaine is in hearty accord 
with the McKinley bill, and resents with proper feeling the at- 
tempt of free trade papers to turn his expressions as to one item 
into an argument against the bill in all other particulars." 

The only point of difference between Mr. Blaine and the west- 
ern Republicans who insisted that sugar should be cheapened two 
cents per pound by placing it on the free list, was to the extent 
that reciprocity treaties could be made with sugar-producing 
countries. If satisfactory treaties could be made with countries 
that produced sugar enough to supply our consumption, as Secre- 
tary Blaine hoped, then that would be equivalent to placing sugar 
on the free list, and the western Republicans would have been in 
entire accord with Mr. Blaine's plans. But if treaties could be 
made only with the two sugar-producing South American coun- 
tries (which was all that Secretary Blaine claimed when he formu- 
lated his views in February) then it would not secure the benefit of 
free sugar, but would simply be a repetition of the Hawaiian 
treaty by which we paid five millions annually in remitted duties on 
sugar obtaining in return from the Sandwich Islands a market for 
only four millions of our products without having our sugar any 
cheaper. "With the whole of this controversy," said Mr. Ding- 
ley, "narrowed down to this simple point, of whether favorable 
reciprocal treaties cannot be negotiated with enough sugar-pro- 
ducing countries to supply our consumption, there ought to be no 
difficulty in reaching a satisfactory conclusion." And a satisfac- 
tory conclusion was reached at the famous Cape May conference 
between President Harrison and Secretary Blaine, August 2. Both 
reciprocity and free sugar were retained the president prevail- 
ing upon his secretary of state to withdraw his objections to free 



33^ 



LIFE AND TIMES OF 



sugar, and to endorse a plan to secure reciprocity by another 
route. President Harrison displayed rare skill and diplomacy by 
thus amicably settling the controversy. When the senate passed 
the tariff bill September lo, it contained the Aklrich reciprocity 
amendment that the "exemptions from duty on sugar, molasses, 
coffee, tea and hides are made with a view to secure reciprocal 
trade with countries producing these articles," and authorizing the 
president to restore the duty on these articles coming from coun- 
tries imposing duties on the agricultural products of the United 
States "reciprocally unequal and unjust." 

Already the long debate in the senate over the consideration 
of the tariff bill had not only disturbed business, and increased im- 
portations in anticipation of higher duties, but also afforded many 
opportunities for dishonest speculations. The ways and means 
committee of the house which received the tariff bill from the sen- 
ate September 12. determined to waste no time ; and three days 
later reported the bill back to the house with a recommendation 
to non-concur in the senate amendments and to ask for a confer- 
ence. September 15 after two hours debate, the bill was sent to 
a conference. The speaker appointed as conferees on the part of 
the house, Messrs. McKinley, Burrows, Bayne, Dingley, Mills, Mc- 
Millin and Flower. The conferees on the part of the senate were 
Messrs. Aldrich. Sherman, Allison, Hiscock. Carlisle, Vance and 
Voorhees. The Republican members of the conference commit- 
tee met at Senator Allison's house on the evening of the day on 
which they were appointed. The following day the full committee 
met in the senate finance committee room to commence consider- 
ation of the disagreements between the two houses on this im- 
portant tariff bill. The whole business world was watching this 
conference. Upon its decision hung vast interests. The Republi- 
cans decided to caucus, and sessions were held for seven days, af- 
ternoon and evening, including Sunday. The differences of the 
Republican members were talked over; and here Mr. Dingley's 
rare skill and diplomacy displayed itself. When the Republican 
conferees adjourned late on the night of September 22,. all differ- 
ences were settled but sugar and binding twine. Two days later 
all differences were adjusted and on the 26th the Democratic con- 
ferees were called in and the report agreed to. As Mr. Dingley 
predicted, the house sugar schedule was retained, Mr. Dingley's 
influence accomplishing that result. The labor of preparing and 
revising the conference report was enormous and Mr. Dingley's 
mastery of detail was of inestimable value to the conferees. Every 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 333 

line of the report was scrutinized by him. It was half past five in 
the afternoon when Chairman McKinley reported the bill agreed 
to. It was received with cheers on the Republican side. The 
house adjourned that night to prepare itself for the final vote on 
the following day. Mr. Dingley recorded in his diary just before 
retiring to secure needed rest: "I am very tired over the ten days 
work." Debate on the conference report began the next day, and 
continued until half past five in the afternoon. Chairman McKin- 
ley leading off. Mr. Dingley explained the provisions of the bill 
agreed upon in a ten minute speech ^ full of facts and information. 
He closed by saying: "It is sufficient to say in conclusion that the 
vociferous condemnation which the bill has received in Europe, in 
view of the fact that it will encourage the production and manu- 
facture in this country of more than a hundred millions of goods 
and products now made and produced abroad and sent here to take 
the place of home products affords sufficient evidence that the 
measure is one in the interest of American industries, American 
farmers and American labor." The conference report was agreed 
to by a vote of 151 to 81. All but three Republicans voted for the 
bill. There was great applause on the Republican side. The sen- 
ate agreed to the conference report and the bill passed the last day 
of September. The first day of October President Harrison signed 
the bill and the McKinley tariff law became operative. That same 
day congress adjourned and on the afternoon of October 2nd Mr. 
Dingley started for home, reaching there the following day. He 
rested at home for two weeks and on the afternoon of the i8th 
ot October spoke on "American Shipping" before the Boston 
Commercial club. His address ^ received full and favorable atten- 
tion. On the evening of the same day he spoke at Framingham, 
Massachusettts, returning to Boston late at night. October 21 he 
spoke at Waltham, returning home the next day. October 25 he 
addressed a political gathering at Haverhill, Massachusetts, in 
company with Congressmen Coggswell and Long. The following 
day he spoke at the Young Men's Republican club in Providence, 
Rhode Island, with Senator Aldrich. On the last day of the month 
he made an address at a Republican banquet in Woonsocket, and 
at noon on the first day of November spoke at Faneuil hall, Bos- 
ton, going thence to Manchester, New Hampshire, where he ad- 
dressed a Republican rally in the evening. 

Tuesday, November 4th, was election day. The Demo- 
crats secured control of the lower house of congress, which was 

1 — See Appendix. 



3;H life and THIES OF 

not surprising to those who kept close watch of events. The Mc- 
Kinley tariff bill did not become a law until October, leaving barely 
a month to explain the measure to the voters of the country. It 
was claimed that the law raised the prices of everything consumed 
by the people and the Democratic managers were not slow in giv- 
ing object lessons to the people in the country districts. The Mc- 
Kinley tariff bill and the chairman of the committee that framed 
it (William McKinley), were denounced by the Democrats from 
one end of the country to the other. But this denunciation and 
wide advertising made Mr. McKinley president of the United 
States. The much abused and much ridiculed man who went down 
to defeat in this landslide of 1890, seven years later re-entered 
Washington as the occupant of the White House. But this re- 
sult at the polls was not a popular condemnation of the McKinley 
tariff. The new tariff did not have a chance to show its good ef- 
fects. The Democratic victory proved to be a calamity to the 
country, because it opened up the way for free trade or low tariff 
legislation, and for the agitation of the free coinage of silver and 
the depreciation of the currency. 

The remainder of the month of November afforded Mr. Ding- 
ley an opportunity to rest. November 15, the 81 st anniversary of 
his father's birthday, and Thanksgiving day, were celebrated by 
family reunions. The day following Thanksgiving Mr. Dingley 
and his faithful wife started for Washington, reaching there the 
next day. Again they took up their work in their cheerful rooms 
now so homelike. Many old friends and acquaintances were on 
hand to greet them. 

The second session of the fifty-first congress began at noon 
December i. President Harrison's message was listened to with 
tmusual interest. This message was an able presentation of the 
Republican position and was received with marked favor by the 
business interests of the country. The president said: "There is 
neither wisdom nor justice in the suggestion that the subject of 
tariff revision shall be again opened before this tariff has had a fair 
trial." President Harrison's declarations on silver were cautious. 
He said that "our very large supply of gold will, if not lost by im- 
pure legislation in the supposed interest of silver, give us a position 
of advantage in promoting a permanent and safe international 
agreement for the free use of silver." He predicted a large in- 
crease in exports as the result of reciprocity plans set on foot by 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 335 

this century a more shameless prostitution of official responsibility 
to greed and dishonest finance, has not been recorded. It is a stab 
the McKinley law. But the Democratic majority in the next con- 
gress did not heed tliis injunction. December passed with nothing 
of importance done in congress. The only incident of great public 
interest was the combination in the senate between the Democrats 
and eight Republicans ^ to sidetrack the election bill in favor of 
the finance bill with a free coinage amendment. This was signifi- 
cant as indicating thus early that the Democrats intended to make 
the free coinage question a leading issue. Mr. Dingley wrote at 
this time: "Who cannot see the dr>ft of this silver mine policy? 
It is the attempt of the debtor class to pay off at 75 cents on the 
dollar, as well as the attempt of the silver mine speculators to sell 
out at 25 per cent above the market. Where such a policy will land 
us, where it will impose suft'ering on the wage earners, those who 
have good memories need not be told." He early saw the ap- 
proaching contest over the silver question and warned the people 
of his state of the dangers of the proposed plan of inflating or de- 
preciating the currency. January 15 he wrote: "Today the great- 
est combination of American greed is that wdiich is led by the own- 
ers of twelve million ounces of silver and of the silver mines. The 
silver pool means to drive this country to an exclusively silver basis, 
thus at once putting a premium on gold, diminishing the purchas- 
ing power of wages and dislocating and isolating our American 
fiscal system." 

January 6 the senate bill "to place the American merchant ma- 
rine engaged in the foreign trade upon an equality with that of 
other nations" was taken up in the house. On the following day Mr. 
Dingley spoke for two hours in favor of the bill, ^ receiving ap- 
plause and congratulations. He reviewed the causes of the decline 
of American shipping, and the remedy to be applied. He discussed 
the British subsidy system and the advantages of the pending bill, 
concluding with this appeal : "In the light of our own history I ap- 
peal to the representatives of the American people to come to the 
rescue of our merchant marine in the foreign trade, and thus in- 
sure commercial independence and national safety before it is too 
late." 

As was predicted, the senate passed a free coinage bill. Mr. 
Dingley wrote of this incident : "It is not too much to say that in 

1 — Senators Jones of Nevada, McConnell of Idaho, Shoup of Idaho, Stanford 
of California, Stewart of Nevada, Teller of Colorado, Washburn of Minnesota 
and Wolcott of Colorado. 

2 — See Appendix. 



L 



336 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

at public and private contract, a surrender on the part of the senate 
to the speculators in silver who are thus advised that this govern- 
ment will pay them for silver worth one dollar and five cents per 
ounce in the world's market, the fictitious price of a dollar and 
twenty-nine cents per ounce. * * * fj^g f^ct is, one of the 
foremost isms of the next presidential campaign is made up, as be- 
tween an honest dollar and a speculative and underweight dollar ; 
as between gold and silver at the world's standard and silver at 
twenty-five cents more an ounce than it is worth in the market. 
On this issue the Republican party can afford to stand by what is 
honest." The passage of the free coinage bill in the senate raised a 
storm throughout the east. The presence of lobbyists promoting 
the measure, and suspicious circumstances surrounding its pas- 
sage, caused Representative Dockery to introduce a resolution ask- 
ing for the appointment of a committee to investigate "the alleged 
connection of senators and representati\es with tlie reported silver 
pool." On the twentieth of September previous, the Washington 
correspondent of the St. Louis Globe-Democrat alleged that twelve 
senators and fifteen representatives, pending the passage of the sil- 
ver act of July 14, iSgo, were admitted to partnership in various 
silver pools by which they realized a million dollars profit in the ad- 
vance of the price of silver after the passage of the act. In accord- 
ance with this resolution Speaker Reed appointed Messrs. Dingley, 
Payne, Rowell, Peel and Oates. Mr. Dingley was averse to as- 
suming the duties and responsibilities of this investigation but the 
speaker prevailed upon him to accept. 

This committee was in session from January 16 to February 24 
in the room of the committee on ri\-ers and harbors. The story of 
this investigation is told in the report written and submitted to the 
house by Mr. Dingley February 25. ^ The conclusion of the com- 
mittee was that there was no evidence that any silver pool gave 
money to the members of congress, or that members of congress 
(except Senator Cameron) were interested in silver speculations. 
Mr. Dingley, however, condemned in unmeasured terms, "the 
methods employed by owners of silver bullion and silver mines to 
further legislation, requiring the government or the whole people 
to buy their silver bullion and pay a dollar and twenty-nine cents 
per ounce for it when it is worth only one dollar and four cents in 
ihe markets of the world." 

In the meantime the struggle over the silver question continued 
in the house. On the sixth of February the friends of this proposi- 

1 — See Appendix. 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 337 

tion tacked a free silver rider to an appropriation bill; but the 
amendment was defeated by eight majority. The silver men were 
still more confounded by Mr. Dingley's amendment offered Febru- 
ary ninth which had a tendency to resurrect the election bill. The 
Democrats started a plan to enable them to get up the free silver 
bill. Mr. Dingley quickly proposed to take up the election bill also, 
whereupon the silver men became alarmed and abandoned their 
plan. The report of the house committee adverse to the senate free 
coinage bill, together with the confidence that President Harrison 
would veto any such measure during his administration, gave assur- 
ance that the monetary system of the country would not be dis- 
turbed for at least two years. 

February 22, Mr. Dingley presided at the annual meeting of the 
Congregational Temperance society and was re-elected president. 

The closing days of the fifty-first congress were, as usual, full 
of interest. The contest in the house over the bill to place the 
American merchant marine on a sound footing, was one of the most 
memorable witnessed in congress for many years. The friends of 
American shipping in the house committee on merchant marine and 
fisheries, prepared a substitute bill embodying the main features of 
the senate and house bill ; and after much delay and opposition, suc- 
ceeded in getting it before the house for final action. The following 
day the battle was renewed at 10 o'clock in the morning and waged 
until midnight. The supporters of the bill were led by Mr. Dingley. 
Amendment after amendment was offered, with a view of killing the 
bill ; but all were skillfully parried by Mr. Dingley on points of or- 
der and votes. The debate was under the five minute rule, and was 
warm and exciting. Mr. Dingley's skill as a debater and parliamen- 
tarian was never so apparent. The galleries were filled with specta- 
tors who enjoyed the contest of brains. A free ship amendment 
was defeated by a good majority. Then came the vote on the en- 
grossment of the bill. As this was to be a test vote, the answer of 
each member was watched with great interest. The Democrats who 
were expected to vote for the bill failed to do so, and the bill was 
defeated by every Democratic and fourteen Republican votes. The 
Democrats cheered the result ; but the honors of the debate were 
with the Republican leaders. Before the vote was announced. Mr. 
Dingley, who did not propose to give up until he was compelled to, 
changed his vote from the afifirmative to the negative to enable him 
to move to reconsider in the hope that by fighting the battle over 
again he could gain enough recruits to at least get the bill into con- 
ference. Absent members were drummed up in every direction. 



338 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

He was rewarded for his persistence, and his motion to reconsider 
was carried by a vote of 147 to 143. At this point, Mr. Cannon of 
Illinois who had voted for the bill, but who favored only subsidy to 
mail steamships, moved to recommit with instructions to report 
forthwith the senate postal steamship bill as a substitute. The mo- 
tion prevailed, the senate bill was reported out and a conference 
asked for. The following Monday the senate concurred in the sub- 
sidy bill, but the tonnage bill was defeated. 

Congress was in session all day and all night March 3 ; and after 
hours of confusion, adjourned at noon March 4. Mr. Dingley re- 
mained at his post all night. The Democrats could not overlook 
Speaker Reed's rulings in behalf of business methods in congress, 
and when the usual resolution of thanks was offered just before ad- 
journment, they voted against it; but it carried and the result was 
greeted with cheers. The speaker in his parting address, which was 
delivered with unusual calmness, said that the last week of the clos- 
ing congress having been largely of a political nature, had aroused 
the most turbulent passions known to the human race, and it was 
the part of wisdom to wait for history to give the verdict on the 
deeds of the fifty-first congress. 

The fifty-first congress passed into history as one of the most 
memorable on record. As Mr. Reed said, it was not so much what 
it had done, as what it had rendered possible for all time to be done 

Mr. Dingley added to his reputation as a profound and practical 
student of public affairs. He was now an authority on shipping and 
tariff matters. He wisely devoted his time and attention to a few 
subjects until he completely mastered them. In no other way can a 
member of congress be strong and influential. 

March 9 in company with his wife and daughter, he left Wash- 
ington for his home in Maine, stopping at New York, New Haven 
and Boston for a brief recr-^ation and rest. He reached his home 
March 25, and on that day wrote in his diary: "It seems good to 
be at home again." 

The months of April and May afforded this busy man more than 
the usual time for rest. He gave much of his time to his family, 
joining in the pleasures of home concerts, fishing trips and fireside 
talks. The middle of May, in company with one of his sons, he 
spent several days fishing on Rangeley lakes. The first day of June 
he started for Saratoga, and on the following day presided at the 
sixty-fifth annual meeting of the American Home ^Missionary so- 
ciety. 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 339 

June 9 he received news of the death of his youngest grand- 
daughter, which was a great shock to him. "This reminds us of 
our Httle Charley's death in 1862," he wrote in his diary. 

Late in June he spent a week in the Rangeley lake region rusti- 
cating and fishing. The last day of June he recorded in his diary: 
"I caught a six pound salmon after an hour's struggle in getting 
him in." Returning to his home he learned of the death of Hanni- 
bal Hamlin and attended the funeral of the distinguished statesman 
at Bangor, July 8. The following day he joined his family at his 
summer home, Squirrel Island. 

Mr. Dingley's literary work this spring and summer consisted 
of editorials for the Lewiston Journal, temperance addresses and an 
article on "The State of Maine" for the New England magazine. ^ 
This article was widely copied in New England. "The billion dollar 
congress," "Causes of bad times," "The money question," "The 
basis of competition," and "What makes interest," were some of 
the subjects treated by him editorially. August 29 he delivered a 
temperance address ^ at Old Orchard. 

This summer season at the seashore was a period of joy and rest 
for Mr. Dingley. In the family circle, surrounded by wife, children 
and grandchildren, he found perfect peace. The season was over 
September 3 and Mr. Dingley and family returned to their home in 
Lewiston. About the middle of the month he completed his vaca- 
tion by going to Moosehead lake. September 20, Rev. Mr. Howe, 
pastor of the Congregational church at Lewiston, where Mr. Ding- 
ley had attended services for so many years, was welcomed home 
from Europe and Mr. Dingley was chosen to make the brief address 
of welcome. October 2 he visited Hanover, N. H., and old Dart- 
mouth college, where he had graduated in 1855, and addressed the 
students on the tarifif question from the protection standpoint. ^ 
This address was scholarly and profound. October 14 he addressed 
a political meeting at Lowell, and on the following day at Brockton 
with former Speaker Reed. He also spoke at East Boston and 
Millbury before the campaign in Massachusetts closed. The No- 
vember elections showed uniform Republican gains. William Mc- 
Kinley was elected governor of Ohio and Mr. Dingley sent him 
happy congratulations. November passed quickly, and with it 
came may happy family reunions. Thanksgiving day was especiallv 
enjoyable, and a week later Mr. Dingley with his wife and daughter 
returned to Washington. 

1 — See Appendix. 



CHAPTER XVIII. 
1891-1893. 

It is conceded now that the McKinley tariff act of 1890 was not 
understood by the people. Had it been otherwise, the house of rep- 
resentatives in the fifty-second congress would not have contained 
237 Democrats, 85 Republicans and 10 Alliance men. Importers 
assailed the act in the United States supreme court, and sought to 
bring in question its constitutionality. It was argued that the 
bounty on sugar vitiated the whole act ; that the reciprocity provi- 
sion was unconstitutional, because it delegated legislative powers 
to the executive ; that the tobacco clause was not contained in the 
bill signed by the president. The fight against protection was car- 
ried to the court of last resort, but happily not sustained by that 
judicial body. The domestic business world was alarmed over the 
result at the polls in 1890. and viewed with consternation the possi- 
bility of another defeat of the party of protection in the approach- 
ing presidential election. 

The first session of the fifty-second congress began in the midst 
of alarm. The country watched the struggle between the two 
wings of the Democracy, the one headed by Cleveland, Carlisle and 
Mills, bent on practical free trade; the other headed by Hill, Gor- 
man and Crisp, bent on a moderate revision of the tariff'. 

The fight between the five candidates for speaker in the Demo- 
cratic caucus (Mills, Crisp, McMillin, Springer and Hatch) was long 
and bitter. After a desperate struggle lasting three days, the nomi- 
nation of Crisp was brought about on the thirtieth ballot. The vic- 
tory of Crisp brought clearly to the front the issue of free silver 
coinage. The Democratic party was distinctly for free silver, but 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 341 

the Mills and Cleveland wing was in favor of sidetracking the silver 
issue and making the fight on the free trade issue exclusively. The 
victory of the Hill Democracy in the house was an announcement 
that the chief issue of the approaching campaign was to be the sil- 
ver issue. In the words of Mr. Dingley, "it is now deliberately pro- 
posed by the Democratic party to cut loose frotn the standard of 
value of commercial and civilized peoples. * * * It is settled 
that free coinage is dear to the heart of the national Democracy 
and that the supremacy of the Democratic party means confusion 
to American finance." 

The message of President Harrison brought a measure of confi- 
dence to the country. He recommended that existing laws be 
given a fair trial and that the business interests "be spared the dis- 
tressing influence which threats of radical changes always impart." 
The president's declaration that "the free coinage of silver under 
existing conditions would disastrously afifect the business interests 
at home and abroad," met a responsive chord. 

Two days before Christmas, Speaker Crisp announced his com- 
mittees. Mr. Dingley was placed on the committee on appropria- 
tions, Columbian exposition and expenditures in the department of 
justice. His first committee place was the only one of any import- 
ance and during the course of the session afforded him a good op- 
portunity to learn the actual operations of the government. He 
said in after years that a term of service on the appropriations com- 
mittee was necessary to equip a member for work in congress. 
William M. Springer of Illinois was made chairman of the ways and 
means committee. 

In this house were — Herbert, Oates and Wheeler of Alabama ; 
Turner, Crisp and Blount of Georgia ; Hopkins, Hitt, Henderson 
and Springer of Illinois, Holman and Shrively of Indiana; Hender- 
son, Dolliver and Hull of Iowa; Simpson of Kansas; Breckinridge 
and McCreary of Kentucky; Reed, Dingley Milliken and Boutelle 
of Maine ; Lodge, Sherman Hoar and George F. Williams of 
Massachusetts; O'Donnell, Burrows and Wlieeler of Michigan; 
Catchings of Mississippi; Hatch, Dockery, O'Neill, Cobb and De- 
Armond of Missouri ; Fellows and Cummings of New York ; Bryan 
of Nebraska ; Outhwaite and Johnson of Ohio ; Binghain and 
O'Neill, W. A. Stone and C. W. Stone of Pennsylvania; Tillman 
of South Carolina ; McMillin and Richardson of Tennessee ; Bailey, 
Mills and Sayres of Texas ; Wise of Virginia ; Wilson of West Vir- 
ginia ; all of whom played an important part. Two notable men — 
William D.Kelley of Pennsylvania and Samuel S. Cox of New York 



342 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

— passed away during the first session of the previous congress, in 
the spring of 1890. The death of the member from New York was 
a shock to Mr. Dingley, for they were warm friends and intimately 
associated in pubHc service. Mr. Cox was the embodiment of gen- 
erosity and kindness and many members of congress w-ere recipi- 
ents of his favors. He died genuinely mourned by many. 

Congress adjourned Dec. 23 for the holiday recess. During 
this season Mr. Dingley busied himself in the preparation of a tariff 
speech, and derived much joy from the constant presence in his 
rooms of his wife and daughter. A little music, a game of whist, 
a quiet chat formed the evening diversions of this little family cir- 
cle. January i, 1892, in company with his daughter, Mr. Dingley 
made New Year's calls on the members of the cabinet. 

When congress reassembled, Mr. Dingley introduced a bill for 
the appointment of a commission on the alcoholic liquor traffic, 
and to establish a marine board for the advancement of the mer- 
chant marine. 

Mr. Dingley's broad views on the objects of government and 
the proper scope of public expenditures, were displayed in a debate 
over Holman's anti-subsidy resolution. Jan. 14, Mr. Holman of 
Indiana, who enjoyed the reputation of being the economical mem- 
ber of the house and was called "the watchdog of the treasury," 
ofifered a resolution that "no money ought to be appropriated by 
congress from the public treasury except such as is manifestly 
necessary to carry on the several departments frugally, efficiently 
and honestly administered." Mr. Dingley attempted to secure con- 
sideration of a substitute resolution more definite in its nature, but 
the house objected. In the course of the debate he replied at some 
length to Mr. Holman. ^ He advocated a broad application of the 
principle that all appropriations should be for public and not for 
private purposes. He defended the appropriations of the fifty- 
first congress and denied that the country was on the verge of 
bankruptcy. The debate covered the whole field of government 
finance, and the resolution on the third day was finally adopted. 

On the sixteenth of October, 1891, a considerable number of 
the sailors of the United States steamship Baltimore, then in the 
harbor of Valparaiso, were assaulted by armed men nearly simul- 
taneously in different localities in the city. One petty officer was 
killed outright and seven or eight seamen were seriously wounded, 
one of whom subsequently died. Relative to the president's mes- 
sage about the trouble Mr. Dingley said that "the message is a 

1 — See Appendix. 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 343 

very strong one and presents the American side of the ChiHan mat- 
ter very ably. I do not doubt that congress will sustain the presi- 
dent in maintaining the dignity and honor of this country, even to 
the extent of war if that should be clearly necessary. I hope, how- 
ever, that the difficulty will be arranged without going to such 
lengths as that. War is a very serious matter, and every means 
should be exhausted for an amicable solution before there is an ap- 
peal to arms. Chili is so weak a power that we should bear and for- 
bear to a greater extent than we might with a much stronger 
power, and especially is this the case in the disturbed condition in 
which Chili is at present." 

Debate over the new rules began January 26. Mr. Reed of 
Maine took occasion to make one of his richly sarcastic and pointed 
speeches in which he rejoiced that the Democratic party was 
"finally catching up with the procession." He called attention to 
the fact that the Democratic majority in the fifty-second congress 
was adopting what the Democratic minority denounced in the fifty- 
first congress as "tyranny." Mr. Dingley addressed the house on 
the 27th, ^ giving special attention to the proposed rule to permit 
legislative riders on appropriation bills. This he again strenuously 
opposed on the second of February. ^ After a protracted discus- 
sion and in the third month of the session, the new rules of the 
house were adopted. They were in the main the old filibustering 
rules of the fiftieth congress with some slight improvements. 

On the 1 8th of December Mr. Dingley called on Secretary 
Blaine at his residence in Washington. The secretary appeared to 
be in excellent health and greeted his old friend cordially. The 
conversation naturally drifted to the approaching Repubhcan na- 
tional convention at Minneapolis, and the secretary cautiously 
asked Mr. Dingley his opinion. 

"You can be nominated if you say the word," said Mr. Dingley. 

"But I do not desire to embarrass my friends," said the secre- 
tary. "I cannot announce that I am a candidate and still remain in 
the cabinet of President Harrison. On the other hand if I refuse to 
yield to the pressure brought to bear on me I shall be charged with 
deserting my friends." 

The secretary was visibly troubled and nervously paced the 
floor as he talked. He went over the whole situation and discussed 
freely his personal relations with President Harrison, which he de- 
clared were pleasant. He admitted that he had told his friends he 
was not a candidate before the convention but would accept the 
nomination if tendered him. 

1 — See Appendix. 



344 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

"Governor," said the secretary, stopping abruptly, "my prefer- 
ence is to remain in the cabinet. My work as secretary of state was 
sadly interrupted by the death of President Garfield. The country 
never fully understood my policy. I desire to complete the work I 
have now undertaken. I do not feel that my health will admit of 
my going through another presidential campaign." 

"Then your true course is to announce publicly as soon as pos- 
sible your decision to retire absolutely from the race," replied Mr. 
Dingley. 

It was a struggle between the ambition of his life and what he 
knew was his duty to himself and his family. His decision was 
speedily made. But it was not until February 6 that the political 
world was startled by the publication of a letter to General J. S. 
Clarkson, chairman of the Republican national committee, in which 
Mr. Blaine announced emphatically that he was not a candidate for 
the presidency and that his name would not go before the Republi- 
can national convention. "To those who have tendered me their 
support I owe my sincere thanks, and am most grateful for their 
confidence," he wrote. This apparently ended the matter and 
President Harrison's nomination appeared inevitable. But the 
popular demand for Mr. Blaine's nomination seemed to increase and 
with it returned the vigor and ambition of the "Plumed Knight." 
Excitement increased and the Blaine boom seemed to grow in 
strength. The secretary of state listened with throbbing heart to 
the sweet sounds of popularity, and his mind recalled the exciting 
scenes of 1876, of 1880 and of 1884. His judgment prompted him 
to cling to his determination to avoid another contest ; his ambition 
and that of his family urged him to yield. He did yield. He meas- 
ured with accuracy the great popular clamor, but he failed to take 
into account the formidable organization of his chief. What a pity 
he did not follow the advice of his wise and good friend, Mr. Ding- 
ley ! On the fourth of June, while the delegates were assembling at 
Minneapolis, the news was flashed over the wires that Secretary 
Blaine had resigned from the cabinet. "The condition of public 
business," he wrote to President Harrison, "in the ilepartment of 
state, justifies me in requesting that my resignation may be ac- 
cepted immediately." The president replied with equal brevity: 
"The terms in which you state your desires are such as to leave me 
no choice but to accede to your wishes at once." The resignation 
plunged \\'ashington and congress into a fe\'er of excitement. It 
was accepted by the country as an indication that Mr. Blaine had 
decided to accept the nomination for the presidency if tendered 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 345 

liim. The brevity of the correspondence gave rise to the rumor 
that the relations between Mr. Blaine and the president were not 
cordial But these reports were magnified. Mr. Blaine was an- 
noyed and worried over the public insinuation that he was not act- 
ing honorably toward his chief. His physical and mental condition 
caused him to be irritated and to entertain fancied grievance. He 
was not the cool diplomat and polished secretary of 1881 ; he was 
the sick and dispirited secretary of 1892. Mr. Blaine was not him- 
self. On the fourth of June he held a conference with a Canadian 
official on a question pending between the state department and the 
Dominion. John W. Foster, who had been attending to some dip- 
lomatic matter during Secretary Blaine's illness, was present, and 
interrupted the secretary by saying that the latter, in his statement 
of the case, was not representing the views of the president. He 
forthwith proceeded to state the president's views. "Gentlemen," 
said the secretary abruptly, "this conference is adjourned." And 
he quickly left the room, immediately tendering his resignation. 
He performed the act in a moment of indignation. It was done be- 
fore he realized its full significance. The resignation was received 
in MinneapoHs with a shout of joy by the friends of Mr. Blaine who 
cordially disliked President Harrison, and by stolid indifference by 
the instructed Harrison delegates. The struggle between the two 
forces began. The discipline of the one triumphed over the noisy 
enthusiasm of the other. President Harrison was renominated on 
the first ballot and Whitelaw Reid, editor of the New York Tri- 
bune, was nominated for vice president. 

The circumstances surrounding the resignation and defeat of 
Mr. Blaine and tlie full realization that he was being used by am- 
bitious men to further their own interests, brought genuine regret 
and sorrow to the secretary's friends and admirers. Mr. Dingley's 
only comment was : "I regret the whole affair more than I can ex- 
press." But his admiration for Mr. Blaine continued, and in com- 
menting on his services as secretary of state, he said : "The retire- 
ment of Mr. Blaine from the position of secretary of state has 
caused not only great regret, but also general expressions of the 
debt of gratitude which the country owes the brilliant secretary for 
the magnificent service he has done during his three years oc- 
cupancy of this position. * * * It is sufficient to say that the 
aliility and skill with which the secretary conducted the state de- 
partment, reflects the highest credit on that statesman and on this 
country, and furnishes another ground for lasting gratitude to 
Maine's great leader, James G. Blaine." 



346 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

Th..- house finally began to do business early in February. On 
the fifth of that month while the census deficiency bill was under 
discussion Mr. Sayers of Texas made certain charges against the 
superintendent of the census (Mr. Robert Porter) with reference 
to the conduct of his oiftce. Mr. Dingley defended the superin- 
tendent in a vigorous speech. He argued that if more men had 
been employed in the census department than were necesary, the 
matter should have been brought up in committee. "I desire to 
say," he added, "that so far as our investigations have gone, wo 
have found that the work of the census office has been expedited at 
least a year ahead of what was the case in the tenth census." Mr 
Simpson of Kansas attempted to make a political point from the 
mortgage statistics but Mr. Dingley turned the tables on him. 
February 9 he replied at some length to Mr. Dockery of Missouri 
who, in a partisan speech, denounced the last congress as a billion 
dollar congress which had imposed upon the country extravagant 
appropriations. Taking this as his text, Mr. Dingley showed con- 
clusively that the fiftieth congress (Democratic) did not appropri- 
ate enough by thirty-eight and one half million dollars for the ordi- 
nary expenses of the government, and that the fifty-first congress 
was obliged to make up this deficiency. The whole field of govern- 
ment appropriations and expenditures was analyzed, and a bright 
light thrown upon the true way of legislating for the benefit of a 
growing and progressive nation. He closed with these words : 
"Now, Mr. Chairman, in approaching the subject of appropriations, 
it seems to me that we ought to approach it as statesmen and pa- 
triots, and not with any low hustings motives. We are charged, 
with the best interests of the nation, and if we do not fulfill our 
trust, appropriating wisely where appropriation will be wise, I am 
sure that history will record that we have been faithless to the re- 
sponsibilities put upon us. Let us rise to the height of the occa- 
sion. Let us be statesmen in this matter and cease this bickering 
as to whether this congress or that congress has spent a dollar 
more or a dollar less than some other. There must necessarily be 
variations in appropriations from year to year. I take it that one 
side of this house is as desirous of avoiding improper appropria- 
tions as the other side. It is not a partisan question. Let us strip 
it of partisanship and approach this subject in the spirit in which it 
should be considered, for I am sure. Mr. Chairman, that if we do so 
we shall cease such unprofitable criticism as has already been made 
on this and that item, and shall be willing to vote for a reasonable 
sum for the protection and the promotion of the interests of this 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 347 

nation, and the greatest nation npon the face of the earth, a nation 
that in the hfetime of some gentlemen on this floor, is to number a 
population of more than one hundred millions of people ; a nation 
Ihat stands for all that is noble, for all that relates to the advance- 
ment of human liberty ; a nation that is the hope of the world." 

This lofty sentiment was greeted with prolonged applause. It 
was a kind rebuke to the critics on the Democratic side, none of 
whom repHed. This speech was liberally used as a campaign docu- 
ment by the Republican national committee. 

Mr. Dingley, on his sixtieth birthday (February 15), recorded in 
his diary : 'T can hardly realize it, for I seem as lithe and young as 
I did thirty years ago. The fact remains, however, that I am pass- 
ing the milestone." March 6, he presided and spoke at the Con- 
gregational Temperance society anniversary in Washington. He 
was re-elected president. 

As the business of the house progressed, the quarrel between 
the two factions of the Democratic party became more evident. On 
the eighteenth of February Mr. Bland undertook to crush Mr. 
Harter of Ohio, a Cleveland champion, and an opponent of free sil- 
ver. The latter in a circular letter to commanders of Grand Army 
posts, denounced the free and unlimited coinage of silver, as injuri- 
ous to all veteran soldiers drawing pensions. The debate between 
Bland and Harter was sharp and at times acrimonious, much to the 
amusement of the Republicans. The Democratic party was dis- 
comfited by the frequent factional controversies in the house, and 
was further weakened by the decision of the United States 
supreme court on the last day of February, sustaining the counting 
of a quorum by Speaker Reed in the fifty-first congress and sustain- 
ing the constitutionality of the McKinley tarilY act of 1890. The 
court unanimously decided, first, that the Dingley worsted act 
passed by the action of Speaker Reed in counting a quorumof 
members present but not voting, was enated by a legal quorum ; 
second, that the reciprocity act gave the executive no legislative 
power. 

The Democrats were making a political issue of appropriations, 
attempting to create the impression that they were economical and 
the Republicans extravagant. General appropriation bills were 
pared down in the house ; but it was observed that many Democrats 
(including Mr. Holman of Indiana") voted for appropriations for 
public buildings in their districts. The object of this was obvious. 
In order to bring these economical members from under cover, Mr. 
Dingley presented a resolution for reference, that "it is inexpedient 



34S LIFE AND TIMES OF 

at the present session, to appropriate money for public buildings 
that have been ordered, thus leaving these appropriations to be 
made next winter after the next presidential election, when the 
issue of appropriations and economy will no longer be a part of the 
Democratic program." The resolution was referred to a commit- 
tee and there suppressed. Mr. Dingley again called attention to the 
method pursued by the controlling party, when the District of 
Columbia bill was under consideration. He said that the economy 
proposed would simply cripple and retard public work in Washing- 
ton, and the next congress would be called upon to appropriate 
more money than usual to complete the work. 

Monday, March 7, was a field day in the house. The resolution 
reported by the committee on rules to set apart three days for the 
consideration of the free silver bill, was, after a sharp fight, adopted 
by a vote of 190 to 85. Thus completely was the house in the con- 
trol of the free silver Democrats. Many Republicans voted for the 
resolution feeling that this important matter should be met and de- 
cided at once. A consideration of the question would compel every 
member of the house to show his colors. Debate on the bill to admit 
silver to free and unlimited coinage at the ratio of 16 to i, began 
in the house March 22. Mr. Bland of Missouri opened the debate in 
a speech of great length. He argued in favor of the bill. The sil- 
ver question was exhausted as it was never exhausted before in de- 
bate. The discussion covered over two hundred pages of the con- 
gre.'^sional record. On the third day (March 24) Mr. Dingley spoke 
against the bill. ^ He closed with these words : 'Tn the interest of 
farmers and workingmen, in the interest of all classes, I appeal to 
this house to at once lay upon the table the pending bill, which is 
already creating business distrust and injuring the material inter- 
ests of the people, and thereby announce to the country that there 
is on further danger at present from mischievous schemes to depre- 
ciate the standard by which values are compared, and disorder the 
currency in which business is transacted." The battle waged far 
into the night. The sergeant-at-arms was called to preserve order 
and the excited members refused to take their seats. A call of the 
house was ordered but a quorum could not be mustered. Finally 
at *:hirty minutes past midnight, Mr. Bland, realizing that no busi- 
ness could be done, moved that the house adjourn. This was done 
and the bill thus failed to pass. There was great rejoicing among 
the opponents of the measure. 

/Vn analysis of the vote on this free silver coinage bill, showed 

1— See Appendix. 




JOHN D. LONO. A. J. HOPKINS. 
JOHN DALZELL. AMOS J. CUMMINGS. 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 349 

that 6t) per cent of the Democrats in the house and only fifteen 
per cent of the RepubHcans were in favor of the bill. In 
vievk of this fact it appears that the success of the Democratic party 
in the approaching campaign would mean free silver coinage. Not- 
withstanding the charge that it was Mr. Cleveland's influence that 
defeated this free silver coinage bill, nevertheless he was nominated 
by his party. But when elected, he refused to be guided by the 
views of the majority of his supporters on the money question, and 
was therefore practically driven out of his party as then constituted. 

Debate on the tariff began in the house March 9, on the bill to 
place wool on the free list and to reduce the duties on woolen 
goods. This bill was made a text for a violent attack on the Mc- 
Kiii'ey law and the whole system of pretection represented by the 
Republican party. Mr. McMillin of Tennessee opened the debate, 
making a strong plea for a low tariff and "a reduction of taxes." He 
closed w-ith this challenge : "Let the battle wage, and the fiercer 
the better, until some recognition is given to the principle that 
taxes should be levied and collected for the support of the govern- 
ment rather than for the oppression of the many at the behest and 
tor the benefit of the few." 

Mr. Dingley was put forward by the Republicans to answer Mr. 
McMillin and to present the main argument ^ in defense of the Re- 
publican policy and the McKinley law. He began speaking at half 
past two in the afternoon and spoke for two hours. When a motion 
was made to adjourn there were cries of "Let him go on." But at 
his request, because he was fatigued, the house adjourned and he 
was given permission to complete his speech on the following day. 
He spoke for an hour the next day; and at the close there was pro- 
longed applause on both sides of the house. Throughout his re- 
marks lie was interrupted by members on the Democratic side. Mr. 
Bryan of Nebraska (a new member) plied frequent questions with a 
view of disconcerting Mr. Dingley, whereupon Mr. Johnson of In- 
diana sarcastically suggested that "the gentleman from Nebraska, 
on account of his being a new member and on account of his well 
known modesty and disposition to avoid being brought into undue 
prominence, be permitted to proceed with his argument and that 
the gentleman from Maine, who has been constantly interrupted, be 
required to sit down and give him a fair chance." This remarkable 
addiess of Mr. Dingley's was listened to attentively by the members 
on both sides of the house. It was like a great master instructing 
his pupils. The arguments were unanswerable and the facts undis- 

1 — See Appendix. 



350 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

putable. His vast store of information armed him completely for 
the struggle with the leaders on the Democratic side who re- 
peatedly sought to ensnare him. He closed with these words: "I 
ask gentlemen to bear in mind that this country, under the policy 
of protection, has become the largest agricultural, the largest 
manufacturing, the largest mining, and the most prosperous 
country on the face of the earth. What has been accomplished in 
the past under this policy invites its continuance for the future. 
Let us be true to that policy which has carried the nation to such 
a height of prosperity." This was pronounced the ablest tariflE 
speech in favor of protection delivered in the house during that ses- 
sion. Millions of copies were sent into the several states by the 
Republican national committee. The speech met with universal 
praise and commendation. Mr. Turner of Georgia followed Mr. 
Dingley, and in the course of his speech said: "I commend the 
great tact, judgment and discretion which the gentlemen on my 
right have shown in selecting the able and distinguished gentleman 
to open the debate for that side. He has a training in economic 
education unsurpassed by that of any other man in his party. In 
the school of protection he is not only a graduate, but without 
meaning any disparagement of his political associates here, he has 
among them no superior." 

March sixteenth Air. Bryan of Nebraska made an elaborate 
speech in favor of the bill and against the protective tariff policy. 
He closed with these words: "If it (the Democratic party) comes 
into power in all of the departments of this government it will not 
destroy industry ; it will not injure labor ; but it will save to the men 
who produce the wealth of the country a larger portion of that 
wealth. It will bring prosperity and joy and happiness, not to a 
few, but to everyone without regard to station or condition." Sub- 
sequent history, however, proved that Mr. Bryan was not a true 
prophet. This speech called public attention to the member from 
Nebraska and helped to make him the presidential nominee of the 
Democratic party in 1896. 

April 26, Mr. Dingley was unanimously renominated for rep- 
resentative in congress by the Republicans of his district. The con- 
vention tendered its thanks to Mr. Dingley "for the fidelity and abil- 
ity with which he had represented the interests of the people of his 
district, and for his very effective opposition to the Democratic 
plans on the one hand to deprive the farmers of Maine and of the 
country of the protection so long and justly accorded to so im- 
portant a farm product as wool, and on the other hand to destroy 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 3SI 

so important an industry and instrument of national defense as 
ship building by admitting all foreign built vessels to an American 
registry free of duty." 

On the tenth of May the house discussed the sundry civil appro- 
priation bill, and Mr. Dingley spoke briefly ^ relative to the cam- 
paign cry, "a billion dollar congress," raised by the Democrats, 
showing conclusively that there was nothing in it. He presented 
the official figures showing that the apparent expenditures, includ- 
ing the interest on the war debt, were three hundred and fifty-five 
million dollars in 1891 and three hundred and forty-five million dol- 
lars in 1892 — seven hundred millions for the two years — three hun- 
dred millions less than a billion. 

Late in May, the American Home Missionary society held its 
sixty-sixth annual meeting in Washington. Mr. Dingley pre- 
sided until General O. O. Howard was elected president on the 
closing night. 

March 18 and 19 while the sundry civil bill was under discus- 
sion, the silver leaders sought to have a free silver coinage amend ■ 
ment attached. Mr. Dingley made a point of order against the 
amendment, which the chairman sustained. Mr. Bland appealed, 
but the committee of the whole sustained the chair. This ended 
all attempts at this session to pass a free silver coinage bill through 
the house. June 22, he spoke briefly on the general deficiency ap- 
propriation bill. On the following day he went to New York, 
thence to New Haven where one of his son-s graduated from Yale 
university. June 28 he reached Lewiston and on the following day 
was at his island home. Here he was joined by his wife, children 
and grandchildren ; and once more the happy family reunion filled 
his heart with joy. Here he obtained perfect rest. 

Grover Cleveland was nominated for president by the national 
Democratic party after a prolonged fight. He was opposed to the 
attitude of a majority of his party on the silver question ; but the in- 
consistency w'as partly concealed by the adoption of a platform 
that straddled the money question, by declaring for the use of both 
gold and silver as the standard money of the country, "but the dollar 
unit of coinage of both metals must be of equal intrinsic and ex- 
changeable value." The Democratic party seemed to occupy sub- 
stantially the same position that the Republican party occupied on 
the money question, both declaring that the free coinage of silver 
was impossible except by international agreement. But less than 
a month after the adoption of this platform, on the first day of July, 

1 — See Appendix. 



352 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

every Democrat in the senate but seven united with eleven Repub- 
lican senators from the silver producing states, and passed a free 
silver coinage bill by a vote of 29 to 25. Thus a majority of the 
Democrats of both houses stood squarely against the declaration of 
the Democratic national platform. 

July 8, Mr. Dingley left Squirrel Island for Washington, reach- 
ing there the following day. Four days later the house by a vote 
of 136 to 154, refused to adopt a rule for the consideration of the 
senate free silver bill. This ended all possibiHty of free silver coin- 
age legislation at this session of congress. Of the one hundred 
and thirty-six votes for the bill, 130 were Democrats and six were 
Republicans. 

July 19. the house on motion of Mr. Dingley, concurred in the 
senate amendment to the sundry civil appropriation bill, appropri- 
ating money to the World's Columbian exposition, closing the ex- 
position on Sundays. On the previous day Mr. Dingley had ad- 
dressed the house ^ on the World's exposition, the importance of 
closing it on Sundays, and of excluding the liquor traffic from the 
e.xposition grounds. For a day the majority leaders filibustered 
over the bill and finally, on the 27th of July, it passed the 
house. The sundry civil bill, the last, was passed August 5, 
and at 1 1 o'clock at night the first session of the fifty- 
second congress came to an end. With a two-thirds majority in 
the house, the controlling party failed to enact any import- 
ant legislation outside of the appropriation bills. Mr. Dingley's 
work throughout the session was necessarily largely of a negative 
kind, except that portion devoted to the appropriation bills. Here 
he won a reputation for accuracy and detail second to none in the 
house. His speeches, moreover, furnished the Republicans with a 
large amount of valuable matter for campaign purposes. Finally, 
he served his country well by ably assisting in the defeat of free 
coinage and the free admission of wool. 

August 7 Mr. Dingley left Washington for his island home, 
reaching there on the 9th. On the i6th he entered the state cam- 
paign, speaking nearly every night until election day September 12. 
The Republicans carried the state by 12,000 and Mr. Dingley was 
re-elected to congress by three thousand seven hundred plurality, 
running three hundred ahead of the state ticket. One of the promi- 
nent speakers in this state campaign was William McKinley of 
Ohio. He spent a night in Lewiston. Maine, and was entertained 
by Mrs. Dinglej and her family, Mr. Dingley being away on a 

1 — See Appendix. 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 353 

stumping tour. At tea, the conversation naturally drifted to poli- 
tics and the approaching- national campaign. Mrs. Dingley 
ventured to remark to Mr. McKinley : "Mr. Dingley says, Mr. Mc- 
Kinley, that he would give more for your chances of securing the 
presidential nomination four years hence than for the chances of 
any other man." Mr. McKinley smiled in his characteristic way, 
sipped his tea and replied diplomatically: "Mr. Dingley would 
make a capital secretary of the treasury ; and if I am ever president 
I will urge him to accept that place." Subsequent events proved 
Mr. Dingley's foresight to be prophetic; and Mr. McKinley kept 
his word. 

On Friday following election, Mr. Dingley in company with 
one of his sons spent a week in Rangely lakes fishing and hunting. 
One night they camped out in the forest sleeping on fir boughs, 
with a big fire at their feet. He wrote in his diary: "The screech 
owls made unearthly noises at intervals through the night. It was 
a wild and weird scene. For breakfast we had coffee and bread 
with fried pork, using a log for a table." October 3 in company 
with his family he went to New York, remaining there until the 
6th. From this place he started on a stumping tour through New 
York state. He spoke at Watkins. Owego, Moravia, Auburn, 
Geneva, Charlotte, Medina, and Lockport. At every place he 
was greeted with immense crowds. He joined his family in New 
York city October 14, remaining there two days. October 17 and 
18 he visited a son in Michigan, going to Chicago the following 
day. Here in company with his wife he visited the Columbian ex- 
position. As a member of the World's Fair committee he was 
given a position of honor in the grand procession October 21. On 
the 24th he returned to New York city going thence to Middle- 
town, Conn., where he addressed a political meeting. He made 
political addresses at Concord and Manchester, N. H., and reached 
his home in Lewiston October 29th. His bronchial affection and 
throat trouble annoyed him exceedingly and for several days he 
was confined to the house. 

The presidential campaign of 1892 was a hard fought battle. 
Every means was employed to get out the voter; but President 
Harrison was defeated and Grover Cleveland elected. The solid 
south and the so-called independent or "mug\vump" vote accom- 
plished this result. Five northern states — New York, New Jersey, 
Connecticut, Indiana and Illinois — went Democratic. Mr. Ding- 
ley said the day after election : "While I believe that this country 
is so great and has such recuperative powers that it will prosper to 



354 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

a certain extent under any policy however unwise, yet we cannot 
but feel that the placing of the Democratic party in power under 
the reactionary tendencies of the controlling elements of that 
party located in the south, will be deeply regretted by the American 
people before the four years are past. If the victory of the Demo- 
cracy now shall result in giving the Democrats control of the sen- 
ate, the thousands of voters who have supported Cleveland but who 
have no faith in his party, will have a rude awakening from their 
dreams of confidence. The one thing, however, which has had the 
most to do with placing the Democratic party in power again, is 
the glamor which in so many minds hangs around Mr. Cleveland 
because it is thought that he is so much better than his party. If 
the country could see for two years the Democratic tarilY policy 
and the Democratic financial policy — that which the majority and 
controlling wing of the party believes in. practically applied before 
1896, we should have such a Republican victory at that time as has 
not been known for twenty years." This was true political proph- 
ecy. He added: "The stern fact stares us in the face that England's 
rejoicing over a policy which compels us to give up manufacturing 
industries here and to transfer them to Great Britain, may be in or- 
der for her ; but it ought to put us to shame that we contemplate 
surrendering what legitimately and properly belongs to our own 
people — what used by us will in the end accomplish the most for 
mankind, on the false and unchristian theory that it is the duty of 
a nation to take care first of other nations in the hope that they will 
turn around and take care of ourselves. That nation does most for 
mankind, just as that family does the most for society, that first of 
;.ll looks to making the most of its own." 

The election of Mr. Cleveland was accomplished largely by the 
cry that the rich were growing richer and the poor poorer. An ap- 
peal was made to every person who felt that he did not have his 
share of the world's riches. It was promised that in some myster- 
ious way. if the Democrats were placed in power, poverty would 
disappear and all would be prosperous and happy. Mr. Cleveland 
said in his letter of acceptance : "The workingman, suffering from 
the importation and employment of pauper labor, instigated by his 
friends, seeking security for his interests in organized co-operation, 
still waits for a division of the advantages secured by his employer 
imder the cover of a generous solicitude for his wages." This was 
a direct appeal to the labor vote, and that vote went largely to Mr. 
Cleveland and assisted materially in his election. But as Mr. Blaine 
said, soon after the election: "The Democratic policy will be 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 355 

judged solely by its fruits. If the poor do not become richer and 
the rich less selfish, Mr. Cleveland's theories will be a failure, and 
the Democratic campaign a fraud." 

Another Thanksgiving with its happy family reunion and long- 
ings for the absent ones, passed by ; and on the second of December 
Mr. Dingley was again at his post in Washington. Saturday night 
before congress met, he was joined by his devoted wife ; and be- 
fore the open fire in their comfortable rooms at the Hamilton 
house, they again took up the duties and pleasures of a Washing- 
ton winter. 

The second session of this congress was uneventful. Both 
political parties seemed to "rest on their oars" after the tremen- 
dous struggle of the previous campaign. Because of a decision on 
the part of the people in the November election to reverse the pol- 
icy of the government from protection to free trade or a tarifif 
for revenue only, it was a foregone conclusion that this change 
would be made ; and congress and the business world calmly 
awaited events. As President Harrison said in his message: "The 
friends of the protective system with undiminished confidence in 
the principles they have advocated, will await the results of the 
new experiment." He clearly prophesied the future when he said: 
"A general process of wage reduction cannot be contemplated by 
any patriotic citizen without the gravest apprehension." The mes- 
sage was received with almost universal approval by the RepubH- 
cans. 

The month of December passed quietly and rapidly. Practically 
nothing was done by congress and Mr. Dingley entered into the 
spirit of the holiday season with a portion of his family with him — 
wife, daughter and two sons. On the evening of the twenty-first he 
attended the annual banquet of the Congregational club on Fore- 
father's day, responding briefly to a toast. 

Congress reassembled January 4 and devoted the entire month 
of January to appropriation bills and a bill to repeal the silver act of 
1890, or the so-called Sherman act. Mr. Cleveland intimated that 
he would favor only those who voted for the repeal bill ; but the free 
silver faction openly declared that the bill would ne\er come to a 
vote in the house. They kept good their word. 

For more than two months, former Secretary Blaine had been 
confined to his house in Washington by illness. His condition was 
precarious and his family and friends realized that the great states- 
man was hovering between life and death. Public interest in his 
condition was manifest by the frequent inquiries made at his door. 



356 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

The country knew that the "Plumed Knight" whose personality 
was brilliantly stamped on the history of his country, was nearing 
the end. The street in front of the old Seward mansion, facing* 
Lafayette square was guarded ; pedestrians on the other side bowed 
their heads solemnly. In the very room where Secretary of State 
William H. Seward was struck by a would-be assassin on that fate- 
ful night of April 14, 1865, James G. Blaine was breathing his last. 
That great heart and mind, that man who was the idol of thousands 
of Americans, was listening to the last summons. Seven days after 
former President Hayes was laid to his rest at Fremont, Ohio, Jan- 
uary 2"], Mr. Blaine passed away. Tlie nation suffered a great 
loss and Mr. Dingley a personal bereavement. To "Mr. Blaine the 
statesman," Mr. Dingley paid this just and loving tribute : 

"So far as we have noted, but one newspaper, and that mug- 
wampian, continues to regard Mr. Blaine as a failure. A judgment 
of men which exaggerates their shortcomings and underestimates 
their on-comings is not unusual ; but, fortunately, it is unusual to 
find cynicism pursuing its professional prejudice to the very gates 
of death. Washington, Hamilton, Jefferson, Webster, Clay, Cal- 
houn, Tilden, and other eminent statesmen, had their bitter critics 
in life, but discriminating and kindly judgment in death. All had 
their faults, but the country today would be poorer had it been 
without great party leaders whose talents and virtues the world 
gladly and dutifully makes more conspicuous than those undis- 
guised shortcomings which political complacency can see in others 
but which it is incapable of discovering where candor should be at 
home. 

"We now see not at all, or but casually, the aristocratic spirit of 
Washington, the dogmatism of Hamilton, the compromises in the 
character of the statesman of the pro-slavery epoch. The angular- 
ity and apparent want of seriousness in Lincoln, satirized and bur- 
lesqued while he lived, now are seen to be the fascination and sup- 
port of his life. We see the greatness of these heroes as we see 
Shakespeare's greatness even while he s violating the law or fool- 
ing with the gospel. There are always sides of failure in all great 
success, whether at Austerlitz or at Washington , but we believe 
that the judgment of future candor will pronounce James G. Blaine 
to be one of the few political geniuses of the \merican r-^- " in the 
nineteenth century. 

"Mr. Blaine possessed not only fine forecast but fine creative 
gifts. He was the first public man in this country to divine the so- 
cial secret of the southern question. He first philosophically an- 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 357 

alyzed the grievance of American labor, wliich lies south of the 
Ohio river — tolerated, like the evils of the grog shop, simply be- 
cause they seem to be in the order of nature. He was the first to 
discern the perils of importing low standards of life — the crux of 
the immigration question — and, as secretary of state, he made it 
the subject of a special investigation which was the basis of our 
present restrictive legislation. Long before the average mind had 
discovered the protective harmony possible between free trade and 
fair trade, Mr. Blaine threw his mighty influence for the measures 
which dovetail American protection with the development of our 
foreign commerce. The social and economic issues of the time, 
whether absolutely domestic or relatively international, Mr. Blaine 
forecasted with the prophetic insight which characterizes states- 
manship and which prevents rather than arrests social disaster. 
They called him a Jingo, but in the of^ce of secretary of state Mr. 
Blaine did as much for international courtesy as he did for inter- 
national enterprise. It is perhaps not too much to say that in do- 
ing the work of half a dozen men as premier, he hastened the sad 
physical crisis through which he is now passing. 

"Mr. Blaine was as cosmopolitan in his intellect as in his heart. 
His speeches were safely capable of transmission to cold type. 
They read well. His incisive english is the vehicle of ripe thought 
Whether he wrote of 'Twenty Years of Congress' or helped to 
create Twenty Years in Congress, his genius shone as bright in 
what he said as in what he did. He had the horizons of history be- 
fore him, whether he handled the pen or the voice of which he was 
master. His cyclopedec acquaintance with American politics and 
with the origins of our government, was not the result of cyclo- 
pedic labor, but the life of our history was in his fibre. Hence, when 
there were lances to be broken in debate, prodigies of intellectual 
grasp, of historic resources and of emotional fire were the normal 
consequence. A memory which was a phenomenon, ransacked the 
uttermost corners of all Anglo-Saxon politics for precedents and 
sought out universal man in universal history for illustration and 
citation. And, thus, this man seemed to be stored not only with 
apt recollections of the dead of the historic world, but with the 
ability to resuscitate and rally the world of yesterday to do battle 
for the world of today. None who have heard Blaine in the heat of 
debate, but have marveled at the wonderful balance maintained be- 
tween the precision of his head and the fire of his heart. There is 
plenty of heat in the world and plenty of rendered reasons, but it 
is the man who can fuse without confusing, always impressing you 



358 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

tliat, splendid as is his power, he has not found it necessary to bring 
out his reserves— that man is master of the situation in first being 
master of himself. ^Yhen you can make men believe that success in 
debate, on the platform, in statesmanship, in diplomacy and in lit- 
erature, is failure, then you can successfully write Blaine into 
oblivion. 

"We are all failures in some respects. Mr. Blaine is a Titan 
and a man— and saying that is saying that he is not perfect, not all 
fwe may safely assume) that he wanted to be, and, for that mat- 
ter, none but the mugwumps of our degeneration, reach their 
ideals. But as for the dominant purpose of his life, Mr. Blaine is 
right. In his domestic, social and personal relationships the blue- 
fires of hostility found only what was wholesome. His large, mag- 
nanimous nature made him incapable of grudging. He neither har- 
bored animosity nor anchored intolerance. He could see good 
even on the wrong side ; he was thus able to put himself in the place 
of men dissentient in religion and in politics. Protestant or Catho- 
lic, he is large enough to see the man. He has the habit of concilia- 
tion, but this talent for peace is such as endows the greatest men 
for necessary war. He is a man of that unique quality of head and 
heart which never sulks in tents, which will go half way and, fail- 
ing, will go yet a little further. To call such a life a failure, is to 
aggrandize the trifles and forget the man. 

"We write these words not because we worship heroes, but be- 
cause we recognize the fact that men are not alike and that there 
are giants in these days — men, like Gladstone and Blaine, who, for 
two generations in our time, have led great parliamentary battles 
and great popular movements, — men who in deed and in word re- 
veal the genius of leadership, that rare co-ordination of sympa- 
thetic and intellectual forces, which expresses just what the people 
are groping for and just what they want tangibly embodied and 
effectively declared. 

"And now, while this eminent leader of political thought and life 
in the last half of the nineteenth century, lies calmly waiting the 
summons of his Master to another life, we rejoice in the fact that 
while no life is ideal, death which is realization, blots out prejudice, 
misjudgment and party strife, and leaves the hero while removing 
the man." 

]\Ir. Dingley also contributed an article ^ to the New York Inde- 
pendent of February 2, 1803. on his recollections and estimate of 
Mr. Blaine. Of this article the Independent said : "No article that 

1 — See Appendix. 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 359 

will be written about Mr. Blaine will be read with more satisfaction 
than this interesting and valuable sketch from Mr. Dingley's prac- 
ticed pen." ^ 

The house began consideration of the legislative appropriation 
bill February 7. Mr. Dingley spoke " in explanation of the bill and 
the appropriations made by the fifty-second congress. February 
14 the pension appropriation bill was under discussion and Mr. 
Dingley addressed " the house on pension legislation. In speaking 
of the nation's duty to the soldiers he said : "The nation which has 
been saved by such devotion deserves to live no longer if it fails, 
not as an act of charity, but as an act of grateful recognition, aye, 
as an act of justice, to make good so far as pensions can do this, the 
impairment of limb, health, or vigor, which has been the direct or 
indirect result of service for the nation. And the measure of such 
pensions is very different in a nation like ours, which relies on its 
citizens to volunteer in the hour of need, from what it is in the 
case of a nation which maintains a large regular army for its de- 
fence." 

The fight in the house over the pension bill was a part of the 
program laid down by Mr. Cleveland and his friends. It was pro- 
posed to transfer the pension bureau to the war department, to re- 
duce the boards of surgeons to one member, to pay all pensioners 
from Washington, and to amend the act of 1890 so as to give no 
pensions to soldiers under the act unless entirely disabled from 
manual labor. Mr. Dingley successfully led the opposition to these 
assaults. This move on the part of the Cleveland Democrats 
against the old soldiers created an impression that the raid would 
be renewed at the next session. One thing that greatly weakened 
the attack at this time was the effective manner in which Mr. Ding- 
ley arraigned the southern leaders for denouncing the pensioning 
of union soldiers' for disabilities not proven to have originated in 
the service, when every one of these southern men voted several 
years before to pension even more liberally, Mexican soldiers for 
exactly similar disabilities. 

1 — Walter Wellman, the Washington correspondent, wrote in November, 1S96: 
"Mr. Dingley has been fortunate in his friendships. For more than a quarter of a 
century he and Mr. Blaine were near to one another. Mr. Blaine set so higli an 
estimate upon the sagacity of Mr. Dingley that he never took an important step 
in politics or public life without first talking with the modest editor from Lewis- 
ton. Mr. Dingley was his mentor. Other men had the reputation of being nearer 
to him. They cared more for publicity. They loved more to bask in the sun- 
shine of that splendid presence. But under the surface, in the background, was 
this well balanced, thoughtful, logical journalist and congressman, to whom Mr. 
Blaine always turned with his greatest perplexities and greatest secrets. 'Mr. 
Blaine was one of the greatest men the world ever knew,' says Gov. Dingley. 
'He was a full man as Shakespeare put it.' " 

2 — See Appendix. 



36o LIFE AND TIMES OF 

On the evening of February 14 he attended the annual dinner of 
the Washington alumni of Bowdoin college and made an address. 

The closing days of the fifty-second congress were full of hard 
work by Mr. Dingley on the appropriation bills. He was up all 
night before the last day, and at noon on the fourth of March, wit- 
nessed with tired eyes and wearied brain, the inauguration of Presi- 
dent Cleveland. A brilliant procession of forty thousand men 
marched through the snow and sleet ; at the appointed hour the 
oath of ofifice was administered to the new president and vice presi- 
dent ; and the change of administration commanded by the people, 
began. The epoch upon which the country was now entering was 
important because of the gravity of the financial and economic 
problems to be solved in the face of changed political and industrial 
conditions. 

President Cleveland's inaugural address advocated a sound and 
stable currency and said that "the verdict of the voters which con- 
demned the injustice of maintaining protection for protection's 
sake, enjoins upon the people's servants the duty of exposing and 
destroying the most of the kindred evils which are the unwhole- 
some progeny of paternalism." Referring to the decree of the peo- 
ple in favor of tariff reform, the president said : "Our task must be 
undertaken wisely and without vindictiveness. Our mission is not 
punishment but rectification of wrong." 

Of President Cleveland's inaugural, Mr. Dingley said: "Mr. 
Cleveland's platform sweeps from the horizon all forms of protec- 
tive legislation. Pensions, tariffs, reciprocity, liberal mail pay to 
shipping and all that, Mr. Cleveland thinks smacks of paternalism. 
He forgets that the great movement of modern legislation in 
Europe as well as in Australia and the new world, is towards econ- 
omic justice — that is, toward the protection which he stigmatizes as 
paternalism. No student of modern society is blind to this move- 
ment ; no observer of that society fails to see in that movement the 
emergency of a new science of political economy to which import- 
ant legislation is fast becoming responsive. The old political econ- 
omy is avoided in the advanced schools, and is notably being side- 
tracked by the tendencies even of English law. The old econo- 
mists were sure of their facts and drew formidable conclusions 
therefrom — but they forgot man. Human nature is the overlooked 
factor of Mr. Cleveland's system of political thought. But human 
nature, which is but slowly modified, must ever be reckoned with, 
and when in fighting paternalism in government, a party forgets 
fraternalism as a factor in legislation as do Mr. Cleveland and his 



NELSOX DINGLEY JR. 361 

followers in contesting the present economic policy of the Repub- 
lican party, we beg to predict that before he runs his race he will 
encounter obstacles in the nature of things which at present he 
seems to be unable to forsee and unwilling to forebode." 

Immediately after the adjournment of congress, Mr. Dingley 
in company with his wife, daughter and two sons, sailed for Europe. 
They departed from New York March 7, visiting many points iit 
England, Scotland, France, Germany, Switzerland and Italy. This 
trip was taken entirely for his health. When in London Mr. Ding- 
ley, through the courtesy of Minister Lincoln, was enabled to hear 
the closing debates on the Home Rule bill in the house of com- 
mons. He wrote home his impressions of that debate as follows: 
"During the brief replies of ministers to inquiries, I had the oppor- 
tunity of hearing Gladstone, who seemed but little older than he did 
when I heard him fourteen years ago — the most remarkable states- 
man of 84 years now living; Morley, who looks more like a dissent- 
ing minister than a prominent political leader; Asquith, who has a 
scholarly, classical face ; Chamberlain, who is a born controversial- 
ist ; and Balfour, who leads the Tories in the house, but does not 
impress me as a man of weight. * * * At five o'clock the 
speaker in a squeaking voice that could not have been heard ten 
feet in our huge and noisy house hall, announced that the home rule 
debate would be resumed. 

"Thereupon Mr. William Sexton, the Irish leader, who had 
been selected to speak for the Irish NationaHsts, was recognized 
and began a very interesting, eloquent and effective speech for 
home rule in Ireland. Sexton speaks like a member of our house — 
without hesitation, direct and in words enunciated with distinct- 
ness. This is in marked contrast with the hesitating, shuffling, in- 
coherent style of speaking of most of the English members — Glad- 
stone excepted. As Sexton proceeded he paid his respects to Bal- 
four, and the Tory leader attempted to reply, but proved no match 
for Sexton. Then Sexton turned to Chamberlain and worsted him 
most effectually in a brief controversy. Sexton's tribute to Glad- 
stone v.-as most eloquent and touching and called forth a perfect 
storm of 'hear, hear,' (the English method of cheering) from the 
Irish members. Sexton spoke for two hours and the hall was 
crowded in every part with intent listeners. 

"Gladstone paid Sexton strict attention, and seemed delighted 
with every word. Balfour sat with his hat drawn over his eyes (for 
in parliament members sit with their hats on), twisting from side to 
side as Sexton impaled him. Chamberlain stood it as long as he 



362 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

could and then walked out. And yet Sexton's manner was as quiet 
as though he was telling a good story to his friends, his voice clear 
and conversational and his gestures few and simple. He is ac- 
counted one of the best speakers in the commons and this speech, 
which continued for two hours, and was received now with cheers 
and now with roars of laughter, fully sustained his reputation. 

"As soon as Sexton concluded, the Tories put forward an Ulster 
member to reply, but his speech fell flat and emptied the house. 
Even Balfour could not stem the tide, although he pictured lugu- 
briously the ruin that would follow (as he said) home rule, which is 
simply granting to Ireland the same measure of local rule in do- 
mestic matters that the people of each of our states have. 

"After a recess of half an hour for dinner, the commons re- 
sumed and John Morley summed up the case for the government. 
Morley is a very poor speaker, but nevertheless the matter of his 
speech was very able and effective. 

"After a brief attack on home rule by Lord Randolph Churchill, 
whose reputation as a speaker is due to his rollicking and sensa- 
tional manner ; and a brief concluding speech by Gladstone, who al- 
ways speaks ably and eloquently, the commons divided, and the 
home rule bill was passed to a second reading by 43 majority. The 
Irish members on the announcement of the result rose as one man 
and united in most tremendous cheers that fairly shook the old hall, 
while the Liberals generally were jubilant. The Tories or Union- 
ists (as they now call themselves) sat in gloomy silence, merely 
pointing across the hall to the house of lords, which is expected to 
defeat the bill. It was the conclusion of a great debate of a great 
cause that is destined to become historical. 

"There is one advantage that the house of commons has over 
our house, and this is that it sits in a much smaller hall with so 
small a body of visitors in the galleries that no confusion arises ; and 
consequently the hall is quiet always and every speaker can be 
heard. It is only occasionally that our house becomes so quiet that 
every word can be distinctly heard. Ordinarily only a few members 
with stentorian \oices can be heard in our representatives' hall — 
a fact which makes genuine deliate much more rare than it should 
be." 

He reached New York on his return from Europe July 22, and 
on the following Monday was once more at his home in Lewiston, 
refreshed and imigoratcd by his sojourn abroad. He secured a 
few days rest at his summer home where with his children and 
grandchildren he enjoyed the happiest moments of his life. August 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 363 

4, four generations of Dingley's in the male line direct — great 
grandfatlier, grandfather, father and son — sat about the family 
board at this island home. It was a memorable day — one to whicli 
all the members of the family frequently referred. Mr. Dingley's 
father was 84 years old, vigorous in mind and body. By the blazing 
fire at this summer home the grandfather related to the family cir- 
cle in his quaint and dry way, stories of his early experiences. His 
greatgrandson and greatgranddaughter, sat on his knees hours at 
a time listening to his inimitable tales. Oh the sweet memory of 
those happy days ! 



CHAPTER XIX. 
1893-1895. 

For three months succeeding the inauguration of President 
Cleveland March 4, 1893, ^'^^ business of the country was demor- 
alized. A money panic seized the financial world. Mills and fac- 
tories were shut down and men thrown out of employment. Bank 
and commercial failures increased. So depressed was the iron and 
steel trade that every wire nail factory in the country shut down. 
The gold reserve declined, and the credit of the nation was im- 
paired. Alarmed over the situation. President Cleveland called 
congress together in extra session August 7. Mr. Dingley left 
Maine for Washington August 5, arriving there the following day. 
He took his old rooms at the Hamilton house. 

Monday, August 7, the fifty-third congress met in extraordi- 
nary session summoned by President Cleveland because "the dis- 
trust and apprehension concerning the financial situation, which 
pervade all business circles, have already caused great loss and 
damage to our people, and threatened to cripple our merchants, 
stop the wheels of manufacture, and bring distress and privation to 
our farmers and withhold from our workingmen the wage of labor." 
Mr. Crisp was elected speaker, receiving 214 votes to 122 for Mr 
Reed and 7 for Mr. Simpson. 

In this congress were many of the old leaders — Oates and 
Wheeler of Alabama ; Crisp and Turner of Georgia ; Hopkins, 
Springer and Cannon of Illinois ; Holman, Johnson and Bynum of 
Indiana; Henderson, Lacey, Hepburn and Dolliver of Iowa; Reed, 
Dingley, Milliken and Boutelle of Maine; Burrows of Michigan; 
Catchings of Mississippi; Hatch, Dockery, DeArmond and Bland 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 365 

of Missouri ; Bryan of Nebraska ; Fellows, Ray and Payne of New 
York ; Johnson of North Dakota ; Grosvenor and Outhwaite of 
Ohio; Bingham and Dalzell of Pennsylvania; McMillin and Rich- 
ardson of Tennessee ; Bailey and Sayers of Texas ; Wilson of West 
Virginia ; Babcock of Wisconsin. Among the new members who 
appeared in the house this session and who subsequently took 
prominent positions were : Cousins of Iowa, McCall of Massa- 
chusetts, Tawney and McCleary of Minnesota, Meiklejohn of Ne- 
braska, McDowell of Pennsylvania and Swanson of Virginia. 

Mr. Dingley was placed on the committees on appropriations, 
and coinage weights and measures. 

President Cleveland's message charged the unfortunate plight 
of the nation "to congressional legislation touching the purchase 
and coinage of silver by the general government." This legislation 
known as the Sherman act, he considered "a truce after a long 
struggle between the advocates of free silver coinage and those in- 
tending to be more conservative." The president recommended 
the prompt repeal of the provisions of the act of July 14, 1890, au- 
thorizing the purchase of silver bullion, "and that other legislative 
action may put beyond all doubt or mistake the intention and the 
ability of the government to fulfill its pecuniary obligations in 
money universally recognized by all civilized countries." 

In commenting on the causes of the financial panic, Mr. Ding- 
ley said: "The difliculties which surround the silver question have 
arisen from the decline of silver from its old price of a dollar and 
twenty-nine cents an ounce to its present price of about seventy 
cents per ounce. In 1890 the free silver coinage sentiment revived 
with such force, and received such support from more than three- 
fourths of the Democrats, as made it probable that witli the aid of 
a small body of Republican silver men, free coinage would be car- 
ried through the house, as it had been through the senate. In this 
situation, and to test the soundness of the view of the silver men 
that the use of the American product of silver as money would 
bring silver to par with gold, the Republicans, who then had a small 
majority in the two houses, passed a bill repealing the act of 1878 
and providing for the purchase at market rates of four and one half 
million ounces of silver per month — substantially the American 
product — and the issue of legal tender treasury notes for the pay- 
ment of the same. The failure of the international silver confer- 
ence of last winter (1892-3) and the act of 1890, caused a further 
decline in the price of silver and still the treasury was obliged to 
buy silver. But there would have been no trouble from silver pur- 



366 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

chases this year, if the Democratic majority in congress and Secre- 
tary Carhsle had not refused to take measures to protect our gold 
reserve. Before congress adjourned it was evident tliat the de- 
mand for gold in Europe would lead to calls on our reserve, which 
would be hable to cause distrust of our ability and disposition to 
maintain the parity of our currency with gold unless measures were 
taken to assure the country and the world that we proposed to keep 
up the hundred million gold reserve. Accordingly, after consulta- 
tion with Secretary Carlisle, who, it was known, was to be secretary 
of the treasury, after March 4, Mr. Sherman introduced and se- 
cured the adoption by the senate of an amendment to the sundry 
civil bill authorizing the secretary to sell bonds to purchase gold to 
maintain the redemption fund. Mr. Sherman and others believed 
that the resumption act of 1875 already authorized this, but he 
thought that a new declaration by congress would have a great 
moral effect abroad as well as here in maintaining confidence, and 
would probably render it unnecessary to sell any bonds for this pur- 
pose. The bill as amended went back to the house, when Bland led 
off in a fierce assault on this amendment, accompanied with a de- 
claration that silver redemption was sufficient. His assault fright- 
ened Carlisle, and at his request the amendment was dropped, and 
the foundation laid for the monetary distrust which showed itself 
soon after, and began to add to the industrial difficulties by threat- 
ened tariff legislation. Even then, when the gold redemption fund 
fell below the hundred million limit, and a monetary panic was 
threatened, if Secretary Carlisle had promptly taken advantage of 
the act of 1873, and announced that the treasury would sell bonds 
if necessary to protect the gold reserve and maintain the parity of 
all our currency with gold, the distrust of our currency would 
speedily have disappeared. But instead of that. Secretary Carlisle 
hesitated, and soon announced that no bonds would be issued; and 
in an interview even intimated that silver redemption might be re- 
sorted to. This let loose the monetary storm to add new disturb- 
ances to our business already seriously crippled by threatened hos- 
tile tariff' legislation, and made the distrust of the future complete, 
when all that was wanted was such action as would strengthen 
rather than weaken confidence." 

It is now conceded that the political causes of the financial and 
industrial crisis of 1893 were the menace of free silver coinage and a 
low tariff policy. The manifest remedy was, first, currency reform, 
second, a continuance of the protective policy. The first was com- 
paratively easy to accomplish because it was known that President 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 367 

Cleveland would veto any free silver coinage bill ; but the second 
was not so easy to accomplish, for the president was a pronounced 
free trader and the protection Democrats were few. In reply to 
the query, "how shall the country get out of its present straights?" 
Mr. Dingley said: "First, repeal the silver purchase clause, sec- 
ond, resolve to let the tariff alone." 

The proposition to repeal the purchase clause of the act of 1890 
caused intense bitterness among the free silver Democrats ; and 
when on the nth of August the debate began on the bill, there were", 
prospects of a storni}^ time. Not since the anti-slavery days was 
there ever in tlie house such a conflict based on greed. The tem- 
perance of the language used by the free silver coinage leaders re- 
sembled that employed by the southern leaders in i860. The silver 
men on the floor were re-inforced by a strong lobby. It was a bat- 
tle royal, and the whole business world was alarmed. The nation 
was daily paying dearly for these financial heresies. An aggressive 
campaign of education was needed. 

Mr. Dingley was one of the men put forward by the sound 
money forces to stem the tide of free silver that threatened to de- 
feat the bill before the house and substitute a still more dangerous 
measure embodying the free coinage of silver. He addressed ^ the 
house at this critical juncture August 24. He talked for half an 
hour, entirely consuming his time whereupon Mr. Hulick of Ohio 
said: "Mr. Speaker, I would suggest that the time of the gentle- 
man be continued indefinitely so that the words of wisdom he is 
giving as can be heard by every member of the house." And his 
time was extended indefinitely. In forcible language he discussed 
the silver question, treating it historically, scientifically and practi- 
cally. The house gave him the closest attention conceding that his 
utterances were the fruit of years of careful study, reflection and ex- 
perience. The subject was handled by a master who knew what he 
was talking about. Nobody even questioned his statements. And 
when in closing he said, "Let me indulge the hope, Mr. Speaker, 
that whatever congress may do, it will first take care to make every 
dollar as good as gold ; and second, that not a dollar will be allowed 
to be issued by authority of any state, but all shall be issued under 
one uniform system and under the authority and control of the na- 
tion" — there was loud applause and manifestations of approval. It 
was a splendid effort. This speech was- also used as a campaign 
document. 

1 — See Appendix, 



368 LIFE AND TIAIES OF 

The house was crowded to the corridors and the lobbies August 
28, wlien the final vote on the repealing bill was taken. Bland of 
Missouri fought desperately for the free coinage of silver at any 
ratio from 16 to i to 20 to i, offering five different amendments to 
That efl'ect, and finally oft'ering the Bland-Allison act of 1878 as an 
amendment. But all amendments were voted down and the bill re- 
pealing the purchase clause of the act of 1890 passed by a vote of 
239 to 108. The announcement of the result was greeted with ap- 
plause on the floor and in the galleries. Thus President Cleveland 
scored his first point against his free silver party associates. 

Mr. Dingley took this opportunity, while the repealing bill was . 
in the senate, to seek a w'eek's rest at his home in Lewiston. Sep- 
tember 12 he was again at his post in Washington. Finding that 
the silver discussion was likely to continue in the senate for some 
time, Mr. Dingley started for Chicago September 16 where he 
joined his wife and three children. Here they visited the World's 
Fair, receiving much attention from the officials. He returned to 
Washington September 24 and found the house doing nothing. 
For two months the senate debated the silver purchase act. The 
advocates of free silver coinage sought to teach President Cleve- 
land that his word was not law in the senate ; and to that end of- 
fered a compromise bill whicli the house would not pass and which 
the president would not sign. A deadlock held the senate in a state 
of inactivity and thwarted the will of the majority. But on the 
thirtieth of October the repealing bill finally passed by a vote of 43 
to 32. On the first day of November the house agreed to the sen- 
ate amendments and the bill was passed. It went to the president 
and was immediately signed by him. Thus President Cleveland 
triumphed over the silver Democrats. It was a hard earned victory 
and widened the breach in the Democratic party. 

October 30 Mr. Dingley made an able address ^ in the house on 
bankruptcy legislation. Congress adjourned November 3 and the 
business world breathed easier. November 7 Mr. Dingley reached 
his home in Maine where he rested for three weeks. 

The Republican victories in Massachusetts, Iowa, New York, 
Pennsylvania and Ohio reassured the party that the people were 
ready for the restoration of the party of protection. Mr. McKin- 
ley's election to the office of governor of Ohio, was a distinct indi- 
cation of a change to the policy of protection which the Democrats 
nicknamed "McKinleyism." Of this significant result Mr. Dingley 
said : "To Maj. McKinley the victory comes as a personal indorse- 

1 — See Appendix. 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 369 

ment which puts him more prominently than ever before the Re- 
pubHcans of the country as one of the leaders from whom is to 
come the next RepubHcan nominee for the presidency." 

November 23 Mr. Dingley returned to Washington. Here he 
spent Thanksgiving day with his wife and two sons. 

President Cleveland's message was read in the house December 
4. This document defended the course of "special commissioner" 
Blount in Hawaii, urging congress to "resolutely turn away from 
alluring and temporary expedients, determined to be content with 
nothing less than a lasting and comprehensive financial plan." The 
president reiterated his pension policy saying that : "Thousands of 
neighborhoods have their well known fraudulent pensioners." The 
president urged upon congress strict economy because "a de- 
pleted treasury confronts us, and many of our people are engaged 
in a hard struggle for the necessities of life." 

The attitude of the president and Commissioner of Pensions 
Lochren, on the question of pensions, incensed the old soldiers 
throughout the land. The charges of fraud in the pension rolls was 
a serious reflection upon previous administrations. Accordingly 
when the commissioner appeared before the appropriation com- 
mittee asking for an increase from $200,000 to $500,000 in the ap- 
propriation for the expenses of pension examiners in the field, Mr. 
Dingley, a member of the committee, questioned the commissioner 
closely, bringing out the fact that the commissioner disclaimed the 
belief that there were wholesale and gigantic frauds in the pension 
rolls. December 18 when the pension provisions of the deficiency 
appropriation bill were in the house, Mr. Dingley spoke ^ at some 
length. He defended the acts of previous administrations and ob- 
jected to the wholesale charges of fraud that were being made as 
contrary to fact. 

When President Cleveland entered upon his duties, the senate 
had under consideration a treaty providing for the annexation of 
the Hawaiian islands to the territory of the United States. The 
president thought that great importance attached to this particular 
treaty of annexation "because it contemplated a departure from un- 
broken American tradition in providing for the addition to our ter- 
ritory of islands of the sea more than two thousand miles removed 
from our nearest coast." The president was suspicious of the 
treaty and withdrew it from the senate for examination. He sent 
James H. Blount of Georgia, a former member of congress, to Ha- 
waii to investigate the matter. The latter reported in substance 

1 — See Appendix. 



3/0 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

that the Hawaiian resolution of the previous January could not 
have been successful if United States Minister Stevens had not 
aided it. He recommended that the islands be turned back to the 
monarchy which existed "before the lawless landing of the United 
States forces at Honolulu," as the president said in his message of 
December i8. 

Mr. Dingley said : "The real question is whether or not this 
government shall now, after it and all other nations have for 
months recognized the provisional government, withdraw this rec- 
ognition and attempt either by word or physical power to restore 
the ex-queen to her throne. It is certainly most astonishing that 
an American administration should have busied itself in trying to 
discredit the public acts of an American minister which looked to 
the strengthening of the influence of this government in the 
Pacific, when no foreign power — not even Great Britain, which has 
for years sought to obtain a foothold in the Sandwich islands, and 
which would have been the first to remonstrate if we had over-! 
stepped the proper limits — has ever uttered a word of complaint." 

The Hawaiian message of December i8 was a remarkable docu- 
ment. It charged the previous administration and its representa- 
tives with wrong doing and misrepresentation. It advised con- 
gress that the treaty of annexation would not be sent back to the 
senate. It arrogated to the president a degree of executive power 
not contemplated hitherto. It antagonized both the senate and the 
house. Said Mr. Dingley: "The message presented the Hawaiian 
matter in a more astonishing situation than was supposed. By 
what authority the president without the authority of congress 
sent an agent not confirmed by the same, to Hawaii, accredited to a 
go\-ernment recognized by the United States, to endeavor to in- 
duce a subject of that government, to-wit, the ex-queen, to set up a 
rebellious government which in itself was practically an act of war 
on that recognized government, I should like to have some expla- 
nation." 

On the 2 1st of December congress adjourned to January 3. Mr. 
Dingley remained in \\'ashington durmg the entire holiday recess, 
devoting the most of his time to the preparation of speeches. On 
the night of December 23 the Hamilton house was discovered on 
fire. Mr. Dingley and his wife were on the point of retiring and esn 
caped from the building with difficulty. They hurried across Four- 
teenth street and secured rooms for the night at the Cochran hotel. 
It was a narrow escape for them both. , 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 37^ 

The Democratic members of the committee on ways and means, 
for months previous had been preparing "a tariff reform" bill along 
the lines laid down in the Democratic platform and in President 
Cleveland's message. The minority report, prepared by Mr. Reed, 
called the measure "another tariff-tinkering bill, the like of which 
lias disturbed the conditions of business so many times in the last 
thirty years." The business interests took alarm when the first 
draft of the Wilson bill was made public. Petitions from working- 
men against the passage of the bill were sent to the members of the 
ways and means committee. But the work of tariff reform pro- 
gressed ; and on the 8th of January Chairman Wilson of the ways 
and means committee, opened the debate on the ta^riff bill "to re- 
duce taxation and to provide revenue for the government and for 
other purposes." January 1 1 Mr. Dingley addressed ^ the house at^ 
some length on the threatened tariff revolution. His speech was 
able and exhaustive. It was the result of years of study and weeks 
of careful preparation. He predicted the loss of seventy-six million 
dollars in revenue, the loss of our home markets and the loss of 
wages. He pointed out the danger attending the Democratic free 
trade theories and warned the nation that a period of depression 
would follow the enactment into law of any such measure. Loud 
applause greeted him as he closed. It was a speech that added still 
more to his reputation as a tariff authority. January 17 he spoke ^ 
briefly in reply to Mr. Cockran of New York, taking for his special 
text the free trade theory that we should give up the manufacture 
in this country of all articles that can be manufactured cheaper 
abroad. He completely demoHshed this theory. His pivotal point 
which elicted enthusiastic applause from the Republican side of the 
house was that "if two hundred millions of goods that can be and 
should be made in this country,.are bought in Europe, such imports 
deprive American manufacturers of the sale of that amount of 
^oods and stop work just to that extent." On the i8th of January 
he spoke ^ briefly on "Free Wool," exposing the inconsistencies of 
the Democratic contentions. Mr. Dingley fought ^ hard against 
the proposition to place lime on the free list. He argued that 
American labor received the benefit of a protective duty on lime. 
Mr. Bryan of Nebraska, who was put forward to reply to Mr. Ding- 
ley, said that this country ought not to manufacture lime or any- 
thing else if it could be made cheaper in Canada. On the 22nd of 
January he spoke ^ briefly on the sugar schedule of the tariff bill.. 
January 25 he spoke ^ briefly, warning the Democratic party that 

1 — See Appendix. 



T,j2 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

when it completed the work of destroying American industries, it 
would hear from the countr_y in a way that could not be misunder- 
stood. 

After nearly four weeks of debate, on the first day of February, 
the Wilson tariff bill with an income tax amendment, passed the 
house by a vote of 204 to 140. Mr. Reed closed the debate for the 
Republicans, making a masterly speech. Chairman Wilson closed 
the debate for the Democrats. He secured a great ovation from 
his party associates. Cheer after cheer rang out, men threw hats 
and papers in the air and women waved their handkerchiefs. Wil- 
son was seized by his admirers and carried out on their shoulders 
to the committee room. Thus the mischievous Wilson tariff bill 
passed the house. 

Mr. Dingley's chief objection to the Wilson bill was the fact that 
under the cloak of "free raw materials," the bill in the main placed 
northern products on the free list and southern products on the 
protected list. 

Throughout this exciting debate Mr. Dingley was a master 
haml. Although not a member of the ways and means committee, 
he acquired a wide reputation in tariff matters by his service on the 
committee that framed the McKinley tariff of 1890, and was this 
year one of the leading Republican speakers in opposition to the 
Wilson bill. His strength was in general debate, in which he was 
conspicuous on account of his familiarity with public questions. -^ 

A thorough knowledge of parliamentary law and the rules of 
the house is necessary to carry through any measure that is skill- 
ftilly opposed. Mr. Dingley, through long experience, possessed 
this knowledge and was able to display his skill during the longfight 
over the tariff bill. A most interesting parliamentary battle took 
place in the committee of the whole, while the tariff bill was under 

1— In speaking of Mr. Dingley a Washington correspondent wrote: "He is 
full of statistics, logical and convincing: and is one of the few members who do 
not fear interruptions and unexpected questions, when speaking. He is spoken 
of as a constructive legislator, and is the author of numerous laws on the statute 
books. No one in the house watches the business more closely or exercises 
more influence. Former Governor Long recently said of Mr. Dingley: 'He is the 
best posted man in the house on tariff, financial and shipping subjects, and is re- 
garded as authority by both sides in these matters.' Mr. Dockery, one of the 
leading Democrats in the house, said: 'Mr. Dingley is the best legislator in the 
house.' '" 

1 — The New York Sun's Washington correspondent speaking of the tariff 
debate said: "Gov. Dingley of Maine is the one upon whom, when it comes to a 
question of fact, the Republican main reliance rests. Mr. Dingley knows the 
tariff question. Many persons think that he is the best informed man in the 
house on that subject. When he argues he cites an array of facts and figures 
that is staggering to his opponents. The Democrats realize that it is dangerous 
to trifle with him. Mr. Dingley never wastes any time. When he is not talking 
himself, or watching for his opponents to make an error of statement, he is 
writing or reading up on tariff matters." 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 373 

discussion. It was over the proposition of the committee on waya 
and means to extend tlie bonded period for the payment of the in- 
ternal revenne tax on whiskey, from three years to eight years. 
The whiskey syndicate was represented by a strong lobby. Mr. 
Dingley took charge of those opposed to the bonc.cd period, and 
led in the fight. After a sharp parliamentary strngglc to get recog- 
nition for offering amendments, Mr. Dingley was recognized to 
offer his amendment to strike out the eight years extension pro- 
vided by the bill, and leave the bonded period three years. After 
a spirited discussion, during which Mr. Dingley warded off a large 
number of amendments, and held the committee to his one motion, 
a vote was taken, and greatly to the surprise of the whiskey syndi- 
cate, Mr. Dingley's amendment was carried by 25 majority on a 
vote by tellers. Immediately there was a most vigorous fight 
opened on amendments by indirection to overcome the effect of 
Mr. Dingley's amendment already adopted. For over an hour the 
contest waged on points of order made by Mr. Dingley against 
every variety of amendment offered. It was a hard struggle and 
the chairman of the committee sustained every point made by Mr. 
Dingley, until finally the whiskey syndicate gave up in despair, and 
the victory was won so far as the house was concerned. 

Debate on the Hawaiian resolution censuring the United States 
minister for "aiding in overthrowing the constitutional government 
of the Hawaiian islands" was resumed in the house February 6. 
The resolution was fiercely assailed, and on the following day was 
adopted by the house by a narrow margin. The exciting incident 
attending this debate was the attack made on President Cleveland 
by Mr. Sickles, a Democratic member from New York. 

For nearly a month Mr. Dingley was confined to his rooms by 
a severe cold and bronchial afifection. March i he was well enough 
to resume his seat in the house and to vote against the Bland seig- 
niorage bill. For a long time the Democratic leaders were unable 
to secure a quorum and it was seriously contemplated to adopt the 
Reed method of counting a quorum. However, enough votes were 
finally summoned, and the bill, called by its opponents, "A bill to 
coin a vacuum," passed the house by a vote of 168 to 139. This bill 
passed the senate but was vetoed by the president. An attempt in 
the house to pass the bill over the president's veto failed — yeas 
144, nays 114, not voting 94. The necessary two-thirds could not 
be summoned. 

The veto of the seigniorage bill by President Cleveland was ex- 
pected, because a failure to veto it would have been in conflict with 



374 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

his good record on the question of sound money. President Cleve- 
land deserves great credit for following his convictions rather than 
politics. Mr. Dingley said : "The fact is this coinage of the seign- 
iorage as proposed, would be as dishonest as unwise. The Sher- 
man law expressly forbids the issue of any notes or silver 
dollars in excess of the cost of the silver bullion. Hence to issue 
notes or dollars that are not backed by bullion costing an ecjuiva- 
lent, is to violate the contract and command of law as well as to vio- 
late honest 'finance. To coin the difference between the value of 
the bullion and the 47 cent dollar token, is pure fiatism. What 
would Jefferson and Hamilton say to the proposal that the United 
States government having lost an enormous sum of money by buy- 
ing silver bullion on a falling market, and issuing notes against that 
bullion to the extent of the cost of such white metal, should pro- 
ceed to issuje 47 cent dollar tokens to the extent of its loss in the 
transaction, on the ground that by an act of the imagination this 
loss could be labeled 'seigniorage.' There was never so little in a 
name. Seigniorage is not the profit on token currency, otherwise 
we might issue paper money and regard the difference between the 
cost of paper and printing and the denomination of the note, as so 
much profit. When you can make a crowbar a toothpick by call- 
ing it a toothpick, then you may find reasons for coining a 
vacuum." 

April 5 Mr. Dingley spoke ^ in reply to Mr. Holman of Indiana 
on the appropriations of the fifty-first and fifty-second congresses. 
In the course of his remarks he paid a high compliment to Mr. 
Saj-ers, the chairman of the appropriations committee, who, he said, 
had not repeated the discreditable practice of playing politics with 
appropriation bills. 

Sometime previous, a commission consisting of Senators Cock- 
rell, Jones and Cullom and Representatives Dockery, Richardson 
and Dingley, was appointed to examine the laws of the executi\'e 
departments, with a view of improving the methods of public 
business. The commission reported March 29. Mr. Dingley of- 
fered a most comprehensive and important bill. He met all ob- 
jections urged against it, and demonstrated not only its practica- 
bility but the necessity of its adoption. Under his plan the govern- 
ment would save $200,000 a year by dispensing with 1 30 clerks and 
abolishing several offices. This bill passed tlie house May 2, after a 
short speech ^ of explanation by Mr. Dingley. 

1 — See Appendix. 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 375 

The Democratic majority in the house, was now convinced, after 
several days of fihbustering, that it was impossible to do busmess 
unless the members could be compelled to be present and vote. 
On the eleventh of April, a rule was introduced to fine absent and 
non-voting members. This was scornfully rejected, whereupon on 
the seventeenth of the month a complete surrender was made to 
the Reed method of counting a quorum, so bitterly denounced by 
the Democrats in the fifty-first congress. The new rule permitting 
the counting of a quorum was adopted by a vote of 213 to 47, — Q3 
not voting. Most of the Republicans voted for the rule amid great 
applause. 

April 19, while the consular and diplomatic bill was under dis- 
cussion, Mr. Dingley spoke ^ on the Hawaiian matter, defending 
the course of Former Minister Stevens, "a distinguished citizen of 
Maine." 

About this time the story was circulated that Mr. Dingley 
would be a candidate for Unites States senator against Senator 
Frye. Mr. Dingley said: "The suggestion or intimation is a pure 
invention. It is the duty and privilege of Maine to retain Senator 
Frye in the position which he fills with such ability and acceptance. 
I will not permit the use of my name against him." 

April 27 Mr. Dingley spoke ^ against the bill to relieve the heirs 
of one Dr. Nathan Fletcher for cotton said to have been taken 
during the civil war. He maintained that these cotton claims ought 
not to be given recognition by congress. 

On the first day of May the number of unemployed in the sev- 
eral states was larger than ever known. There was a widespread 
wave of discontent. Coxey's army, an aggregation of three hun- 
dred ragged, footsore commonwealers headed by one Coxey from 
Massilion, Ohio, marched to Washington and attempted to take 
possession of the capito! grounds. The spectacle of Coxeyism 
from any standpoint, was a national humiliation. It was the natural 
outgrowth of the policy which was being fostered by the party in 
power. 

The legislative appropriation bill precipitated several sharp dis- 
cussions relative to the accuracy of the report sent out by the agri- 
cultural department in the farmers' bulletins ; the appropriations 
made by Republican and Democratic congresses ; and the civil ser- 
vice. Mr. Dingley took an active part in this debate ; and on May 

1 — See Appendix. 



3/6 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

24, the bill passed, the attempt to cut out the appropriation for the 
civil service happily failing. 

June 5, Mr. Dingley for the seventh time was unanimously re- 
nominated for representative in congress by the Republicans of the 
second Maine district. The resolutions tendered to Mr. Dingley 
"our thanks for the marked fidelity and ability with which he has 
represented this district in the national house of representatives 
and especially for the great zeal, persistence and ability with which 
he has resisted the wanton attacks upon the industries of our coun- 
try by the Democratic tariff revisers in the present congress." 

May 26 debate on the bill to suspend the operation of the laws 
imposing a tax of ten per cent on notes issued by state banks, be- 
gan. Discussion continued until June 6, when Mr. Dingley closed 
the debate ^ speaking against the measure. He discussed the func- 
tion of banks in modern business, the objection to banks of issue, 
and the importance of having a national circulating medium .He 
disposed of the "centralization" and "monopoly" charge and de- 
fended ably the national bank system. He was warmly congratu- 
lated upon his effort. The bill was defeated. 

June 6 the members of his family in Washington left for Maine, 
leaving Mr. Dingley "lonesome and forlorn" as he wrote in his 
diary. A week later he received word that one of his sons was dan- 
gerously ill in Lewiston. He dropped all public business and hur- 
ried to the bedside of the sick one. His fears were well founded, 
and he saw his boy dangerously ill with pneumonia. While weighed 
down with anxiety and watching at the bedside of his boy, he re- 
ceived a letter, June 16, from President Tucker of Dartmouth col- 
lege that the degree of LL. D. would be conferred on him at the 
approaching commencement. For three days the anxious parents 
watched at the bedside of their loved one. The best of medical 
skill was employed and on the twentieth, Mr. Dingley recorded in 
his diary : "The case is grave and against him, yet there are some 
chances of recover}-. We are greatly shocked and cannot seem to 
have it so. But we keep courage and hope for the best, as there 
are some chances of our dear boy's recovery. Our prayers go up 
for his recovery !" The prayers were heard ; the crisis was passed 
and the son showed signs of rallying. The improvement was so 
great that on the 25th of June Mr. Dingley left for Dartmouth col- 
lege. The following day he delivered the alumni oration on "The 
Scholar and Politics." ^ He was warmly congratulated. On the 
following day he received the honorary degree of LL. D. 

1 — See Appendix. 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 377 

The succeeding six weeks were full of mingled pleasure and 
anxiety for ]\lr. Dingley. His sick son recovered all too slowly; 
and father and son went to Rangely lakes to rest and recuperate. 
It was not until August 8 that he resumed his seat in the house. 

From the first of February to the first of May the Democratic 
members of the senate finance committee struggled with the Wil- 
son tariff bill, reporting it first, with certain changes, and modify- 
ing it subsequently from time to time to secure the votes of Demo- 
cratic senators who refused to support the bill as it passed the 
house. Sugar was taken from the free list and made dutiable to 
secure the votes of the two Louisiana senators. Coal and iron ore 
were taken from the free list and made dutiable to secure the votes 
of others. Finally, on the night of July 3, the "tarifY reform" bill 
passed the senate. The bill had a stormy time in the upper house. 
It was charged that the sugar trust was manipulating the sugar 
schedule and that certain senators were speculating on the side. 
An investigating committee was appointed but, as is usual in such 
cases, reported that there was no proof to sustain the charges. 

The conferees on the tarifif bill struggled for days with the 
measure but were unable to agree. Vexed with the hopeless con- 
dition of affairs. President Cleveland took a hand in the contest. 
The chief executive had on the second of July addressed a letter to 
Chairman Wilson of the house ways and means committee, criticis- 
ing severely the course of certain Democratic senators. This letter 
was read in the house July 19. In it the president said that "every 
true Democrat and sincere tarifif reformer knows that the tarifif 
bill in its present form and as it will be submitted to the conferees, 
falls far short of the consummation for which we have long labored. 
Our abandonment of the cause of the principles upon which it rests 
means party perfidy and dishonor." He urged that "no tariff 
measure can accord with Democratic principles and promises, or 
bear a genuine Democratic badge that does not provide for free 
raw materials. Unfortunately, however, incidents have accom- 
panied certain stages of the legislation, that have aroused in con- 
nection with this subject a natural Democratic animosity to the 
methods and manipulations of trusts and combinations." 

This letter was a bombshell in the Democratic ranks. It was 
the first time in the nation's history when the chief executive had 
attempted by a private communication, amounting to a message, to 
interfere when differences between the two houses were in confer- 
ence. This remarkable executive interference with legislation wa.'v 



378 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

followed by an inevitable storm. The president's letter was a 
covert attack on Senator Gorman, who was charged with placing 
coal and iron on the protected list, in violation of the Democratic 
"free raw material" argument. The storm broke in the senate July 
23. Mr. Gorman made a scorching and personal reply to the presi- 
dent, characterizing the latter's letter to Chairman Wilson as "the 
most unwise letter ever penned by a president of the United 
States." Senator Gorman threw down the gauntlet to the presi- 
dent and insinuated that the latter was trying to blacken the char- 
acter of the senators. "There is no power," he shouted, "however 
great in the president with all his patronage that would keep me 
silent longer." The scene was dramatic in the extreme, and Mr. 
Gorman closed amid great applause on the floor and in the gaher- 
ies — an unusual scene in the senate. 

After another long delay in conference, the senate tariff bil', 
characterized by President Cleveland "a measure of perfidy and 
dishonor," passed the house by a vote of 160 Democrats, 81 Re- 
publicans and 21 Democrats opposing. The debate on this clos- 
ing day was interesting. Mr. Dingley spoke ^ vigorously and pro- 
phetically against the bill. He compared the tariff of 1890 with tlie 
measure now proposed and pointed out where trusts were favored 
particularly the sugar and whiskey trusts. He closed with these 
words': "The distrust caused by the Democratic threats of a tariff 
revolution has produced its bitter fruits, and the end is not yet." 
He predicted that in 1896, by general consent, the Republicans, 
would resume the business of governing the country. This speech 
was used liberally as a campaign document in the succeeding con- 
gressional election. 

President Cleveland refused to sign or veto the tariff reform 
bill. He simply allowed it to become a law by default. 

August 16 Mr. Dingley spoke ^ on the conference report on the 
deficiency appropriation bill, calling public attention to the bad 
condition of the nation's finances. On the evening of the same day 
he left Washington, and a week later plunged into the state cam- 
paign in Maine. He spoke nearly every day until election day, 
September 10. The Republicans carried the state by 38,000 plur- 
ality. Mr. Dingley had 9.000 plurality. The election over, he spent 
some time hunting and fishing with one of his sons who was en- 
deavoring to regain his health in the pine woods about Rangely 
lakes. November 6, elections were held in 41 states. The Republi- 

1 — See Appendix. 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 379 

cans swept the north and Mr. Dingley said : "The result of th..- 
November elections has settled beyond question that there will be 
no more tariff legislation in the direction of free trade. It is diffi- 
cult, however, to appreciate the permanent loss to the country 
arising from the reduction of wages due to Democratic tariff 
changes which increase foreign competition." 

The remaining days of November were days of comparative 
rest for this busy man. On the fifteenth a family reunion was held 
at his home to commemorate the 85th birthday of his father. No- 
vember 26, in company with his wife and one son, he returned to 
Washington to again resume his ofScial labors. 

The closing session of the fifty-third congress opened Decem- 
ber 3. The president's message told of the deficit in the public 
treasury; the rapid reduction of the gold reserve; the danger of 
reducing the country to a silver basis ; and the disappointment the 
Wilson tariff bill had caused. The message was disheartening to 
the Democrats and they were not slow to express their sentiments. 
It was apparent to observers of political events, that the wave of 
tariff reform had reached its height, and was rapidly receding. The 
Democratic leaders realized that the great principle of protection 
of which the McKinley law at the date of its passage was the most 
scientific and well rounded expression ever imbedded in our 
statutes, had been reaffirmed by the American people out of a 
costly experience. Bewildered over the tariff, President Cleve- 
land sought to regain his lost prestige by enjoining the Democratic 
congress to "reform the currency." But here the executive was 
confronted with perplexities no less than those surrounding the 
tariff. He, a gold Democrat, sought to force a free silver congress 
to do his bidding. The failure that followed was inevitable. Mr. 
Dingley said of the situation : "There is now special need of a calm 
and philosophic temper as well as of a sound financial intelligence 
in addressing currency questions. The present policy of borrow- 
ing to live on, may be Democratic but it is suicidal." 

The Democratic plan of "currency reform" involved a repeal of 
the tax on state bank notes; and on the i8th of December a bill 
providing for such repeal was called up in the house. 

Mr. Dingley, together with his wife and one son, spent the holi- 
days at Southern Pines, North Carolina, for the benefit of the son'? 
health. Here he spent Christmas and New Year's, returning alone 
to Washington on the third of January. 



38o LIFE AND TDIES OF 

The debate on the currency bill was resumed as soon as con- 
gress reassembled ; and on the fourth of January Mr. Dingley mads 
his great speech ^ on the currency question, so freely quoted at the 
time. It was considered one of the ablest speeches on the subject 
ever delivered in the house. It explained the deficiency in the pub 
lie treasury; the run on the redemption fund; the danger of a state 
bank currency. Mr. Dingley himself modestly pronounced it "a 
successful speech." This speech was a forerunner of his great fight 
for sound money. Of it the New York Tribune said : "The speech 
of Mr. Dingley was one of the ablest and most convincing that he 
has ever delivered on the financial subject in the house of repre- 
sentatives, and that is saying a great deal, for he is regarded on all 
.sides as one of the soundest and best equipped men in that body." 

The financial bill was defeated February 7 by a vote of 135 to 
162. 

The columns of the Lewiston Journal this winter, teemed with 
strong editorials on the money question, all from the pen of Mr. 
Dingley. They gave evidence of mature thought and ripe judg- 
ment. As an illumination of the money question they are unex- 
celled. 

For years the Alaskan seal fisheries had been a question dis- 
turbing the relations between Great Britain and the United States. 
The Paris regulations for the protection of the seals had been a flat 
failure. They were a failure because, notwithstanding the cessa- 
tion for three years of the killing of the seals by the lessees of the 
government, the Canadian pelagic sealers had killed twice as many 
as before. "If this work of extermination goes on," said Mr. Ding- 
ley, "in less than five years the seal herd will be exterminated and 
a property worth ten million dollars will fall into the liands of the 
pelagic sealers, mainly Canadians. \Ye are, in the mean time, pro- 
tecting these seals at an expense of o\-er $200,000 per year for the 
benefit of the Canadians. One of two things must be done : first, 
Great Britain must be made acquainted with the facts as they exist, 
and she nuist be asked immediately to unite with this country in 
making- such regulation as will protect this seal herd; second, some 
radical remetly must he applied." Mr. Dingley then sent to the 
clerk's desk a liill authorizing the secretary of the treasury to pro- 
ceed at once to capture all fur bearing seals and convert the money 
received from the sale of the skins into the treasury. The bill was 
referred to the ways and means committee, and received nnich 
favorable comment. 

1 — See Appendix. 




W. J. BRYAN. JF:RRY SIMPSON. 
■\V. P. HEPBURN. C. A. RUSSELL. 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 381 

January 25 Mr. Dingley spoke ^ on the proviso of the sundry 
civil appropriation bill relative to denominations of notes. January 
29 he replied ^ to Mr. Wilson's roseate view of the financial condi- 
tion of the country and pointed out the necessity of raising more 
revenue. He closed by saying: "As men deeply interested in the 
prosperity of this country, as men placing country above party, we 
have stood ready to unite with you in any steps that might in our 
judgment, tend to restore confidence, remove the prevailing dis- 
trust, and give to this country the great prosperity which existed 
under Republican policy from 1861 to 1892." 

The financial world was still disturbed. The "endless chain" 
and the increasing deficit in the federal treasury alarmed President 
Cleveland, so that announcement was made of an issue of United 
States bonds to restore the gold reserve. Congress refused to per- 
mit the bonds to be paj^able in gold instead of "in coin."- thus in- 
creasing the rate of interest from 3 to 4 per cent. The bill author- 
izing the president to issue $65,116,275 in 3 per cent gold bonds, 
was. on the fourteenth of February, after a heated discussion, de- 
feated by a vote of 167 to 120, two not voting. The result was 
greeted with loud applause. 

February 12 Mr. Dingley attended a Republican club banquet 
at Delmonico's.in New York city and responded to the toast, "The 
Republican Party." February 21 eulogies were pronounced in the 
house on the life and services of Francis B. Stockbridge, late 
United States senator from Michigan. Mr. Dingley spoke ^ briefly 
but feelingly. 

It was already evident that the proposition to admit silver to 
free coinage at the ratio of 16 to i would be the battle cry of the 
Democrats in the approaching presidential contest. In the closing 
hours of this congress the leading Democrats in the house sounded 
the keynote. Mr. Bryan of Nebraska, shortly before the fifty-third 
congress closed, made a dramatic and impassioned speech in which, 
taking the proposed international monetary conference as a text, 
he appealed to the American people to restore silver to free and 
unlimited coinage at the ratio of 16 to i "without waiting for the 
aid or consent of any other nation." Mr. Dingley made a very 
pointed and significant reply ^ to Mr. Bryan which was indorsed by 
a large majority of the Republicans and many Democrats, and 
which sounded the keynote of the defense the advocates of sound 
money subsequently made in the campaign of 1896. 

1 — See Appendix. 



382 .LIFE AND TIMES OF 

The fifty-third congress came to an end at noon March 4, 1895. 
That evening Mr. Dingley, in company with his daughter, left 
Washington for Southern Pines, North Carohna, to join his wife 
and son. Here he spent five weeks with a portion of his family, 
resting, riding horseback and Poaming through the woods. This 
sojourn in the southern clime was for the benefit of his invalid son; 
but likewise it was a great benefit to the father. But a quiet and 
bucolic atmosphere did not put'an end to Mr. Dingley's work. His 
active and creative mind was busy preparing a novel presentation 
of the silver question. About this time, a small, yellow covered 
book known as "Coin's Financial School" by WiUiam H. Harvey, 
was being circulated and read freely all over the country. It was a 
unique presentation of the silver question from the 16 to i free sil- 
ver point of view, and exerted a great influence in the several states, 
particularly in the west. It was read on the trains, in the hotels, 
on the farm, and in the shop. It was a campaign document in elec- 
tions, and was to many homes a sort of bible. Men suffering from 
the hard times examined it eagerly and accepted its doctrines as 
law and gospel. Mr. Dingley secured a copy of this book and 
quickly detected its fallacies and falsehoods ; and forthwith began 
to write a series of questions and answers on the silver question. 
In this imaginary conversation, he covered the money problem in 
an elementary manner so that all might understand it. Returning 
to his home in Maine April 20. he revised this series of articles, and 
had them published in pamphlet form under the heading — "Three 
Evenings with Silver and Money; the Talk of Four Neighbors 
About Money and Silver." ^ 

This little pamphlet prepared by Mr. Dingley is of historical 
value. Sometime in June, 1896, before the national convention 
met at St. Louis, Chairman Babcock of the congressional commit- 
tee came across a pamphlet called "Three Evenings with Silver 
and Money." The pamphlet contained something like sixty pages, 
ordinary size, and purported to be the arguments and discussions 
of four neighbors on the general question of silver, gold, protec- 
tion and free trade. Mr. Babcock said that General Henderson of 
Iowa had handed it to him and informed him that it was a most 
valuable document and that he, (Henderson) wished Mr. Babcock 
to have at least fifty thousand copies of it printed for use in Hen- 
derson's district. Mr. Babcock found it to be one of the most 
valuable political documents ever put out. It discussed in plain and 

1 — See Appendix. 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 383 

homely terms the arguments of the plain people as to the money 
supplies, sorts of money needed, the effects of free silver, of the 
gold standard, the protection and development of a country which 
resulted from confidence in a stable monetary system, and of pro- 
tection in favor of our farmer and workingman as against those of 
the rest of the world. The Republican national committee had hot 
yet met and the issues had not been stated, yet a reading of this 
pamphlet satisfied the committee that it was, in all ways, a very 
necessary document. It was noticed that it was printed at the office 
of the Lewiston (Maine) Journal in 1895. This was the" only hint 
as to the authorship. Before it was ready for publication congress 
had adjourned but, fortunately, a resolution had been passed on 
motion of Congressman Babcock, giving a general leave to print, 
good for ten days after the adjournment. As a result, the Con- 
gressional Record for June 25, 1896, included these remarks by 
Hon. Joseph W. Babcock : "Mr. Speaker, under the leave which 
has been granted by the house I desire to make some practical ob- 
servations on silver and money, and especially on the proposition 
that the United States should open its mints to the gratuitious and 
unlimited coinage of silver at the ratio of 16 to i. And in doing 
this I can best express my views in a simple and easily understood 
manner by adopting as my own, a conversation on the subject on 
three evenings between Mr. Smith, a practical business man and 
careful student of finance; Mr. Jones, an intelligent farmer; Mr. 
Vance, formerly a Greenbacker, now a Populist and Silverman ; and 
Mr. Burns, a common-sense laborer." When this issue of the 
Record reached Congressman Cannon at his home in Illinois, he 
read "Three Evenings with Silver." The next day, to quote his 
picturesque language, he threw himself on the train and went to 
Washington for more copies. The national committee had not yet 
organized nor sent out copies of any documents. Indeed, they did 
not organize for more than a month afterwards, and the silver 
propaganda was having its own way throughout the country. Mr. 
Cannon said: "I want something for my folks to chew on. This 
is just the thing for them. If I can get three thousand copies of this 
article, I will ha\e every fellow on the street corner, in the stores 
and on the trains loaded up with something to answer all these sil- 
ver fellows." 

As the reprint which had been ordered would not be ready for 
some days Mr. Cannon proceeded to the capitol and ordered three 
thousand copies of the whole edition of the Record of that date and 



384 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

took them back with him to IlHnois. General Henderson had his 
fifty thousand copies promptly and this number was greatly in- 
creased to him afterwards. The demand all over the country for 
this document was immediate and sustained throughout the whole 
campaign. Over three million four hundred thousand copies of this 
document were distributed out of twenty-one million, the total sent 
out by the committee. 

In the busy time incident to the lormation ot the committee, 
preparation of documents, and building up the force of employes, 
there was little time to think as to the authorship of this document. 
Mr. Babcock did not know; General Henderson was away, and the 
only clue the committee had was the "Journal" imprint; but they 
knew Mr. Dingley's style of argumentative discourse, and formed 
their own conclusions. Consequently after the first edition of one 
hundred thousand copies had been received from the printer and 
new editions were to be ordered, the committee sent several copies 
to Mr. Dingley with an intimation that they thought him either the 
author of, or as having inspired the writing of this pamphlet, and 
suggested that he go over the copy and make any changes or cor- 
rections which he desired. To this letter was received a reply from 
Squirrel Island, Maine, making a few changes and asking how the 
committee came to suspect him to be the author. Several letters 
passed on this subject, in the course of which Mr. Dingley acknowl- 
edged the authorship and expressed his pleasure at its universal 
acceptation as a most popular and timely document. It is very 
hard to estimate the number of votes changed by any document or 
its exact effect in a campaign. But this one was early in the field. 
The committee began sending out early in July and the demand for 

, it continued up to the middle of October. It is the judgment of the 
national committee that it brought over to the Republican party 
more \-otes from those who had been carried away by the specious 

j arguments in favor of free silver, than any other document pub- 
lished by either the congressional or the national committee in 
1896. 1 

The month of June brought quiet and rest to Mr. Dingley, save 
what little time he devoted to editorial work, which was really a 

1— Washington, D. C. Dec. 5, 1S96. — Hon Nelson Dingley Jr., Washington, D. 
C. My dear Mr. Dingley: — I desire to express to you not only for myself but on 
behalf of the Republican congressional committee, the great obligation \ve feel 
for the document furnished us by you called "Three Evenings with Silver and 
Money." It proved to be of the greatest service in the campaign and taxed our 
capacity to supply the demand tor it. In fact we are unable to do so. No other 
document that was published or handled by this committee did such effective 
work. It was clear, concise and conveyed all the points at issue. With the wish 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 385 

recreation for him. June 24 he left Lewiston for Concord, New 
Hampshire, where on the following day he attended the reunion of 
his class (1855) in Dartmouth college. There were nine members 
and Mr. Dingley presided. The following day he spoke briefly at 
the commencement dinner, returning to Boston June 27, where, in 
the evening he spoke at the Good Templars' banquet in Copley hall. 
July 1st, he spoke at Poland Springs, at the dedication of the Maine 
state building which had been moved from the World's Fair 
grounds in Chicago to Poland Springs. July 2 he visited Water- 
ville college where he was a student from 1851 to 1853. In the 
evening he spoke at a Zeta Psi banquet. What sweet memories 
must have flooded his mind on this occasion ! 

July 4, 1895, ^\'is a memorable day for Lewiston. It was the 
looth anniversary of the celebration of Independence day. The 
literary exercises took place in the park. Here Mr. Dingley 
"played the role of prophet." He predicted the growth of Lewis- 
ton and of Maine, and added: "I believe also that the future of 
this great Republic is to be grander than the past — grand as that 
has been. What duties and responsibilities rest on such a nation ! 
Do you realize them? Truly, such a government of the people, by 
the people and for the people set by God's providence as the de- 
fender and protector of human rights, is not to perish from the 
earth, but is to go on from decade to decade increasing in popula- 
tion, in intelligence, in wealth, in prosperity, and in its beneficent 
influence on humanity." 

July 5th in company with his wife and daughter he went to 
Squirrel Island, and there again drank in the health and strength 
which such a place can afford. Here with his grandchildren, he 
found that comfort and rest which fortified him for the arduour. 
duties of public life. 

This beautiful summer vacation will never be forgotten bv those 
who enjoyed it at this island home. The sun seemed brighter, the 
air purer, life sweeter than in any other place on earth. It was one 
of the few summers when public business permitted l\Ir. Dingley 's 
continued presence at this spot so dear to him. Fete day, estab- 
lished the year before, occurred August 10, and Mr. Dingley en- 
tered into the spirit of the occasion with unusual zest. At the lit- 

and the belief that the Republican party -will not disappoint those who have 
placed it in power, I am. 

Very truly yours. 
J. W. Babcock, Chairman. 
The jocuments "Three Evenings with Silver" were printed in Philadelphia 
iinC thf ilrst rshipment to Washington — over 248.00 copies— filled a car. 



386 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

erary exercises in the Casino, Mr. Dingley gave an address ^ of an 
historical character, interesting to all who ever visited Squirrel 
Island, and to all who see in it the social and wholesome side of Mr. 
Dingley's life. As one of the founders of this little summer colony, 
he conferred a boon upon thousands. 

August II following Fete day was Sunday; and on the after- 
noon of that beautiful day a sunset praise service was held on the 
rugged rocks of south shore. The entire population of the island 
gathered on the rocks. An organ was placed in a suitable position, 
and a chorus that rendered impressive singing, stirred the souls of 
the audience. The day was perfect. The rays of the setting sun 
cast a heavenly glow over the assembled worshippers. The sea 
was calm and almost motionless. The mighty power of the waves 
was at rest. A peace that "passeth all understanding" possessed 
all nature and the souls of the humble worshippers. It was a scene 
never to be forgotten. A benediction seemed to hover over all. 
Never did the Creator seem so near. The speakers on this memor- 
able occasion were, Mr. Dingley, Mr. Frye and Dr. Hiscox. Mr. 
Dingley's topic was: "The Love of God in Man." Never did he 
speak with such fervor and such earnestness. He seemed to be in- 
spired, and his audience listened spell-bound. The beautiful words 
he uttered seemed to come straight from heaven. No disciple of 
Christ ; no apostle of the Son of God could have spoken with 
greater tenderness or more devotion. The memory of that day 
and of Mr. Dingley's address, was ever an inspiration to all who 
were present. 

The only important public event in which he participated this 
fall, was the ninth triennial national council of Congregational 
churches of the United States, October 9 to 14, at Syracuse, New 
York. Mr. Dingley was made moderator. About four hundred 
delegates were in attendance from every northern and several 
southern states, including an unusual number of the ablest mem- 
bers of the Congregational denomination, such as Reverend Doc- 
tors Gordon, Boynton, Clark, Baker, Cobb, and Quint of Massa- 
chusetts ; Lawson, Northrup, and Twitchell of Connecticut ; Mere- 
dith, Ward, Packard, Virgin and Choate of New York; Gunsaulus, 
Sturtevant and Noble of Illinois ; Gladden of Ohio ; Hallock, Wil- 
liams and Brown of the Pacific coast and many others, together 
with D. L. Moody of Chicago, S. B. Capen of Boston and many 
other laymen. It was a large and brilliant assembly. Mr. Dingley 

1— See Appendix. 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 387 

received unusual social attention while in Syracuse. Friday even- 
ing, Former Senator Hiscock gave a dinner in his honor. Satur- 
day evening the Zeta Psi fraternity of the university gave him a 
dinner. At the close of this busy and notable council, Mr. Ding- 
ley was given a vote of thanks for his splendid services as moder- 
ator. 

The succeeding nve weelcs jvere filled with the usual duties of a 
busy journalist and public man. On the 5th of November elections 
took place in 12 states. The result indicated very clearly that the 
causes which operated the year previous to give such phenomenal 
Republican majorities, still continued to afifect public opinion. 
These elections made it reasonably sure that the Republicans would 
win in the presidential contest of 1896. 

November 25th Mr. Dingley spoke at a banquet given by the 
Portland club. Thanksgiving day this year did not bring the usual 
joys derived at a family reunion. Mr. Dingley's family was scat- 
tered ; but fourteen, including his honored father and his brother 
and family, sat about the bountiful table. November 29 he left for 
Washington alone, and took up his abode in the familiar rooms at 
the Hamilton house. 



CHAPTER XX. 
1 895- 1 896. 

The fifty-fourth congress assembled in December. 1895. on the 
eve of a most important national convention. The business of the 
country was in a deplorable condition. The second administration 
of President Cleveland had proved a failure as far as the federal 
finances were concerned. Government bonds had been issued in a 
time of peace, partly to make up the deficit in the national treasury, 
and partly to replenish the gold reserve assailed because of a wide- 
spread lack of confidence. The new congress was powerless to take 
any positive action to relieve the country, because the senate was 
not in political accord with the house. The country was obliged to 
wait for another election, and a Republican government in all three 
branches. 

In this congress were many of the old leaders — Wheeler of Ala- 
bama; Russell of Connecticut; Crisp and Turner of Georgia; Hop- 
kins, Hitt and Cannon of Illinois; Steele of Indiana: Henderson, 
Lacey, Hull, Hepburn and Dolliver of Iowa ; Evans and McCreary 
of Kentucky; Reed, Dingley, Milliken and Boutelle of Maine ; Wal- 
ker, McCall and Morse of Massachusetts; Tawney, McCleary and 
Towne of Minnesota: Catchings and Money of Mississippi; De- 
Armond and Dockery of Missouri; Meiklejohn of Nebraska; 
Payne, Sulzer and Sherman of New York; Grosvenor of Ohio; 
Grow and Dalzell of Pennsylvania: McMillin and Richardson of 
Tennessee ; Bailey and Sayers of Texas ; Swanson of Virginia ; Bab- 
cock of Wisconsin. 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 389 

Thomas B. Reed was the unanimous choice of the RepubHcans 
for speaker and was re-elected to that honorable position wherein 
only a short time before he was denounced as a "czar" and a 
"usurper." 

President Cleveland's message to congress contained no sur- 
prises. It attempted to explain the hard times and depression on 
the theory that the protective tariff of 1890 had checked our ex- 
ports and our foreign trade and on the theory that the presence of 
the greenbacks was a constant menace to the credit and confidence 
of the country. The redeeming feature of the message was the de- 
nunciation of the free and unlimited coinage of silver at 16 to i. It 
was this declaration that completed the absolute divorce of Mr. 
Cleveland from the new Democratic party that was rapidly reach- 
ing the ascendency. 

In the drawing of seats Mr. Dingley was particularly unfortu- 
nate, his name being called among the very last. Mr. Chas. Curtis 
of Kansas very generously came forward and offered Mr. Dingley 
his seat in the second row — a commanding position. 

On the eighth of November, 1895, Hon. Thomas F. Bayard, 
United States ambassador at the court of Great Britain made an 
address at the Edinburg Philosophic institution on "Individual 
Freedom the Germ of National Progress and Permanence." In the 
course of this address Mr. Bayard declared that the policy of pro- 
tection "had done more to foster class legislation and create in- 
equality of fortune, to corrupt public life, to banish men of inde- 
pendent mind and character from the public councils, to lower the 
tone of national representation, blunt public conscience, create 
false standards in the popular mind, to familiarize it with rehance 
upon state aid and guardianship in private afifairs, divorce ethics 
from politics, and place politics upon the low level of a mercenary 
scramble, than any other single cause." 

The indignation which swept over the country at the undiplo- 
matic language of the ambassador, culminated in the house Decem- 
ber 10, when Mr. McCall and Mr. Barrett of Massachusetts, eacli 
introduced resolutions on the matter — the first simply asking the 
president to inform the house "what steps if any he has taken to re- 
call or to censure said Bayard ;" the second boldly impeaching the 
ambassador and asking the committee on foreign relations "to re- 
port to the house such action by impeachment or otherwise as shall 
be proper in the premises." The second resolution secured consid- 
eration as a question of privilege, and a sharp partisan debate fol- 



390 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

lowed. The Republican leaders, including Mr. Dingley and Mr. 
Hitt (the latter chairman of the committee on foreign affairs) were 
taken completely by surprise and sought to avert the scene which 
had been suddenly and unwisely precipitated. Mr. Dingley was 
quickly put forward to get the house out of its difficulty ; and when 
he had once obtained the floor the excitement ceased. In a calm 
and dispassionate manner he discussed the resolution. Turning tc 
Mr. Crisp of Georgia he said : "Does the gentleman from Georgia 
believe that an ambassador of all the people of the United States 
has a right to go upon a foreign platform and thus denounce one 
half or more of the people of this country?" Mr. Crisp sought to 
have Mr. Dingley admit that the language used by Mr. Bayard was 
not good ground for impeachment. Mr. Dingley replied: "In my 
judgment this is a case in which perhaps impeachment may not ba 
the most expedient remedy. But that this house, representing the 
American people, should condemn such action on the part of their 
ambassador abroad, I have no doubt. My judgment is that such 
language, denouncing the people of this country, uttered in a for- 
eign country by an ambassador of the United States, is an impeach- 
able ofifense if the house desires to thus proceed. Whether it is 
wise to do so is another question." Finally the house, following the 
suggestion made by Mr. Dingley, struck out the words "by im- 
peachment or otherwise" and the resolution thus amended was 
adopted and referred to the committee on foreign relations. Thus 
ended the Bayard impeachment episode. 

Speaker Reed's selection of Mr. Dingley as chairman of the 
ways and means committee of this congress, was a glowing tribute 
to the latter's eminent fitness and rare qualifications for this im- 
portant position. The speaker was impressed with the fact that this 
was the fitting thing to do, and that the appointment would meet 
with almost universal approval. Mr. Burrows and Mr. McKenna 
who served with Mr. Dingley and were his seniors on the commit- 
tee of ways and means in the fifty-first congress, had been pro- 
moted to higher positions of trust. Mr. Dingley was not a member 
of this committee in the fifty-second or fifty-third congresses (hav- 
ing voluntarily stepped aside in December, 1891, to permit Mr. 
Reed to resume his old place on the committee on ways and means) 
and therefore was not entitled to the chairmanship by reason of 
seniority and promotion. Both Mr. Payne of New York and Mr. 
Dalzell of Pennsylvania were deserving of consideration on the 
score of seniority, and both were eminently qualified for the posi- 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 39i 

tion. But Speaker Reed did not lose sight of the fact that had Mr. 
Dingley remained on this committee he would have been the rank- 
ing member; and the unselfishness displayed by Mr. Dingley to Mr. 
Reed was not forgotten by the latter. Gratitude, justice, fitness 
and public sentiment all pointed to Mr. Dingley's selection. 

Congress met December 2 and Mr. Reed sent for Mr. Dingley 
December 1 1 to assist in making up the house committees. Even 
at this late day the speaker simply intimated to Mr. Dingley what 
he intended to do, for the latter recorded in his diary on that date : 
"I am probably to be chairman of the ways and means committee." 
Speaker Reed knew that Mr. Dingley was the best equipped man in 
the house for this important position ; ^ but feared that the many 
prominent places which Maine already held in the house might pre- 
vent him from appointing his good friend and wise adviser. But 
there developed a general desire among Republican members, in- 
cluding the members from New York, that Mr. Dingley should be 
assigned to this place ; and speedily it became possible for Mr. Reed 
to carry out his wishes with substantially the unanimous approval 
of all members of the house, Republicans and Democrats alike. 
Seldom has a chairman of this important committee and a floor 
leader been chosen under such flattering circumstances. The com- 
mittee was announced by the speaker as follows : Dingley, Maine, 
chairman ; Payne, New York ; Dalzell, Pennsylvania ; Hopkins, Illi- 
nois; Grosvenor, Ohio; Russell, Connecticut; Dolliver. Iowa; 
Steele, Indiana ; Johnson, North Dakota ; Evans, Kentucky ; Taw- 
ney, Minnesota; Crisp, Georgia; McMillin, Tennessee; Turner, 
Georgia; Tarsney, Missouri; Wheeler, Alabama; McLaurin, 
South Carolina. Mr. Dingley was heartily congratulated both per- 
sonally and by letter. 

In his message to congress. President Cleveland maintained 
that the financial ills of the government, necessitating the issue of 
bonds, was not due to the insufficient revenue under the tariff laws 
of 1894, but to the presence if greenbacks in the financial system. 
He said: "It is possible that the suggestion of increased revenue 

iS>''"'^ 1 — F. L. Dingley in the Lewiston Journal wrote as follows: "While few men 
ever differed more widely in their temperament and intellect than Speaker 
Reed and Congressman Dingly, few men in congress were more closer and more 
trusted friends. The speaker's epigrams the chairman of the ways and means 
committee never failed to enjoy, even when fired at himself. You could not 
wound the chairman by any weapons which the kindly fun of the speaker 
handled. Mr. Reed had faith in Mr. Dingley's political judgment and warmly 
regarded his exact political information while Mr. Dingley had equal respect for 
the greatness of mind, sincerity of purpose and philosophic culture and poise ol 
the speaker. Between these men there was never any collision of ambition or 
of temperament. It is true they did not uniformly agree, but if they did not 
agree they agieed th t it was wholesome for each and no offense to either. 



392 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

as a remedy for the difficulties we are considering may have origi- 
nated in an intimation or distinct allegation that the bonds which 
have been issued ostensibly to replenish our gold reserve were 
really issued to supply insufficient revenue. Nothing can be farther 
from the truth. Bonds were issued to obtain gold for the mainte- 
nance of our national credit." On the 20th of December the presi- 
dent, alarmed over the financial condition of the country, sent 
another message to congress, in which he expressed the earnest 
hope that congress would not take a recess without doing some- 
thing to satisfy the people that the government intended to meet 
every obligation it incurred. Mr. Dingley said: "The president 
having set the grass on fire and the blaze having got good headway, 
he now turns to congress and says : 'The grass is afire, gentlemen, 
I leave it for you to put out.' " 

On the 2 1 St of December at 3 o'clock in the afternoon, within 
two hours after he was appointed chairman, Mr. Dingley called a 
meeting of the ways and means committee for organization. That 
evening the Republican members conferred and agreed to report to 
the house immediately a tariff and bond bill, which the chairman 
was authorized to draw up. The critical condition of the federal 
treasury demanded prompt action, and it was decided not to ad- 
journ the house for the usual holiday recess until the tarifif and bond 
bills were passed. 

Secretary Carlisle shared in the general alarm over the financial 
condition of the public treasury. He addressed a note to Chair- 
man Dingley saying frankly that the treasury was inneed and that 
he would be glad to furnish the committee on ways and means with 
any information in his possession relative to measures of relief. Mr. 
Dingley immediately went to the secretary and submitted to him a 
copy of the proposed bill authorizing an issue of three per cent 
coin bonds for the redemption of legal tender notes and its pro- 
vision authorizing an issue of fifty million dollars of certificates of 
indebtedness bearing three per cent interest and redeemable in 
three years, to be used to supply deficits in the current expenses of 
the government. Mr. Dingley said frankly that it was useless for 
the government to pretend that there was no deficit in its accounts, 
and that if the revenue bill were passed it would enable the ndminis- 
tration to pay its del)ts without touching the reserve fund. Mr. 
Carlisle insisted that there was no deficit ; on the contrary there was 
a large sum of money in the treasury. Mr. Dingley pointed out that 
the money to which the secretary referred consisted of redeemed 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 393 

legal tender notes and if the government paid them for its current 
expenses they would turn up immediately at the sub-treasury and 
the government's stock of gold would be cut down. To pay out 
greenbacks in this manner simply meant that the government was 
furnishing ammunition for fresh raids on the treasury. The only 
thing to do was to accept the bill as a relief law offered in good 
faith and not as a partisan enterprise. Mr. Dingley urged the sec- 
retary to consent to separating the banking business of the govern- 
ment from its ordinary business. He argued that if the govern- 
ment was able to meet its expenses out of a fund specially provided 
for that purpose by congress there would be no necessity of using 
greenbacks, and they would lie in the treasury accumulating from 
week to week, so long as the raid continued on the treasury. It was 
true that the law of 1878 required the secretary to re-issue green- 
backs as soon as they were redeemed, but this law would be com- 
plied with by simply depositing the greenbacks in the cash account 
of the treasury. The government was not obliged to pay out legal 
tenders unless there was something to pay them out for. There- 
fore, the government could protect itself from raids by temporarily 
retaining its growing stock of legal tenders. Presently there would 
be a scarcity of greenbacks, and the hoarders of gold would be glad 
to exchange their coin for paper money. Mr. Dingley begged the 
secretary to give his assent to this scheme as the only practicable 
measure that would meet the situation. Mr. Carlisle assented to 
the idea that the temporary retention of greenbacks would greatly 
aid the government in maintaining the gold reserve, but he strenu- 
ously denied that the administration was in need of any revenue bill. 
During this long and grave conversation Mr. Dingley and the 
secretary went over the bond bill to replenish the gold reserve, in 
much detail. Mr. Carlisle wanted the word "gold" substituted for 
the word "coin." The chairman replied that to make such a 
change would be sure to insure the defeat of the proposition by a 
three quarters majority in the senate, and such a sweeping defeat 
would create a bad impression all over the country and abroad, and 
would be calculated to seriously damage the credit of the govern- 
ment in any attempt to affect a loan on fa\'orable terms. Mr. Car- 
lisle appeared to assent to this argument. Then Mr. Dingley said 
he was firmly convinced that the bonds ought to be first offered by 
the government to the people of the United States. The people had 
plenty of gold and would readily respond to the appeal of the gov- 
ernment. But ordinary men who were ignorant of the niceties of 



394 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

finance could not bring themselves to the point of paying a 
premium for the bonds. Only bankers and banking syndicates un- 
derstood how to calculate premiums. The common people would 
buy the bonds "flat"— at their face value. For that reason a three 
per cent bond had been acted upon. The committee of ways and 
means had determined upon a popular loan. At Mr. CarHsle's sug- 
gestion change after change was made in the language of the bill. 
Mr. Dingley complained that the administration's great mistake 
was in waiting too long before issuing bonds, and that the president 
took too much pains to alarm the public about the credit of the 
government in advance of its calls for loans. Had there been an 
issue of fifty million dollars of bonds in April, 1893, the treasury de- 
partment would probably have stopped the raids permanently by 
having a reserve of $150,000,000, if revenue had been larger than 
expenditures. 

Mr. Carlisle returned to his objections to the word "coin," but 
was met by the statement that all the administration had to do was 
to stop its alarmist utterances and make executive declaration that 
the bonds would be redeemed in gold. That would accomplish the 
purpose quite as well. The chairman said that he was willing to 
allow the free silver men to offer an amendment and then, with the 
help of the administration, vote it down by a huge majority. That 
in itself would greatly strengthen the government's credit. 

Mr. Carlisle seemed pleased and answered that he would be 
glad to see it done. As for the popular loan idea the secretary did 
not of¥er any very serious objection, merely saying that it would 
tend to delay matters too long. 

When Mr. Dingley left the treasury department he was under 
the impression that the secretary had assented in a general way to 
the whole measure with the exception of the word "coin." Every 
other change suggested by him had been made. But on December 
26 Mr. Dingley received a letter from Mr. Carlisle calling his atten- 
tion to the fact that an impression had been created in some quar- 
ters that the committee's bill had received his approval. That let- 
ter was as follows : 

Washington, D. C, Dec. 26, 1895. 
Hon. Nelson Dingley Jr., 

Chairman Ways and Means Committee. 
Dear Sir: — 

I understand that the impression has been created in some quar- 
ters that the bill reported, or to be reported by the committee on 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 395 

ways and means, so amending the act of January 14, 1875, as to 
autliorize the issue of a three per cent coin bond, had been sub- 
mitted to me and had received my approval. This impression has 
probably resulted from the fact that you presented the proposed bill 
to me and had an interview with me upon the subject before the 
measure was finally disposed of in the committee. In order to pre- 
vent any misapprehension upon the subject, I desire to say that the 
views expressed by me at the interview mentioned have not been 
changed in the least, and that, in my opinion, a mere extension of 
the authority to issue a coin bond will not afford the relief which 
the existing emergency demands. In that interview I expressed 
the opinion that the only permanent remedy for our financial diffi- 
culties was the retirement and cancellation of the legal tender 
notes, but that, inasmuch as it was evident that such a measure 
could not be adopted in time to extricate the treasury from its pres- 
ent embarrassments, the only effective steps that could now be 
taken were first, a declaration by congress in the form of a joint 
resolution or otherwise that all bonds and notes heretofore issued 
by the United States except such subsidy bonds as are by their ex- 
pressed terms payable otherwise, shall be paid in United States gold 
of the present standard weight and fineness, or in standard silver 
dollars, at the option of the holders of said bonds or notes ; and 
second, that any bonds hereafter issued under the laws now in force 
may, at the discretion of the secretary of the treasury, be made pay- 
able by their terms in gold coin, but that no bond payable by its 
terms in gold coin should bear a rate of interest exceeding three 
per centum per annum, payable quarterly. As to the second section 
of your bill, I expressed the opinion, which I have always enter- 
tained, that the secretary of the treasury should have permanent 
authority to issue short time bonds, or certificates, to supply casual 
deficiencies in the revenue, and the only objection I made to that 
section was that the authority was limited to an issue of fifty million 
dollars in the aggregate. 

Very truly yours, 

J. G. Carlisle. ^ 
The chairman of the ways and means committee became im- 
mediately aware of the fact that the administration was throwing 
its whole weight and influence against the relief bill, apparently be- 
cause of the provision for a popular bond issue. That idea seemed 

1— The main facts in this story of the conference between Secretary Carlisle 
and Mr. Dingley were orig:inally published in the New York World. Mr. Ding- 
ley subsequently corrected the story. 



396 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

to displease somebody in the administration. It was Mr. Dingley's 
intention, and he had already expressed it to several of his col- 
legues, to provide in the rule for allowing a vote on the amendment, 
but the strength of the administration's opposition was such that he 
feared a combination of Democrats and free silver men, and at once 
decided to protect his bill by shutting ofif all amendments. 

The critical condition of the country demanded prompt action, 
and it was decided not to adjourn the house for the usual holiday 
recess, until the tariff and bond bills were passed. 

Christmas day was no holiday for the committee on ways and 
means. Mr. Dingley called the members together; and after a 
sharp contest in which the Democrats opposed the measures, it 
was agreed to report the chairman's tariff and bond bills. In the 
afternoon the chairman prepared the reports. The tariff bill, in- 
creasing the import duties on wool, woolen goods, lumber, live 
stock, cereal, dairy and other products, (an estimated increase of 
forty million dollars annually in the public revenue) was considered 
in the house December 26. Mr. Dingley opened the debate. ^ He 
pointed out the necessity for the immediate relief of the treasury 
and said that "the first duty is to provide sufficient revenue to meet 
the expenditures." He urged prompt action to restore the credit 
of the nation, leaving for a later time a complete revision of the 
tariff along protective lines. The bill was passed before the house 
adjourned that afternoon, and the result greeted with loud ap- 
plause on the Republican side. 

On the following day, the bond bill, authorizing the secretary 
of the treasury to issue three per cent bonds for the redemption of 
United States legal tender notes, and to issue certificates of indebt- 
edness to an amount not exceeding fifty million dollars to provide 
for any temporary deficiency, was reported to the house. Mr. 
Dingley opened the debate. ^ He explained that the real object of 
the bond bill was to enable the secretary of the treasury to borrow 
money if need be at three per cent. In discussing the gold reserve 
and its depletion, Mr. Dingley said: "From 1879 to 1893 there 
was no run on the treasury gold. We had one hundred million dol- 
lars of gold in the redemption fund all the time, and we maintained 
this fund all the time at that figure, the revenue being more than 
the expenditures, the country in a prosperous condition through 
1he economic policy then pre\ailing; and when the industries of 
the country were prosperous nobody wanted gold. We can return 
to the same condition only by a returrk to the same economic sys- 

1 — See Appendix. 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 397 

tern which then prevailed." On the following day the bill was 
passed amid loud applause on the Republican side. The vote was 
171 to 136. "A great week's work," Mr. Dingley recorded in his 
diary. The whole country commended the prompt work of the 
house. 

For some time previous to the assembling of this congress, 
there had been a dispute as to the boundary between Venezuela 
and British Guiana. This government addressed a note to the 
British government expressing the hope that Great Britain would 
unite with Venezuela in submitting the dispute to arbitration. The 
Monroe doctrine was appealed to in justification of the action of 
this government. On the 21st of December President Cleveland 
sent a message to congress, reaffirming his former position and m- 
forming congress that Lord Salisbury refused to arbitrate the 
boundary question. The president asked for an appropriation and 
authority to appoint a commission to inquire into and report the 
actual state of facts, adding that "it will be the duty of the United 
States to resist, by every means in its power, as a wilful aggression 
upon its rights and interests, the appropriation by Great Britain of 
any lands, etc., which after investigation we have determined of 
right belongs to Venezuela." 

This message naturally alarmed the country, and increased the 
distrust arising from the critical financial condition of the country. 
Conservative men, including Mr. Dingley, condemned what they 
called the "snapper" or last paragraph of the message. Mr. Ding- 
ley said: "This declaration was uncalled for. The snapper has 
made co-operation almost impossible and alarmed both countries." 

But congress gave the president the authority he asked for; and 
early in January the commission was appointed, consisting of Jus- 
tice Brewer. Judge Alvey, President White of Cornell university, 
Attorney Coudert, and President Gilman of Johns Hopkins uni- 
versity. The controversy was finally settled by arbitration. Great 
Britain yielding. 

January 16 and 17 Mr. Dingley presided over the committee of 
the whole in the house, while the pension appropriation bill was 
under consideration. Mr. Mahon of Pennsylvania proposed an 
amendment, whereupon Mr. Bartlett of New York raised the point 
of order that it violated the rule against "any provision on any gen- 
eral appropriation bill changing existing law." Li an elaborate rul- 
ing, Mr. Dingley sustained the point of order. Mr. Mahon said: 
"I listened very attentively to the ruling of the distinguished oc- 
cupant of the chair. I agree that it is correct in every particular. 



398 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

I recognize that it would be useless to press any amendment before 
the present occupant of the chair. I will present the amendment 
again when the chair is occupied by some other gentleman. I will 
try it on him." This remark was greeted with loud laughter. 

The senate debated the Dingley bond bill for six weeks, and on 
the first of February passed it by a vote of 42 to 35, with a free sil- 
ver coinage amendment. The free coinage senators formed an 
alliance with the free coinage representatives, and not only agreed 
to prevent the passage of a bond bill without a free silver coinage 
attachment, but also laid the foundation of the free silver party and 
started the free silver campaign of 1896. 

February 4. the committee on ways and means by a strict party 
vote, ordered a non-concurrence in the senate amendments. The 
following day Mr. Dingley opened the debate in the house, on the 
free silver coinage and greenback redemption amendment of the 
senate. ^ For two hours he held the close attention of both sides 
of the house, unfolding in a logical and masterful manner, the 
proposition presented by the senate amendments. He pointed out 
the danger of redeeming the treasury notes in silver if gold was 
demanded; the inevitable destruction of the nation's credit; and 
the folly of the proposition to coin silver on private account to an 
unlimited extent at the ratio of 16 to i. He closed with an elo- 
quent appeal to take up the question as a practical and scientific 
one. "I know of no question." he said, "that is more dangerous to 
commit to the stormy and changing sea of politics than the ques- 
tion of money ; and I deplore beyond expression that such a ques- 
tion as this should have been dragged into ward caucuses and con- 
ventions and treated on a purely partisan and political basis. Mr. 
Chairman, while the people cf this country generally desire to se- 
cure a restoration of full bimetallism whenever it can be accom- 
plished and maintain the parity of the two kinds of money, yet I 
believe that our people never will consent to any policy which it is 
believed will cause the two metals to separate ; will drive out gold 
and make us a silver monometallic country." Mr. Dingley closed 
amid long and loud applause. This speech was the keynote of the 
approaching Republican campaign against the proposed new 
Democracy founded on the "paramount issue" of free and un- 
limited coinage of silver at the ratio of 16 to i. It was pronounced 
the ablest presentation of the case that had thus far been made; 
and was used as a campaign document in the presidential contest 
the following summer and fall. The free coinage advocates in the 

1 — See Appendix. 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 399 

house attempted the next day without avail, to break down Mr. 
Dingley's argument. It was, however, unanswerable. 

An incident occurred in the house February 7, which demon- 
strated Mr. Dingley's quiet influence in and control over the house. 
An e.xciting debate occurred over a remark of Mr. Talbert of South 
Carolina, who declared that "secession is right and under the same 
circumstances he would fight the old flag again." The house had 
worked itself into a feverish condition and trouble was brewing 
when Mr. Dingley quietly suggested that the whole matter be re- 
ferred to the judiciary committee. He declared that bitter partisan 
debates over the "bloody shirt" had no place in the deliberations 
of the house. ^ 

February 13 and 14 the bond bill was taken up in the house; 
and under the astute leadership of Mr. Dingley the Republicans 
defeated every mischievious amendment offered and on the sec- 
ond day voted (90 to 215) to non-concur in the senate free coinage 
amendment. The result was greeted with applause. Mr. Ding- 
ley's rare qualities of leadership appeared to splendid advantage 
on this memorable occasion, while the house and the whole coun- 
try watched with great anxiety the shrewd and successful move- 
ments of this new parliamentary leader. The house was so indig- 
nant that the senate should substitute for the house bill a free 
coinage measure having no connection with the measure in hand, 
that it refused to ask the senate for a conference. The popular loan 
bill was dead ; and the senate refused to pass the other bill of Mr. 
Dingley's raising the revenue of the country. The indications were 
that congress would adjourn without giving the public treasury 
any relief; and the rumor was circulated that President Cleveland 
would call an extra session of congress. Mr. Dingley said: "If 
the president wants more revenue to put an end to the deficiencies 
and obviate the necessity of paying out redeemed greenbacks to 
meet current expenditures, he has only to ask his Democratic 
friends in the senate to support the revenue bill which has passed 
the house, instead of solidly voting with the Populists against it." 
The bond bill had already been killed by the free silver coinage 
rider ; and on the 25th of February, the senate by a vote of 22 to 33 

1— An amusing incident said to have happened during this debate was current 
at this time. Mr. Dingley thought that time was being wasted, and that the 
house ought to adjourn. He made his motion just as some facetious member pro- 
pounded the old question: "What did the gentleman from North Carolina 
say to the gentleman from South Carolina?" In chorus from a number of mem- 
bers came, "It's a long time between drinks." Not realizing the application, Mr, 
Dingley jumped to his feet and said: "Mr, Speaker, then I move that the house 
do now adjourn," Mr, Reed was convulsed with laughter in which most of the 
members joined as the gavel fell. 



400 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

refused to consider the emergency revenue bill. A combination of 
Populists and Democrats accomplished this result. Thus the sen- 
ate refused to aid the national treasury at this critical period. 

February 25 the Alaska seal fisheries again came to the front 
in the house. Mr. Dingley secured the passage of a bill providing 
for the co-operation of the United States with Great Britain, Russia 
and Japan in the appointment of a commission "to investigate the 
present condition, habits and feeding grounds of the fur-seal herd ;" 
authorizing the president to conclude a modus vivendi to termi- 
nate January i, 1898; and further authorizing the secretary of th« 
treasury (if Great Britain declines to co-operate) to take and sell 
the skins of the seals and cover the proceeds into the treasury. 
The necessity for such a course arose from the fact that Canadian 
pelagic sealers were rapidly exterminating the seals, and sending 
the skins to England, while the United States was inefifectually 
attempting to carry out the regulations of the Paris tribunal. 

During the month of March Mr. Dingley suffered considerably 
from an attack of influenza or "grip," and was unable to attend the 
sessions of the house regularly. His nervous system suffered from 
a catarrhal dif^culty, and he was far from well. On the 9th of 
April, however, he spoke briefly in favor of a bill to abolish com- 
pulsory pilotage. It was the same bill in which he was interested 
in previous congresses — a bill relieving vessels adequately piloted 
by a United States pilot from paying another fee to a state pilot. 
The bill was defeated. 

Congress became very much excited about this time over the 
struggles of the Cubans against the misrule of Spain and resolu- 
tions were introduced in both house and senate of a more or less 
belligerent character. After weeks of fiery debate, the framing of 
a proper resolution was referred to a conference committee ; and on 
the sixth of April by a vote of 247 to 2-] (80 not voting) the reso- 
lution reported by the conference committee was adopted by the 
house. It declared that "in the opinion of congress, a condition of 
public war exists between the government of Spain and the gov- 
ernment proclaimed and for some time maintained by force of arms 
by the people of Cuba ; and that the United States of America 
should maintain a strict neutrality between the contending powers, 
according to each all the rights of belligerents in the ports and ter- 
ritory of the United States," and that "the friendly offices of the 
United States should be offered by the president to the Spanish 
government for the recognition of the independence of Cuba." 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 401 

This conservative and harmless language was finally forced into the 
resolution by the wiser members of congress ; nevertheless nobody 
at that time dreamed of the near approach of the war arising from 
this same subject. 

April 1 1 Mr. Dingley addressed the house on the bill to impose 
a tax on the manufacture of filled or imitation cheese. In this ad- 
dress ^ he discussed the power of the government to use its taxing 
power as a police regulation. 

April 15 Mr. Dingley was unanimously renominated for repre- 
sentative in congress by the Repubhcans of the second Maine dis- 
trict. It was another tribute to his character and ability. 

Mr. Dingley was not as a rule fond of dinner parties or festivi- 
ties of any kind. He nnich preferred the quiet atmosphere of his 
study and the society of his family. He was often joked by his 
more jovial and convivial associates in the house, who were very 
fond of their floor leader, and yet marveled at his serious and sober 
life. Mr. Dingley broke the apparent monotony of official life and 
labors, by attending a dinner given by Representative Newlands in 
the grove at Chevy Chase, a beautiful spot a few miles from Wash- 
ington. Quite a party of members of the house were present 
among them Speaker Reed. Mr. Reed was very fond of cracking 
some joke at the expense of Mr. Dingley and Mr. Dingley invari- 
ably took it kindly and usually smiled. Mr. Dingley's glasses were 
all turned bottom up, and he listened to the stories with apparent 
stoicism. Finally Mr. Reed glanced at his colleague and drawled: 
"Governor, you don't seem to enjoy these jokes. What's the mat- 
ter?" "O, I laughed at them twenty years ago," replied Mr. Ding- 
ley quietly. The whole party was convulsed at this the best joke of 
the evening. 

The hour growing late, Mr. Dingley quietly slipped out of the 
room unobserved bidding adieu to the host. In a few moments 
Mr. Reed noticed Mr. Dingley's absence, and pulling up the table 
cloth he peeped under the table. "Mr. Speaker, what are you do- 
ing?" inquired one of the guests. "Finding out what became of 
Dingley," replied Mr. Reed. 

Mr. Dingley's brief comment in his diary on this notable dinner 
was that "he had a good time." 

On the second of May he spoke briefly in the house on the 
bankruptcy bill. While the house was debating the deficiency ap- 
propriation bill, April 20, the leaders of the minority started a dis- 
cussion on the question of responsibility for the deficit and the in- 
dustrial conditions. Mr. Dockery of Missouri taunted the Repub 

1 — See Appendix. 



402 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

licans with having done nothing to cure the deficit. Mr. Dingley 
charged ^ a large share of the decrease in the revenue to the change 
from specific to ad valorem duties, instituted by the Wilson bill of 
1894. He defended the course of the majority in the house, which, 
he said, passed bills to increase revenue and reduce the rate of in- 
terest on bonds. Both these measures of relief were met by tlie 
solid opposition of the Democrats in the house and by a combi- 
nation of Democrats and PopuHsts in the senate. The debate 
brought out very clearly that not only was the Democratic admin- 
istration responsible for deficiencies and the issue of bonds, but for 
refusing to enact the emergency revenue and bond bills which 
would have relieved the public treasury and saved the people mil- 
lions of dollars. 

On the fifth of May, the house had passed all the appropriation 
bills; and on the following day, Mr. Dingley reported from the 
committee on ways and means a concurrent resolution in the house, 
providing for the final adjournment of Congress May 18. The 
resolution was greeted with applause and agreed to at once. The 
record of this house in the prompt passage of appropriation bills 
was excelled by no previous house ; and the credit was largely due 
to the industry of Mr. Dingley as floor leader and chairman of the 
ways and means committee. 

The intense feeling against President Cleveland on the part of 
the members of congress who favored the free coinage of siher, 
and who opposed the issue of gold bonds, manifested itself in the 
house May 23, when Mr. Howard, a Populist member from Ala- 
bama, offered a bill of impeachment against President Cleveland 
for selling bonds without any authority of law;for misappropriating 
the proceeds of the bonds ; for disregarding the law which makes 
United States notes redeemable in coin ; and for several other al- 
leged offenses. This attempt to impeach the president created a 
sensation; and Mr. Dingley by raising the question of considera- 
tion, caused the house to refuse to consider the matter. 

The financial tendencies of a majority of the senate, and its op- 
position to President Cleveland, was again ruanifest when a bill was 
considered in the senate May 21, to prohibit the further issue of 
government bonds without the consent of congress. After a long 
and tedious debate, the bill was passed in the senate by a vote of 32 
to 25. This bill came over to the house and was referred to the com- 
mittee on ways and means. Mr. Dingley was the commanding 
spirit in the committee discussion of this bill; and on the fifth of 

1 — See Appendix. 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 403 

Tune he reported the bill adversely to the house. The accompany- 
ing report ^ written by Mr. Dingley, was an able and comprehen- 
sive discussion of the question of interest-bearing bonds. In it 
he said that the attempt to deprive the secretary of the power to 
borrow for the purpose of maintaining the redemption fund, when 
there had been for three years a large deficiency of revenue, raised 
the query whether it is not the deliberate purpose of the promoters 
to plunge the government into repudiation and depreciated green- 
backs. In view of the fact that so many members of the house 
were unwilling to go on record at this critical juncture as voting 
against this bill, it was deemed best to allow it to remain on the 
calendar. Mr. Dingley was personally opposed to such a course, 
but out of deference to many of his colleagues, yielded. 

June 8, Mr. Dingley secured the passage through the house of 
a joint resolution authorizing a scientific investigation of the fur- 
seal fisheries, during the fiscal years of 1896 and 1897. 

The closing hours of this session were full of excitement. Party 
lines were closely drawn, and party speeches made, for it was the 
eve of a great presidential election. The veto of the river and har- 
bor bill by President Cleveland and its passage over his veto, had 
given the minority in the house a text on which to dwell with 
partisan bitterness. On the loth of June Mr. Dockery of Missouri, 
one of the strongest of the minority in the house, assailed the Re- 
publican majority for its extravagance. "This congress," he said, 
"is the most recklessly improvident and riotously extravagant con- 
gress since the establishment of the government." He charged 
that the difficulty with the country was the inadequate revenue un- 
der the McKinley tariff, and the reckless extravagance of the pres- 
ent congress. He added: "I arraign the do-nothing policy of the 
Republican party announced by the distinguished speaker of the 
house and by his almost equally eminent colleague, Mr. Dingley." 

Mr. Dingley replied to Mr. Dockery in a speech of great force 
and power. ^ He analyzed the financial condition of the country 
and made it clear where the responsibility rested. He reviewed the 
disasters following the tariff of 1894 and said that "we have had a 
kindergarten on a large scale. The tuition came high but no peo- 
ple ever learned so much in so short a time." He warned the 
minority that "in November next the people will complete the work 
which they set out to accomplish in 1894. Then we shall re-estab- 
lish protection." ^ 

1 — See Appendix. 

2 — The Washington correspondent of the New York Tribune wrote; "It is 
seldom indeed that one can find in three pages or any number of pages of the 



404 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

At 4 o'clock on tlie afternoon of June ii, the house with the 
usual confusion, adjourned without day. On the following day, 
Mr. Dingley with his faithful wife left Washington for his home in 
Maine, where he was warmly greeted and congratulated by a host 
of admiring friends. 

As chairman of the committee on ways and means and as leader 
of the majority on the floor of the house, Mr. Dingley was a pro- 
nounced success. His industry and perseverance made him master 
of the details of the tariff and everything pertaining to the customs 
and revenue department of the government. His committee room 
was the headquarters of all who desired special information or as- 
sistance in the way of legislation. Always patient and courteous, 
he listened to the stories of all, encouraged some and advised 
others. He was known throughout the capitol as a walking ency- 
clopedia of information, and none came to him in vain. As floor 
leader, he was all that Speaker Reed or his colleagues could de- 
sire. Filled with accurate information ; always fair and just ; he won 
the respect and admiration of all members regardless of party. 
The house learned to have complete confidence in him, and his 
word was to them law. An incident is often told of a member of 
this house who was exceedingly deaf. His admiration of Air. 
Dingley amounted to almost worship. His deafness often pre- 
vented him hearing the questions as they were put by the chair. 
Invariably when such a predicament presented itself this afflicted 
member could be seen edging toward Mr. Dingley's seat. Then 

congressional record so much truth, buttressed by facts that are indisputable, 
as may be found in today's issue of that publication under the caption. 'The 
changed conditions of the country, the cause and remedy.' This is the title of 
tlie speech tliat Chairman Dingley of the ways and means committee, delivered 
in the house of representatives Wednesday in reply to Mi- Dockery of Missouri. 
In the course of his career in congress Gov. Dingley has delivered many strong 
and forcible and persuasive speeciies on economic subjects, wliich have gained 
for hin'i an enviable reputation as a statesman, but never until last Wednesday 
was he able to marshall such an overwhelming and impregnable array of facts 
in support of the principles which he has always advocated tince he first became 
a member of the house of representatives. "The speech surprised everybody — 
even men who had known Mr. Dingley longest — and it surprised nobody more 
than the men who had believed that the chairman of the ways and means com- 
mittee was destitute of the power of scarcasm or too gentle to use it if he did 
possess it. 'Who would have supposed that Mr. Dingley had ever heard of 
Josh Billings or read one of his sayings?' was the question his friends asked one 
another in amazement as he opened his speecli with the remark that as he 
listened to Dockery he was reminded of the quaint saying of Josh Billings that 
'It is better not to know so many things, than to know so many things that ain't 
so.' That criticism of the speech to the preparation of which the Missourian 
had devoted weeks, was as penetrating and merciless as it was unexpected, but 
it was fully justified by the statements with which Representative Dingley sup- 
ported it." 

This speech was widely circulated as a campaign document, the congressional 
committee distributing more than seven hundred thousand copies while many 
more thousands were ordered printed by various congressmen and distributed in 
their districts. 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 405 

putting his left hand to his ear, he would say to the leader in a 
hoarse whisper : "Governor, how shall I vote ?" And he voted just 
as he was told and always voted right. 

Mr. Dingley guided the destinies of the majority by his kind- 
ness, fairness and respect for others. He was throughout this ses- 
sion, beloved by all his colleagues. Many of them told of their ex- 
periences with this modest, quiet leader — how they as new mem- 
bers went to him for advice, and how kindly they were always re- 
ceived. Whatever information this leader had acquired by hard 
work and close application he freely imparted to others. Speaker 
Reed's quick wit and active intellect was supplemented and guarded 
by Mr. Dingley's accurate information and unerring judgment. 

The Republican national convention met at St. Louis June 16. 
It was destined to be one of the most memorable conventions in the 
history of the party. This gathering was to determine a second 
time the fixed policy of the Republican party on the money ques- 
tion. The greenback and fiat money craze had somewhat disturbed 
the equilibrium of political parties a quarter of a century previous ; 
and the Republican party stood for sound money. So in this con- 
vention, the Republican party declined to be led astray by the 
"crime of 1873," "the gold bugs," "the free and unlimited coinage 
of silver at 16 to i without the consent of any other nation on 
earth." The national convention met at St. Louis, and, as Mr. 
Dingley predicted, stood squarely on the gold standard — on a sound 
money platform. Many Republicans were deceived by "16 to i," 
but the correct course of the party in its national convention was 
as clear as noonday to those who were familiar with the financial 
history of the country and the financial record of the party. Mr. 
Dingley's firm and unyielding position on the money question, and 
his increasing liostility to the doctrine of "16 to i" was a guide and 
inspiration to the leaders in that convention who framed the finan- 
cial plank in the national platform. 

As a warm personal friend and admirer of his colleague, Mr. 
Reed, he was friendly to Mr. Reed's presidential aspirations ; but 
he fully realized that William McKinley, a western candidate, was 
backed by practically the solid west. It was evident to Mr. Dingley 
some time before the convention, that Mr. McKinley would be 
nominated ; and he hastened to say to all inquiries that Mr. Reed, 
if he faiied to secure the nomination, would not retire from public 
life for he was needed in congress. William McKinley was nomi- 
nated for president on the i8th, and Garrett A. Hobart of New Jer- 
sey was nominated for vice president. A few days prior to the con 



4o6 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

vention the newspapers reported that Mr. Diiigley's name was 
mentioned at St. Louis for the vice presidency. His laconic com- 
ment recorded in his diary was : "Probably nothing but a sugges- 
tion, as I have heard nothing of it before." He could not have been 
induced under any consideration to accept the nomination for vice 
president. 

Of the nomination of Mr. McKinley Mr. Dingley said: "We, 
in Maine, hoped that our own Thomas B. Reed would be the nom- 
inee, and to that end labored until the votes of the delegates had 
been registered. We gracefully yield to the preferences of a ma- 
jority of the representatives of the Republicans of the country, just 
as we know they would have gracefully yielded and joined us if the 
man from Maine had been the chosen one. But in accepting Mr. 
McKinley as our standard bearer, we have the satisfaction of know- 
ing that he is a worthy nominee — able, experienced, wise and 
patriotic, and that in his hands the interests of the nation will be 
safe. While our candidate for president has failed in the nomina- 
tion, yet Thomas B. Reed has conducted himself with such dignity, 
such manliness and such courtesy as to make him stronger than 
ever with the great body of the American people. Not a word has 
been uttered by him, or by Mr. McKinley, in the canvass just closed 
which reflects on either, or leaves them anything but the strong 
personal friends they have always been. Speaker Reed has done 
so great service to the American people that the American party 
will not willingly have him retire from the position in which he has 
served with such credit to himself and honor to the nation." 

Concerning the secession from the Republican ranks of the 
twenty-two "free silver" delegates to the national convention, Mr. 
Dingley said: "I can understand the intensity of the desire of the 
silver mine owners to turn e\ery fifty cents worth of their silver 
into dollars without paying for their manufacture ; I can under- 
stand how the en\ironment of Teller and his associates has influ- 
enced their judgment ; but I cannot understand why anybody else 
should follow in support of a scheme whose end would be such un- 
paralleled evil." 

The Democratic national convention, held in Chicago in July, 
was one of the most remarkable political gatherings the country 
had ever seen. The Democrats were turned aside, and the advo- 
cates of 1 6 to I free silver swept the convention like a whirlwind 
and nominated William J. Bryan of Nebraska for president. Mr. 
Dingley said: "Such an unexpected nomination of a man whom 
probably not a dozen members of the convention would have re- 




D. B. HEXDERSi iX. S. E. PAYNE. 
J. A. TAWNEY J P DOLLIVER. 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 407 

garded as suitable for such a position, affords another illustration, 
not only of the uncertainties of politics, but also of the volatile 
character of a large convention. It was emphatically a nomination 
born of an eloquent speech." 

The nomination of Arthur Sewell of Bath, Maine, by this con- 
vention, on a 16 to I free silver platform, was a gretft surprise to 
Mr. Dingley and the people of Maine. "Evidently there is music 
ahead in the Democratic ranks of Maine," said Mr. Dingley. 

Of the platform adopted by the Chicago convention Mr. Ding- 
ley said : "Taken as a whole it would be difficult to conceive of a 
program which, when fully carried out, would more completely 
destroy national and private credit, paralyze trade and industries, 
diminish wages and opportunities for Irbor, and turn back the tide 
of progress in this country. There can be no returning prosperity 
until this assault on order, law and a sound currency is repelled and 
disposed of." 

The state campaign in Maine opened about the middle of 
August. It was important as indicating in some measure, the atti- 
tude of the Republican party on the doctrine of 16 to i free silver 
coinage, which was the corner stone of the Bryan Democracy. 
Maine had experienced the vicissitudes and the uncertainties of a 
greenback campaign ; and the Republicans were somewhat pre- 
pared for this new financial fallacy which was sweeping over the 
country. No man in Maine was better equipped for the approach- 
ing discussion of financial principles than Mr. Dingley, and with 
voice and pen he sounded the keynote and fought the battles of 
national honor. His speeches and editorials were important factors 
in shaping and winning this state campaign. He made twenty 
speeches in his own district and illuminated the whole subject of 
finance, so that when the votes were counted Monday night, Sep- 
tember 14, it was found that he had been re-elected by over 13,000 
plurality, and the Republican state ticket by over 48,000 plurality. 
In commenting on the election Mr. Dingley said: "The rural 
parts of the state have shown as surprising gains as the cities and 
manufacturing towns. The farmers have been as solid in rejecting 
the free silver heresy as the manufacturers ; and the workingman is 
as emphatic in that direction as the business man. All alike have 
declared that after a most careful discussion of the new issue 
the free coinage of silver at the ratio of 16 to i meant nothing but 
silver for our metallic money and a silver basis, and a depreciated 
dollar, and that these would prove a calamity for all. The people 



4o8 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

of Maine declare for revenue sufficient to run the government, a 
return to the policy of the adjustment of duties so as to encourage 
our own industries and labor, and a stable currency of which every 
dollar shall be ecjual in value to gold." 

During this important and critical state campaign Mr. Dingley 
secured sonffe rest at his summer home. Here he wrote many of 
the editorials on iinancial questions which appeared in the Lewis- 
ton Journal and which were guides to all doubtful voters in the 
state. Nor was he ever too busy to Hsten to the childish stories of 
his grandchildren, or to play games with them. He even recorded 
in his diary the birthdays of his children and grandchildren, so firm 
was his grasp of details. 

At the urgent request of the Republican national committee, 
Mr. Dingley, on the last day of September, started on a speaking 
tour in Ohio, Indiana, Illinois and Michigan. He was not physi- 
cally able to undertake this task, and reluctantly yielded. He spoke 
twice in Ohio, four times in Indiana, four times in Illinois and three 
times in Michigan — in a majority of cases at great out of door mass 
meetings in rural sections of the states, and also in several large 
cities, including Cle\'eland and Chicago. The meeting in Chicago 
(October lo) was in a large tent with an audience estimated at 
twenty thousand people. He reached his home in Lewiston Octo- 
ber 20, and told of his experiences. "I have never seen," he said, 
"a succession of so large political meetings in any campaign ; and 
not even in war times have I witnessed greater enthusiasm. It was 
noticeable that there was a very large attendance of sound money 
Democrats at each meeting, scores of whom would take me by thj 
hand after each meeting and say to me that they proposed this year 
to vote the Republican ticket. I found more or less free silver sen- 
timent among Republican farmers, particularly those who were 
Greenbackers in 1877-8; but at every point I learned that these men 
were rapidly giving up the free sil\-er theory and returning to the 
Republican fold. The conditions of all the states in which I spoke 
seemed to me to be strikingly similar to what I found in the Maine 
campaign — so similar that I believe they foreshadow a Repub- 
lican triumph in the west far more decisive than is generally ex- 
pected. I spent several hours with Major and Mrs. McKinley at 
Canton, Ohio, and lunched with them. I found Major McKinley 
in excellent health and spirits, notwithstanding he was constantiv 
receiving delegations and making brief speeches ; and entirely con- 
fident tl:at he would be triumphantly elected." 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 409 

Mr. Dingley was very much exhausted after this speaking tour, 
and aggravated a bronchial difficulty which never entirely left him, 
and which contributed to his final physical collapse. 

The result of the presidential election in November justified Mr. 
Dingley's predictions. William McKinley was elected president. 
The country breathed freer. The business and industries of the 
land felt that a crushing burden had been removed. The dark 
clouds which had hung over the country for so many months 
showed a rift through which the golden sunlight streamed. The 
distrust which had so long paralyzed business and industries gave 
way to rising confidence. The greatest peril with which the coun- 
try had been threatened since the close of the civil war had been 
overcome. Mr. Dingley sent a telegram of congratulations to 
Major McKinley. 

He was confined to his house a large part of the time during 
the remaining weeks of November. His catarrh caused him no 
little annoyance, and it was a long time before the trouble yielded 
to treatment. On the 23rd of November he received a letter from 
President-elect McKinley, asking Mr. Dingley to visit him at Can- 
ton, Ohio, at his earliest convenience, before the assembling of con- 
gress. December 2nd he started for Canton, Ohio, reaching there 
the following day. ^ 

1 Walter Wellman, the well-known correspondent, wrote in November, 1896: 

"President -elect McKinley and Mr. Dingley served together on the ways and 
means committee when the famous McKinley law was framed. They know one 
another as one knows a member of his own family. Their friendship is close, 
strong and enduring. "Governor McKinley will make one of the greatest presi- 
dents we have ever had in the White House,' said Mr. Dingley. 'He has grown 
remarkably ever since he left congress. He has had the wonderful incentive of 
fate— a fate that was drawing him nearer great responsibilities and honors. 
McKinley is a perfectly rounded man. His knowledge of things is equal to his 
knowledge of men. Some presidents know one and some the other. McKinley 
knows both. He has the most remarkable faculty to bring men together I have 
ever seen in public life and that is a great quality in a president. Major Mc- 
Kinley's temper is well nigh perfect. He has infinite patience and tact. I used 
to marvel at him when we were making the tariff law of 1890. There were an- 
noyances then such as you could not dream. Men were stubborn and selfish and 
brutal beyond the imagination. I do not speak of the members of the committee, 
for in the committee we had no trouble, but of outsiders. McKinley's conduct to- 
ward them was patience itself. It was simply phenomenal. He is the same 
today. He is now at his best. He is in his very prime. He is equipped for the 
difficult task of the presidency as few men have been before him. He will make 
a success. He will be his own president. One thing I cannot understand, and 
that is why a man should be thought weak because he is sweet of manner and 
patient and considerate of others. To my mind these are marks of strength. In 
McKinley's case I know they are. I have studied him carefully and I can say 
that he will have peace if he can. He will preserve harmony by yielding in non- 
essentials, the little things which make for nothing of intrinsic value. But when 
it comes to principles, the great things to the end in view, he is a rock." 



CHAPTER XXI. 
1 896- 1 897. 

President McKinley's first administration really began immedi- 
ately after the national election of November, 1896. The responsi- 
bilities placed upon him by the deliberate action of the people in 
that memorable contest, forced themselves at once upon the newly 
chosen executive. He summoned to his home the ablest and wisest 
men of his party for the purpose of settling upon a policy to be pur- 
sued, and selecting a cabinet to assist in promoting that policy. 

In forming his ministry, the president-elect was not guided by 
geographical consideration. He looked for men who could aid him 
in making a successful and harmonious administration. It was the 
quality of the men that counted. 

It had already been repeatedly intimated in the public press that 
the president would probably select Mr. Dingley as his secretary of 
the treasury, for. in the chairman of the ways and means committee 
the president saw the ideal officer who harmonized the relations be- 
tween the cabinet and congress. He knew very well that there was 
no other man in the country so well prepared, by natural gifts and 
training, in the public service, for this arduous task. 

Mr. Dingley's extreme modesty over the compliments that were 
showered upon him by the newspapers and public men, was char- 
acteristic. He said quietly to a friend: "Since my name has been 
so much mentioned in the newspapers as a possible member of Mr. 
McKinley's cabinet, a great many of both political parties have 
called upon me to extend their good wishes. I do not know any- 
thing at all about the cabinet place which they talk of, but I do 
know that I have been touched bv these expressions of good will 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 411 

from so many of my associates. They are worth more than forty 
pubHc offices." 

Before departing for President McKinley's home, Mr. Dingley 
conferred with many of his close pohtical friends in his district, 
with his physician and with members of his family, as to the advis- 
ability of his accepting the position of secretary of the treasury, in 
case he should be asked to join President McKinley's official 
family. A majority, particularly the members of his family, advised 
against it, largely on account of his health. Folger and Manning 
and Windom had succumbed to the hard and exacting duties of the 
secretary of the treasury; and Mr. Dingley while doubtless able to 
perform the duties of the office with comparative ease, would have 
seriously impaired his health. 

Mr. Dingley reached Canton, Ohio, on the morning of Decem- 
ber 3. He was driven at once to Mr. McKinley's residence where 
he was warmly welcomed by the president-elect. At lunch Presi- 
dent McKinley sat at the head of the table, Mrs. McKinley on his 
left and Mr. Dingley on his right. Senator Thurston of Nebraska, 
Senator Mason of Illinois, and a son of Mr. Dingley were also 
seated at the table. The conversation was naturally on pohtical 
topics, and through it all, Mr. Dingley's accurate and marvelous 
memory of facts and figures manifested itself. After lunch, Mr. 
McKinley and Mr. Dingley retired to an upper room, where a long 
conference was held in private, about revenue and tariff matters. 
Mr. Dingley urged the president-elect to call an extra session of 
congress immediately after March 4th, in order to provide the pub- 
lic treasury with more revenue. "By that time," said Mr. Dingley, 
"a tarift' bill will be ready." 

Before the interview closed, the president-elect said : "Gover- 
nor, I always said that if I were ever president, I would make you 
my secretary of the treasury. The time has now come and I want 
you to take that important position. You are the man for the 
place. Will you take it?" -^ 

Mr. Dingley thanked Mr. McKinley sincerely for the honor and 
said: "My dear governor, I have no desire for the position. I pre- 
fer my present place in the house. I think I can do you and your 
administration more service th.ere." 

1— "He was offered the position of secretary of the treasury by President 
McKinley and it is within my own personal knowledge that the president felt a 
great relief when he had brought his mind to the suggestion of his appointment, 
and I know it was a great grief and disappointment to him when Mr. Dingley de- 
clined the honor upon the ground of his impaired health. That he would have 
made a model secretary of the treasury, no man doubts. That it would have 
added any honor to him I cannot conceive." Hon. Chas. H. Grosvenor, of Ohio. 



412 



LIFE AND TIMES OF 



"I think not, governor." said the president-elect. "I am anxioits 
to have you in my official family and I urge you to accept the place. 
You know I have the utmost confidence in you ; and the whole 
country will approve my act." 

Finally Mr. Dingley said : "Well, governor, I will take you." 
tender into careful consideration and return answer in a few 
weeks." 

On account of a severe cold, Mr. Dingley remained all night at 
the McKinley home. While here, absorbed in public matters of 
great moment, Mr. Dingley did not forget that this was the birth- 
day of his dear wife. He wrote her a long letter of love and con- 
gratulation. The following day, after calling with Mr. McKinley 
on his aged mother, Mr. Dingley left for Washington, arriving 
there Saturday morning, December 5. x\t his rooms in the Hamil- 
ton house he was besieged all day long by newspaper reporters 
eager to talk with the man who had been offered the position of 
secretary of the treasury. To all alike, he declined to talk of the 
matter ; but he was deeply touched by the compliments paid him by 
the members of the press in Washington who had learned to honor, 
respect and love him. ^ 

The second and last session of the fifty-fourth congress met 
Monday, December 7. The usual interesting scenes were enacted 
on the opening day. The desks of many members, including that of 
Mr. Dingley, were profusely decorated with flowers. Republicans 
and Democrats alike congratulated Mr. Dingley upon his probable 
selection as secretary of the treasury. Employes of the house who 
had formed a warm attachment for the Republican leader, ven- 
tured to add their modest congratulations. He held a veritable re- 
ception at his desk for an hour before congress met. 

President Cleveland's message was conspicuous for what it did 
not say on the tariff. There was simply an apology for the tarifl' 

1 — The Washington correspondent to the Chicago Times Herald wrote: "He 
is not only one of the ablest men in the house, but is also one of the most admired 
and respected. During his long career in that body he has not made a single 
enemy, while it is also true that he has won the warm regard of his fellow leg- 
islators of all parties. The quality of his politics is healthy, and the philosophy 
of his statesmanship is profound. When he speaks both sides of the house listen, 
not because he is a gi'eat orator, but because what he says always adds wisdom 
to the situation." 

The Washington correspondent of the Cleveland Plain Dealer wrote: "Mr. 
Dingley is a remarkable man. He gives no outward physical sign of the great 
ability he possesses. He has a face that utterly disguibes his Anglo-Saxon 
blood, yet he is a Yankee of the Yankees, pure and undeHled. Free from all per- 
sonal contact with trusts, from all corporations, from all banks and banking. 
Governo! Dingley. a pronounced single standard gold inan. will be the very 
strongest sou! that Mr. McKinley can command, to carry out that idea success- 
fully. The immense, overwhelming importance of having a man at the head of 
this great arm of the government who can act and make the fewest mistakes, is 
fullv understood by Mr. McKinley. Mr. Dingley as such a man, has no rival in 
the Republican party." 












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NELSON DINGLEY JR. 413 

whicli lie allowed to become a law without his signature. The 
executive ascribed the public deficit not to the tariff but to poor 
business. He did not allude to the free coinage of silver, but con- 
tented himself with urging the retirement of the greenbacks. On 
the Cuban question, the president was conservative, much to the 
relief of the whole country. He simply urged home rule for Cuba 
to be granted by Spain. 

Mr. Dingley carefully and thoughtfully considered Mr. McKin- 
ley's tender of a cabinet position. He conferred with Speaker Reed 
and other party leaders, with his physicians and the members of his 
family. His catarrh not only troubled him but deprived him of 
sleep and disturbed his whole nervous system. 

After a particularly restless night, he finally and irrevocably 
made up his mind ; and on the morning of December 22nd wrote 
the following letter : 

"Washington, D. C, December 22, 1896. 

"Hon. William McKinley.— 

"My Dear Governor : I have been carefully considering your 
very kind request that I take the treasury department under your 
administration, and have consulted with Mrs. Dingley, my physi- 
cian and a few intimate friends in my district. 

"I have only been strengthened in the conviction which I ex- 
pressed to you when the suggestion was made at Canton, that I can 
do more for the success of your administration where I am than in 
the treasury, and as I said to you, my personal tastes are in the 
same direction. 

"In view of the fact that I want to do everything possible to 
make your administration a success — as I believe it will be — and 
for that reason should feel inclined to subordinate my own personal 
preferences in order to respond to your own desires in a matter of 
this kind, I should have probably reluctantly replied in the affirma- 
tive to your request, if it had not been for the fact that a severe at- 
tack of catarrh induced by excessive out-of-door speaking in the 
campaign has persistently continued and visibly affected my ner- 
vous system, in consequence of which I have deemed it proper to 
consult my physician as to my probable physical ability at my time 
of life to meet the continiKJUs severe burdens imposed on the head 
of the treasury in recent years — greatly increased by the business 
depressions of the past three years ; and he informs me that I should 
run a very serious risk of breaking down under such a load which 
has no seasons of relief, as is the case with my present position. 
And Mrs. Dingley is so much impressed wath the advice of my phy- 



414 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

sician, and the present condition of my nervous system under the 
existing attack of catarrh, that she fears I would lose my life — as 
Manning and Windom did under the same burden — if I should un- 
dertake the work of the treasury. 

"In this situation, therefore, I feel constrained to decline the 
high honor — for I feel it such — which you proposed to tender me, 
and for which I am under the deepest obligation to you. At the 
same time, I assure you that you will have my hearty co-operation 
and assistance at all times in making your administration a great 
success. With the best wishes, I remain. 

"Sincerely yours, 
"Nelson Dingley Jr." 

Thus Mr. Dingley declined the office of secretary of the treas- 
ury. His letter was read by Mr. McKinley with deep regret ; but 
he knew that under no circumstances could Mr. Dingley be induced 
to change his mind. Later he fully realized that Mr. Dingley was 
right when he said that he could help the administration and the 
country more as chairman of the ways and means committee than 
as secretary of the treasury. 

This positive declination was not publicly known until January 
7, when Mr. Dingley confirmed the report that he would not be 
secretary of the treasury. To the inquiries of friends and corres- 
pondents he said: "It is a matter of sincere regret that I cannot 
be intimately associated with the McKinley administration, for I 
believe it is going to be a successful administration. I would do as 
much for Governor McKinley as for any other man, but upon care- 
ful reflection, I cannot see my way to accept the treasury depart- 
ment." But in reluctantly declining this high honor, Mr. Dingley 
gave to the country his rare talents and ripe experience in the 
preparation of a protective tariff bill that arrested depression and 
restored material prosperity. 

The preparation of the Dingley tarifif bill began on the evening 
of December 10, twelve days before that important letter to Mr. 
McKinley was penned, when the republican members of the ways 
and means committee met in the committee room and voted "to 
begin a tariff bill and have it ready for an extra session of con- 
gress." 

The committee on ways and means was first created July 24, 
1789, in the first session of the first congress, and consisted of a 
member from each state. In the second session of the seventh con- 
gress, (December 15, 1802) the committee became one of the 
standing committees of the house. Until 1865 this committee con- 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 415 

sidered and reported all appropriation bills. The membership of 
the committee has always been composed of the most distinguished 
members of the house. Among them have been, John Randolph, 
Millard Fillmore, Henry Clay, James K. Polk, Robert C. Winthrop, 
John C. Breckenridge, Henry Winter Davis, Justin S. Morrill, John 
Sherman, Israel Washburn, Thaddeus Stevens, James A. Garfield. 
Roscoe Conkling, William B. Allison, John A. Logan, William D. 
Kelly. Austin Blair, Henry L. Dawes, William R. Morrison, N. P. 
Banks, Roger Q. Mills, John G. Carlisle, William P. Frye, William 
Mcl-Cinley, Thomas B. Reed, William L. Wilson, Julius C. Burrows, 
William M. Springer and William J. Bryan. 

The room of the committee on ways and means in the National 
house in December 1896, when the preparation of the Dingley 
tariff bill was begun, was the largest and most commodious in the 
capitol. The library had about four thousand volumes covering 
very completely the subjects of tariff and finance. An open fire- 
place and inviting easy chairs, made this committee room a general 
reception room for those desiring private conferences with promi- 
nent members of congress. Chairman Dingley was sought after 
more than any other member of congress, unless it was the 
speaker ; and he always received all with uniform courtesy. In the 
center of the room stood a large table around which were arranged 
17 chairs. Along the edge of the table directly in front of each 
chair, was a small silver plate on which was engraved the name of 
the member of the committee occupying the seat. Chairman Ding- 
ley sat at the head of the table farthest from the door with Sereno 
E. Payne of New York on his right and John Dalzell of Pennsyl- 
vania on his left. The other members of the committee were : Al- 
ert J. Hopkins of Illinois, Charles H. Grosvenor of Ohio, Charles 
A. Russell of Connecticut, Jonathan P. Dolhver of Iowa, George 
W. Steele of Indiana, Martin N. Johnson of North Dakota, Walter 
Evans of Kentucky, James A. Tawney of Minnesota, Henry G. 
Turner of Georgia, Charles J. Boatner of Louisiana, Seth W. 
Cobb of Missouri, Benton McMillin of Tennessee, Joseph Wheeler 
of Alabama, and John L. McLaurin of South Carolina. 

Mr. Dingley was 65 years old when he undertook the task of 
guiding to a successful consummation, the framing of the protec- 
tive tariff bill of 1897. otherwise known as the Dingley bill. He pos- 
sessed a mind logical in the highest degree. He had a wonderfully 
lucid way of asserting facts and of going at once to the heart of 
things. Apparently not of robust health, he was nevertheless of a 
wiry nature, capable of intense work without fatigue. He launched 



4i6 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

upon his arduous task with a coniidence and assurance born of long 
experience and close study. He had his subject well in hand and 
was able to do an enormous amount of work with comparative 
ease. In fact, while burdened with the responsibilities of his posi- 
tion and filled with the cares of legislation, this busy man found 
time to answer his little grandson's letters. In the course of one 
letter dated February ist, written to his grandson, he said: "When 
you get to be a big boy we want you to come and visit us at Wash- 
ington and we will show you the big white marble building in 
which congress meets and where grandpa works, and also the big 
white house in which the president lives." 

The construction of a new tarifY along the lines of protection 
and national income began. 

The new tariff was not to be a copy of any previous economic 
legislation, because the American economic system was founded on 
a condition and theory, not a theory without regard to a condi- 
tion. The protection of American wages was the basic idea of the 
American economic system. The trouble with the tariff of 
1894 was that it discriminated against the agricultural and other 
important American interests, while giving fair protection to cer- 
tain other domestic interests. The task of devising a tariff bill to 
stay a national deficit and adequately protect all American indus- 
try, was no holiday affair. But it was committed to experts, not 
novices. The capitalist was fast ascertaining that his profits should 
not come out of an abnormally strong position secured by the 
artifices of unscientific paternalism, but out of the exploitation of 
nature by machinery run by well paid help, protected by the law of 
humanity embodied in a tariff. The idea had gained a stronger 
position in this country year by year, that the American economic 
system gives to capital larger profits only by way of cheaper wealth 
and larger production. We have ascertained that advanced tools 
depend on advanced consumption, and ach^anced consumption on 
high wages. The jironiotion of wages and the standard of life is 
not sentimental philanthrophy but scientific humanity, because it 
co-ordinates the interests of those who make to sell with those who 
buy to consume. 

Mr. Dingley, in the course of a public statement said: "We 
should have at least fifty million dollars of revenues, and it would 
be better if the sum were seventy million. Besides, the treasury re- 
serve should not be less than one hundred and fifty million dollars 
instead of the present limit of one hundred million dollars in gold. 
After July ist there must be more revenue or serious difficulty will 





/ 


\ 




i 


^^ 


t^ 







MAINE'S BIG SIX. 

WM. P. FRTE, EUGENE HALE. 

NELSON DINGLEY .JR. THOMAS. B. REED. 

CHARLES A. BOUTELLE. SETH L. MILLIKEN. 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 417 

arise. Whatever is done should be done quickly for business rea- 
sons. As applied to politics, delay would be dangerous. There is 
only one plan to be followed— that is for President McKinley to 
call an extraordinary session of congress. It is my judgment that 
such a session need not be a long one, unless the senate purposely 
prolongs debate. If the two bodies composing congress confine 
themselves to the work in hand, six weeks ought to be sufficient 
for the house. There are objections to an extra session unless it 
becomes imperative, but there can be no doubt that the exigencies 
of the treasury are under that head. Part of the wave of confidence 
that has swept over the country since the result of the recent elec- 
tion became known, arises from the buoyant hopes of most of our 
industrial concerns that the existing tariff injustices, dangers and 
incongruities will be corrected. Our manufacturing interests are 
looking forward with the hope, in many cases born of desperation, 
of relief from the existing ills of the tariff system. We have now an 
opportunity to obtain from fifty to seventy million dollars addi- 
tional revenue, and at the same time to build up some of our na- 
tional industries which are now languishing. Protection is a prin- 
ciple — not a matter of rates. The house of representatives will 
maintain the principle of protection but with iustice and modera- 
tion." 

The series oi tariff hearings by the committee on ways and 
means began December 28 and closed January 11. The committee 
room was crowded at every hearing, and representatives of all the 
leading lines of industry were present. Chairman Dingley pre- 
sided over these hearings, listening to and commenting on the mass 
of testimony. 

W^ednesday, January 13, the republican members of the com- 
mittee began the framing of the tariff bill, in rooms they had en- 
gaged at the Cochran hotel, immediately opposite the Hamilton 
house, — centrally located and convenient to the chairman. 

It took two weeks and two days to complete the first draft of 
the Dingley tariff bill, and get the printed copies ready for con- 
gress. The republican members of the committee worked almost 
uninterruptedly during this period in the preparation of the bill. It 
was a tremendous task. Schedule by schedule, paragraph by para- 
graph, the entire bill was constructed with great care and pre- 
cision. Mr. Dingley was the guiding spirit, ^ all yielding to his 

1 — "Gov. Dingley was largely the stimulating and controlling influence. The 
review of the work, however, discloses to all who participated in it, or were in 
any way acquainted with it. the remarkable ability, the conscientious applica- 
tion and the unselfish disposition which Governor Dingley possessed. It dis- 
closed further the grasp of industrial situations and the necessities and the pur- 



4i8 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

judgment, knowledge and tact. During these conferences various 
interests often clashed, but the chairman was ahvays ready with 
some compromise or plan of procedure that seemed to satisfy all. 
With rare shrewdness he succeeded in adjusting all differences and 
in harmonizing the several parts of this important measure. His 
associates had implicit confidence in him and regarded him as stu- 
dents regard a wise and noble instructor. 

Many amusing events transpired during the preliminary prepa- 
ration of the Dingley tariff bill, some of them at the expense of the 
chairman, who was always so absorbed in the seriousness of his 
work as to forget the humorous side of life. Mr. Dingley, it is re- 
lated, was very anxious to have a duty on kindling wood. Most of 
the members associated kindling wood with their wood piles at 

1 their back doors and were inclined to poke fun at the chairman. 

'They were not aware of the fact that in many of the northern states 
there was a regular industry of manufacturing kindling wood and 
putting it on the market in bundles. Air. Dingley proceeded to 
argue in favor of a duty on this article and took seriously the ob- 
jections raised by some of the members who objected in a spirit of 
pure fun. But the duty on kindling wood was agreed to. 
^ Shortly afterwards, Mr. Tawney of Minnesota, became inter- 
ested in a duty on enameled shoe strings. So one morning he 
asked to have the schedule which he had prepared, considered by 
the Republican members. The chairman, who was overwhelmed 
with requests and anxious to complete the first draft of the bill, 
said, perhaps with some haste : "We have no time now for such 
trifling matters." Mr. Tawney with more spirit than he now wishes 
he had displayed, replied: "Mr. Chairman, I think shoe strings are 
as important as kindling wood." The other members including the 
chairman joined in a hearty laugh and proceeded to consider other 
sections of the bill. 

Chairman Dingley sat at the head of the table, Mr. Payne on 
his right and Mr. Dalzell on his left. These three men were the 
Republican triumvirate in the preparation of the first draft of the 
bill. So great was the chairman's confidence in the judgment of 
these two men, that he unconsciously conferred with them alone, 
and in a low voice on the rates to be agreed upon, and in a quiet 
way would say: "If there is no objection it will be the sense of the 
committee that the rate of dutv on such and such an article shall be 
so and so." 

pose of dealing- with them broadly, patriotically and equitably, which were the 
lines on which the Dingley tariff law was drawn." Hon. Chas. A. Russell of 
Connecticut. 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 419 

Some of the younger Republican members of the committee at 
the foot of the table, while having implicit confidence in the chair- 
man and his two leading associates, conspired to play a mild joke 
on the chairman. They agreed to object and vote down the chair- 
man on some minor matter the next time the chairman talked in a 
low tone to Messrs. Payne and Dalzell, and put the question. The 
three heads came together in close consultation and the chairman 
in his accustomed manner without looking up from the table said : 
"If there is no objection the committee will agree upon a duty of 60 
percent." Mr. Tawney said: "Mr. Chairman, we object and ask 
for a vote." "Well, well," said the chairman, looking over the top 
of his eye glasses with a surprised look on his face, — "of course we 
can take a vote if it is so desired." "We desire it," said Mr. Taw- 
ney. The vote was taken and the motion defeated, much to the 
chairman's amazement. The mischievious members of the commit- 
tee laughed and explained their joke with the suggestion that the 
triumvirate occasionally take cognizance of the physical presence 
of the other Republican members. 

When the hosiery schedule was under consideration, Mr. Steele 
of Indiana, was suddenly called from the room ; and upon returning 
inquired as to the progress made and was informed that the sched- 
ule had been completed. "Well," he said, wearily, "having dis- 
posed of the sock question we will now proceed to other topics." 

When the matter of imposing a duty on Angora goat hair v/as 
completed the chairman heaved a sigh of rehef and said : "There, 
that disposes of the goat." "Yes," said Mr. Dolliver, "but the im- 
porters in six months will make another goat." 

Mr. Dingley's accurate knowledge of tariff schedules, rates and 
classifications was the marvel of his associates ; and of all who con- 
ferred with him relative to proposed duties. His mind was a reser- 
voir of facts and figures which he marshaled as a general marshals 
his soldiers — by companies and batallions. Thousands of sugges- 
gestions, verbally and by letter were given him, and figures and per- 
centages and claims were presented until any ordinary mind would 
have been hopelessly confused. But from this mass he was able to 
discern unerringly the true and the false, and to pluck out the ker- 
nel of the whole thing. His parlor at the Hamilton house was the 
headquarters of all interested in tariff legislation. His desks and 
tables were covered with books, papers, pads with figures, official 
documents and newspapers. Experts in certain lines of business 
called upon him to make suggestions, and were amazed to learn 



420 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

that the chairman of the committee knew all about their particular 
industry — the process of manufacture and the technical terms. 

Mr. Dingley was seriously troubled with catarrh throughout 
the winter and the arduous labors incident to the preparation of a 
tariff bill told on him. He looked careworn and at times pale. He 
was continually wrapped in deep thought, oblivious of his sur- 
roundings and almost imconscious of what he ate, or what he wore. 
When in his private parlor, he was either figuring on a piece of 
paper, watching the fire abstractedly and trimming his whiskers 
with a pair of pocket scissors, or pacing the floor and humming 
some familiar tune in a half audible tone. All this gave evidence of 
his supreme appreciation of the serious problem before him and 
the great responsibility that rested on his shoulders. The whole 
country was awaiting his action and looking to him for relief. It 
was the crisis of his public career. But with a wonderful mental 
equipoise and a conscious confidence in his own powers, he faced 
the work before him. Fortunately he was an excellent sleeper ; and 
at lo o'clock or thereabouts, he laid aside his work and in half an 
hour was sleeping peacefully. This happy faculty of throwing ofif 
cares at bed-time was the only thing that sustained him during 
these months of work and anxiety. 

While preparing with his associates the first draft of the tariff 
bill, Mr. Dingley did not attend the sessions of the house regularly. 
February lO, he went to the house for the first time for nearly a 
month and was loudly cheered as he took his seat. On that day the 
electoral votes were counted and Mr. McKinley declared elected 
president. That evening Mr. Dingley attended a dinner at Senator 
Morrill's with the members of the senate committee on finance. 
Here the plan of operation was settled upon — the date of the meet- 
ing of congress in extra session — the length of debate in the house 
and the probable date for the final passage of the bill. 

Mr. Dingley was sixty-five years old on the 15th day of Febru- 
ary. It was a marvel to his associates ^ how he could endure so 

l_Mr. Dolliver, one of his colleagues said: "For many months prior to the 
extraordinary session of congress, Mr. Dingley sat at the head of the table sur- 
rounded by the ten members of the ways and means committee, belonging to his 
own party, conducting the investigations which resulted in the original draft of 
the Dingley tariff bill. They were months of labor, without a day of recreation 
and without an hour of leisure. The chairman of the committee, even then to all 
appearances, frail and uncertain in strength, brought to the business in hand 
that wealth of accurate information, that vast store of definite knowledge, that 
unflagging zeal of personal attention which left his colleagues in daily astonish- 
ment as Ihey came to see the fulness of his equipment in the field of practical 
lesrislatioTi The minute details of previous legislation from the first tariff law 
to the last and the history of American industries, great and small, in- 
cluding the vicissitudes of the business world seemed to be within easy reach 
of his infallible memory, so that he could not be deceived by the petitions of 
those" who sought to reduce them to a point unnecessarily low. In this be- 




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NELSON DINGLEY JR. 421 

much uninterrupted mental labor, work all day and far into the 
night over schedules, figures and percentages, and not break down. 
Having the appearance of an invalid, and lacking that physical 
vigor which seemed essential to success in the political arena, Mr. 
Dingley so regulated his work and so conserved his energy as to 
outstrip all in mental endurance. 

On the 26th of February the senate bill for the creation of an 
international monetary conference was being considered in the 
house. The position of the Republican party on this important 
matter had not been publicly taken since the declaration in the St. 
Louis platform was written. While the discussion was in progress, 
Mr. Dingley entered the hall and took his seat. His appearance on 
the floor aroused the RepubHcans to unusual interest, for the floor 
leader did not attend the sessions unless something important was 
being considered. As he rose to speak ^ there was a hush all over 
the house ; and in unmistakable language he pronounced the atti- 
tude of the party. His words thrilled the members, and there was 
an outburst of applause at the conclusion of nearly every sentence. 
He advocated the passage of the bill first, because of the pledge of 
the Republican party, and second, because its defeat would result 
in injury to the sound money cause. The bill was passed by practi- 
cally a unanimous vote. 

President-elect William McKinley reached Washington March 
2nd. Mr. Dingley called on him shortly after his arrival and paid 
his respects to the incoming executive. The inauguration of the 
president March 4th was a memorable occasion. Mr. Dingley, 
modest and retiring, witnessed the inauguration ceremonies and 
shared with the incoming president the responsibilities of the hour. 
The president's inaugural address was well received bv the whole 
country. It recommended a restoration of protection ; a monetary 
conference, and economy in public affairs. From his parlors, Mr. 
Dingley viewed the long and imposing procession in the afternoon 
and the display of fireworks in the evening. His thoughts, how- 
ever, were dwelling upon the tarifif bill. That evening he discussed 
with his family and a party of friends the proposed tariff bill — what 

wildering- mass of statistics, official reports, price lists and personal statements, 
Mr. Dingley moved about like a man peerfectly at home, never tailing to get 
at the facts: never hesitating to cast aside hearsay from whatever quarter: 
and -n-hen the work was over .ind the bill approved by the house without aii 
amendment not sug-gested by the committee, every man associated with him. 
in addition to admiration for the statesman, found in his heart a sincere affec- 
tion for the man himself, for the i.inostent<itious colleague who=p greatness as a 
leader only emphasized his kindness and generosity as a friend." 

1 — See Appendix. 



422 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

lie expected it would accomplish and what it would do for the coun- 
try. His conversation was delightful and inspiring. 

The following day he rested in his rooms and on March 6th with 
his republican associates resumed the work of framing the tarifif 
bill. The following week, from Monday morning until Saturday 
night, he labored almost incessantly on the details of the bill. The 
strain was terrilic, and when Saturday night came and the first print 
of the bill was received, he was exhausted. But even Sunday af- 
forded him no real rest. It was the eve of the extraordinary ses- 
sion of the 55th congress. 

Saturday, March 6th, President McKinley issued his proclama- 
tion calling congress to assemble in extra session March 15. This 
had been anticipated for some time — in fact the date was deter- 
mined by the probable completion of the tariff bill. 

The house of representatives was crowded long before noon 
March 15. Admission was by ticket alone. The audience in the 
galleries saw the most extraordinary display of flowers ever 
brought into the chamber. 

After the election of Mr. Reed as speaker, the interesting pro- 
cess of chosing seats began. Mr. Wadsworth of New York, whose 
name was called early in the drawing of seats, courteously sur- 
rendered his seat to Mr. Dingley, while Mr. Wilson of Brooklyn, 
who had a seat one row nearer the front, and who was not to be 
outdone in generosity, then changed with Mr. Dingley, bringing 
the Republican leader into a very desirable position, four seats from 
the front. President McKinley's short message was listened to with 
marked attention. It was devoted exclusively to the tariff, and the 
deficit under the Wilson law. "With the unlimited means at our 
command," he said, "we are presenting the remarkable spectacle of 
increasing a public debt by borrowing money to meet the ordinary 
outlays incident upon even an economical and prudent administra- 
tion of the government. Not only are we without a surplus in the 
treasury, but, with an increase in the public debt, there has been a 
corresponding increase in the interest charged. Congress should 
promptly correct the existing conditions. Ample revenues must be 
supplied not only for the ordinary expenses of the government, but 
for the prompt payment of liberal pensions and the liquidation of 
the principal and interest of the public debt. * * * The im- 
perative demand of the hour is the prompt enactment of such a 
measure, and to this object I earnestly recommend that congress 
should make every endeavor." 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 423 

The president's message was received witli applause, but the 
climax of the day's memorable events was reached, when Mr. Ding- 
ley, standing in his place in the house, rose and "in response to the 
message which has just been read," introduced the Dingley tariff 
bill. 1 The Republican leader was loudly cheered, while handker- 
chiefs were waved in the galleries above. The modest man from 
Maine, who through years of hard toil and study had, round by 
round climbed the ladder of fame, now stood in the national house 
of representatives the central figure in a great nation. It was in- 
deed, an hour of triumph ; but in the midst of the applause and 
cheers he stood unmoved, apparently oblivious of himself. 

The speaker immediately appointed the members of the com- 
mittee on ways and means — Messrs. Dingley, Payne, Dalzell, 
Hopkins, Grosvenor, Russell, Dolliver, Steele, Johnson, Evans, 
Tawney, Bailey. McMillin, Wheeler, McLaurin, Robertson and 
Swanson. The full committee organized and began the considera- 
tion of the tariff bill the following day. 

Chairman Dingley made a statement to the public respecting 
the provisions and probable effects of the new tariff bill. He said: 
."The bill has two purposes, namely, to raise additional revenue, and 
to encourage the industries of the United States. On the basis of 
the importations of the last fiscal year, the bill will increase the 
revenue about one hundred and twelve million dollars. The de- 
duction of revenue due to anticipatory importations will leave a 
probable increased revenue for the first year of about seventy-five 
million dollars, and for the second year about one hundred million 
dollars. The estimates are below the probable result, unless a con- 

1 — "It was only lacking- a few minutes of 12 o'clock when the slight figure of 
Gov. Dingley was seen to ent^r the hall from the lobby door at the right of the 
speaker's desk. He entered as he did everything else, quietly, and his counte- 
nance bore that usual grave and thoughtful, but not unpleasant, expression. His 
entrance seemed to be the first expected event of the session r,nd was quickly 
noted and he was recognized with applause on the floor and in the galleries. As 
he briskly walked across the semi-circle in front of the speaker's desk and up 
the aisle to the lef l of the center to the seat he had conspicuously occupied in the 
previous congress it was generally observed that he carried under his left arm 
a package enveloped in brown paper — a package of considerable size and sug- 
gestive of importance as bearing upon the purpose for which the congress was 
about to assemble. Almost immediately there was a murmur on the floor, 
'There's the bill.' I shall always retain most vividly in memory this appearance 
of Gov. Dingley; his recognition by those assembled in the hall of the house of 
representatives on that memorable Monday and the scenes of the accomplish- 
ment of benefit to our country and the people which at that moment seemed to 
pervade the atmosphere of the place. * * * The interest which had signalized 
Gov. Dingley's entrance into the house was intensified when he arose to address 
the members. He seemed modestly oblivious to that interest and there was as 
usual in his action the absence of any pose or dramatic bearing, calculated to 
draw to himself or the occasion unusual show or uncommon remark. On this 
occasion, perhaps the most important in which he had figured, he seemed to 
shrink from the notoriety of the incident and to be bent on the purpose only 
of quietly and effectively doing the business in hand." Hon. Ctias A. Russell, 
of Connecticut- 



424 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

siderable delay in the enactment of the biU should greatly enlarge 
the opportunity for imports of articles on which duties are to be 
raised. Undoubtedly any delay beyond the first of May in placing 
the bill upon the statute books would result in a large loss of reve- 
nue. In framing this new tariff the aim has been to make the duties 
specific, or at least partly specific, so far as possible, to protect the 
revenue and also to protect our own industries. It is a wise policy 
to encourage home production and manufacture, and thus provide 
employment at good wages for the laborers of our people, upon 
whose purchasing power depends the market for our products." 

The tariff bill was, on the whole, favorably received by the 
Republicans and the protection newspapers. The prompt work of 
Chairman Dingley and his associates was heartily commended. The 
party had undertaken to redeem its pledge made at St. Louis — the 
restoration of protection. President McKinley and the other Re- 
publican leaders had implicit faith in Mr. Dingley and left every- 
thing to him. It was a tremendous responsibility which this physi ■ 
cally frail man faced, but he did not flinch. 

The settlement of the sugar schedule in the preparation of the 
first draft of the Dingley tariff bill was a vexed problem. The Mc- 
IKinley tariff placed raw sugar on the free list, and provided for the 
/ payment of a bounty in order to encourage a few struggling do- 
inestic sugar industries. It was charged that the sugar schedule 
in the tariff of 1894 was arranged for the benefit of the sugar trust. 
Therefore the public was more than usually interested in the action 
of the Republican members of the ways and means committee on 
the sugar schedule. 

December 28, Chairman Dingley received the following per- 
sonal letter from John E. Searles. secretary and treasurer of the 
American Sugar Refining company : 

117 Wall St., New York, December 28. 1896. 

Hon. Nelson Dingley Jr., Chairman, 

Washington, D. C. 
My Dear Sir: 

I note in the public prints the schedule of hearings on tariff 
questions and that an opportunity will be given on the 30th inst. to 
representatives of the sugar industry to present their views regard- 
ing the tariff on sugar. A public hearing of the character proposed 
will not furnish the opportunity for a full and careful discussion of 
this many-sided question. If agreeable to you, I should be very 
glad of an opportunity to confer with you on the subject at your 
convenience, after the public hearings are over and when you are in 



NELSON DIXGLEY JR. 425 

possession of the information they may furnish. Awaiting your 
pleasure in the matter, 1 remain, 

Yours very respectfully, 

John E. Searles, Treasurer. 

American Sugar Refining Co. 

The following day Mr. Dingley replied as follows : 

Washington, D. C, Decemher 29, 1896. 
John E. Searles, Esq., 

Dear Sir: 

I am in receipt of your note of yesterday relative to the duty on 
sugar. We should be pleased to receive from you a statement from 
the refiners' point of view covering both the question of duty on 
raw sugar and on the refined product, and presenting such facts as 
will aid the committee in revising the sugar schedule. This state- 
ment should be presented by the middle of next week in order that 
we may have it printed for the use of the committee. Should any 
explanation further be required the committee will be pleased to 
call upon you and other refiners hereafter. 

Yours truly, 
Nelson Dingley Jr., Chairman. 

Mr. Dingley thus declined to give the representative of the 
American Sugar Refining company a private hearing. This corpo- 
ration had no better opportunity to present its case than any othei 
corporation or private individual. All conferences and all argu- 
ments were in public. The so-called sugar trust had nothing to do 
with the framing of the original sugar schedule of the Dingley tariff 
bill. The refusal of Chairman Dingley to fix a higher differential 
duty on refined sugar in the new bill was bitterly resented by the 
American Sugar Refining company. Every effort was made to 
force Mr. Dingley to accede to the wishes of the refiners; but Mr. 
Dingley insisted upon a specific duty to insure the actual collection 
of the duty. The duty on sugar was increased for the purposes of 
revenue and to encourage the production of sugar in the United 
States, and the duty was made specific instead of ad valorum. 

On the 1 8th of March the ways and means committee by a part\ 
vote ordered the chairman to report the tariff bill. That evening 
before the fire in his private apartments at the Hamilton house, Mr. 
Dingley with remarkable speed, wrote with a pencil on a pad, the 
famous report which accompanied the tariff bill on the following 
day. In this report, Mr. Dingley pointed out that "for nearly four 
J ears the revenue has been inadequate to meet the current expendi- 
tures and pay the interest on the war debt. This clearly justifies the 



\ 



426 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

convention of congress to devise a prompt and adequate remedy. 
Nearly two hundred and three million dollars of the two hundred 
and ninety-three million dollars of borrowed gold have been used to 
supply an insufficiency of revenue." He showed how the tariff of 
1890 was practically nulliiied by anticipated reduction of duties in 
1892 and 1893. He added that "an imperative duty resting on this 
congress is to so adjust duties in a revision of the tariff as to secure 
needed revenue to carry on the government and to protect the 
many industries which have so seriously suffered in the past three 
years from unequal foreign competition, and from the consequent 
loss of purchasing power of the masses of the people upon which 
the demand for products and the prosperity of every citizen de- 
pends." 

Mr. Dingley was loudly applauded when on the following day 
he reported the tariff bill to the house. It was agreed to begin de- 
bate March 22 and to have the hnal vote March 31. 

The memorable tariff debate of 1897 began March 22, Mr. 
Dingley opening the discussion for the Republicans. The galleries 
were crowded with visitors and every member was in his seat as the 
Republican leader on the floor began his speech. When Mr. Ding- 
ley rose, the house was all attention and the noise of conversation 
ceased. A whole nation was listening to this modest man from 
Maine. Dressed in an ordinary black frock coat, his thin hair 
combed over his high and intellectual forehead, his face bearing the 
unmistakable marks of a student, and his shoulders having a dis- 
tinct scholar's stoop, Mr. Dingley was the central figure in this na- 
tional drama. He began speaking in a low tone, but so unusually 
quiet were the members that every word could be distinctly heard. 
He was not an orator, but the house listened attentively and re- 
spectfully as he proceeded with his luminous statement of the pro- 
visions of the bill and the reasons why it shoukl be enacted into 
law. After calling attention to the chronic deficiency of revenue, 
he declared that "our problem is to provide adequate revenue 
from duties on imports to carry on the government and to pro- 
vide more abundant opportunities for our labor." He caused great 
laughter by saying that "we have been attending a kindergarten on 
a gigantic scale. The tuition has come high, but no people ever 
learned so much in so brief a time." He predicted that the addi- 
tional revenue the first year, provided the bill should become a 
law by May i, would reach seventy-five million dollars. For the 
second year he believed the proposed bill would yield one hundred 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 427 

million dollars of increased revenue. He spoke ^ for an hour, and 
was greeted with long continued applause. It was the beginning of 
an important epoch in the history of the country. 

March 26 debate on the tariff bill began under the five minute 
rule, and here Mr. Dingley displayed his rare tact, skill and judg- 
ment in rejecting mischievous amendments. The Democrats at- 
tacked the bill at every point and sought to discredit it before the 
people. There was much confusion and lack of united action 
among the Democrats, while the Republicans presented a solid and 
united front. During this running debate, which lasted five days, 
Mr. Dingley was constantly at his post watching with more than 
his usual sharpness and shrewdness, the movements of the oppo- 
nents of the measure. On questions of facts and figures, percent- 
ages, tariff history and party record, he was infallible. His state- 
ments were not questioned. He met the objections of the tarifif- 
for-revenue-only men; the incidental-protection men; the low- 
tariff men and the absolute free traders. His logic was unanswer- 
able — his conclusions irresistable. He was in short, complete mas- 
ter of the situation. In the midst of ridicule, scorn, sharp stories 
and catch-questions he was calm, cool and collected. Like a gen- 
eral on the field of battle he directed and guided and led the Re- 
publican majority. He was on his feet speaking briefly many times 
a day. He was the master spirit. Party feeling ran high during the 
last days of the debate, and political speeches were wedged in at 
every opportunity. And there were constant manoeuverings for po- 
litical advantage; but Mr. Dingley kept his forces unbroken. 
On the 30th and 31st, several amendments offered by the commit- 
tee on ways and means were adopted — all others rejected. The 
Democratic minority assaulted the Republican lines again and 
again but Mr. Dingley parried all attacks w-ith consummate skill. 
His superior knowledge of parliamentary law saved the bill from 
temporary defeat at many points. 

Long before the house met on the last day of March, the cor- 
ridors and lobbies of the capitol were thronged with eager specta- 
tors, anxious to secure admission to the house at any cost. The 
galleries were crowded when Speaker Reed called the members to 
order. The last few hours of the debate were the most exciting of 
all. Mr. Grosvenor of Ohio offered an amendment putting into 
operation immediately the rates provided in the bill. The inten- 
tion was to prevent an excess of importations while the measure 
was pending in the senate. A point of order was made that the 

1— Bee Appendix. 



428 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

amendment had not been considered by the ways and means com- 
mittee. This point being sustained, the chairman at once sum- 
moned his committee together, and a few minutes later the propo- 
sition was again in the liouse and was adopted. Mr. Dockery of 
]\Iissouri sought to nullify the whole bill by offeri..g an amendment 
placing all so-called "trust-made" articles on the free list. Mr. 
Dingley did not even raise a point of order against this, but im- 
mediately demanded the previous question on the amendment 
which was ordered, and without debate or explanation it was voted 
down. 

Mr. Dingley then took the floor and closed the debate in a ten 
minute speech. In calm words, he spoke of the extraordinary cir- 
cumstances which produced the exigency congress had been called 
upon in extra session to meet. The ways and means committee, he 
said, had labored faithfully for months to adjust duties to present 
conditions. There might be some Httle dissatisfaction with rates ; 
but he assured his colleagues and the country that he felt confident 
the bill would accomplish the purpose for which it was framed. ^ 

When the gavel fell at exactly three o'clock the Republicans 
gave their leader a ringing round of applause which was taken up 
by the galleries. It continued for several minutes. The house 
passed the bill by a vote of 205 to 122, 21 present and not voting. 
Not once were the Republican lines broken. The rumored impend- 
ing disaffection failed to materialize. On the other hand five Dem- 
ocrats, three from Louisiana, and two from Texas, especially inter- 
ested in sugar, broke from their party and voted for the bill. So 
did one Populist, Mr. Howard, of Alabama. Speaker Reed gave a 
dramatic climax to the ten days struggle in the house by directing 
his name to be called. 

"Mr. Reed," shouted the clerk. 

"Aye," said the speaker, in tones equally audible, and the Re- 
publicans applauded vigorously. When, a moment later, it was an- 
nounced that the bill had passed, the Republicans rose en masse 
and cheered their leader. The crowds in the galleries joined in the 
demonstration. Hearty congratulations were showered on Mr. 
Dingley. It was an hour of triumph. 

Thus, after three months of hard labor, Mr. Dingley and his as- 
sociates saw the result of their labors approved by the Republicans 
of the house. 

One of the wonders connected with the passage of the bill was 
the amount of work that Mr. Dingley was able to do, and live. Be- 

1 — Amos J. Cummings in a letter wrote: "Governor Dingley's opening: and 
closing' was cool, impassionate and argumentative. The Republicans hung upon 
his utterances as it spellbound." 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 429 

ginning early in December with preparation for the hearings, then 
two weeks of hearings beginning December 28, tlien day and night 
sessions of the Republican members, a season of constant unre- 
mitting brain-destroying and body-wearying toil, beset with 
throngs of representatives of various conflicting interests ; and to 
come out of it all apparently in better trim, in body and mind, than 
when the enormous task was begun — this was one of the most as- 
tonishing facts in connection with the formulation of the Dingley 
tariff bill. During the exciting debates on some of the paragraphs, 
Mr. Dingley was compelled to meet with what appeared to be seri- 
ous opposition in his own ranks ; but such was his skill and diplom- 
acy, that he succeeded in quieting all discontent. Many Republi- 
can members who openly differed with the chairman, followed him 
out of personal love and devotion. His control over his colleagues 
was marvelous. As the leader of his side of the house, he was a 
success. 

It is needless to say that Mr. Dingley was greatly reUeved at the 
successful conclusion of the tariff struggle in the house. He rested 
in his rooms the following day, and on the evening of April ist, 
dined with President McKinley and other invited guests at the 
White House. Here the exciting incidents of the past few months 
were rehearsed and plans laid for the future. On the evening of 
April 3rd, the Republican members of the ways and means com- 
mittee gave Mr. Dingley a complimentary dinner. It was a rare 
occasion, where the modest chairman was showered with compli- 
ments and good wishes. 

The news of the passage of the tariff bill by the house was fav- 
orably received by a large majority of the newspapers, manufac- 
turers and business men. Mr. Dingley received messages and let- 
ters from all over the country congratulating him and the Repub- 
lican party. 



CHAPTER XXII. 

1897. 

t 

While the senate was struggHng with the tariff bill, the house 
rested. Mr. Dingley sought recreation by visiting the battlefield 
of Gettysburg, the naval academy at Annapolis, a Zeta Psi banquet 
in New York city, and the Grant memorial exercises on the banks 
of the Hudson. The house reconvened May 3rd and was at once 
plunged into a controversy with the speaker over the failure to ap- 
point committees. Mr. Dingley sought to save the time of the 
house by protesting against Mr. Simpson's remarks, whereupon 
the member from Kansas characterized the Republican leader as 
"one of the dependants of plutocracy, who was hastening to defend 
the interests of his friends." The house decided that the speaker 
and Mr. Dingley were right, and Mr. Simpson subsided with a part- 
ing growl about the "brutal majority." 

On the morning of the sixth of May, the president's carriage 
drove up in front of the Hamilton house, and a message was sent 
to Mr. Dingley's rooms that the president desired to confer with 
him. Mr. Dingley put on his hat and coat and was driven off in 
company with the chief executive, in the direction of the Soldier's 
Home. It was a very warm day, and the president chose this 
method of ad\ising with the Republican leader in the house. 
Speaker Reed had never conferred with the president nor the pres- 
ident with Speaker Reed, since the president took up his residence 
in the White House. If the president desired to obtain the views of 
the speaker and the other house leaders, he conferred with Mr. 
Dingley. 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 431 

The changes in the house tariff bill "■ proposed by the senate, 
were topics of pubhc comment by the tenth of May; and on the fol- 
lowing day Mr. Dingley made a public statement. Among other 
things he said: "While the amendments to the house bill recom- 
mended to the senate finance committee (about 700) appear to be 
multitudinous, yet about 200 of them are mainly verbal. There are 
however, many amendments which are important, not only on 
revenue but other grounds. The fact that the senate finance com- 
mittee recommend an ad valorem duty on sugar apparently a little 
higher than the specific duty of the house bill does not insure a 
larger revenue, as past experience with ad valorem duties has 
shown." Mr. Dingley called attention to the fact that the commit- 
tee on ways and means had predicted a large falling off in revenue 
under the house bill, if the bill did not become a law by May i. He 
expressed much disappointment at the delay which was resulting 
in large importations. There was much public comment on the 
action of the senate in substituting ad valorem for specific duties 
on sugar. 

Mr. Dingley stoutly defended the house bill and its provisions, 
publishing in the New York Independent an able article in which 
he replied to some of his critics. ^ 

During the last week in May one of Mr. Dingley's sons and 
a granddaughter visited him in Washington. On the last day of 
the month he called on President and Mrs. McKinley, and with 
manifest pride introduced his small granddaughter to the execu- 
tive and his wife. Mrs. McKinley received the congressman's 
granddaughter with extreme cordiality, saying: "You know I 
have no little girls of my own." That same day Mr. Dingley also 
presented his granddaughter to Speaker Reed. The speaker was 
exceedingly fond of his colleague, but never lost an opportunity to 
joke him; and the governor's evident pride gave Mr. Reed another 
chance. 

"Governor," drawled Mr. Reed, with a twinkle in his eye, "I 
have for the first time discovered a flaw in your character and I 
must confess you have fallen in my estimation. I perceive that you 
are consumed with pride. Take my advice, governor, and correct 
it." And the speaker's sides shook with laughter. Mr. Dingley 

1 — There was great fun at the Gridiron club dinner in Washington. A huge 
scroll was brought in labeled "The Dingley tariff bill." and a member was in- 
structed to take it over to the senate. When the member returned with his bill 
it was in shreds: his coat was torn, and his hat was battered into an unrecog- 
nizable shape. The member simply but eloquently reported back to the house: 
"Mr. Speaker, I have been there." President McKinley. Speaker Reed and Mr. 
Dingley witnessed this burlesque and were convulsed with laughter. 

2 — See Appendix. 



432 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

joined in the merriment but made no comment, for he knew the 
speaker's weakness, which was manifested on other occasions. Mr. 
Dingley was exceedingly fond of apples and cider. There happened 
to be a place on Pennsylvania avenue, about four squares from the 
capitol grounds, where cider was made fresh every day. Nothing 
but cider and apples were sold there, and yet the place looked like 
a bar room. Mr. Dingley discovered this place and began to stop 
there occasionally to get a glass of sweet cider. As the story goes, 
one day some of Mr. Dingley's friends, including Speaker Reed, 
discovered the former in there drinking a glass of cider. The 
speaker told of the incident as a joke ; the story was published 
broadcast in the newspapers and Mr. Dingley was very much an- 
noyed. He failed to see the funny side of it. 

The senate began consideration of the tariff bill May 25, Sena- 
tor Aldrich opening the debate. While this discussion was pro- 
ceeding, Mr. Dingley decided to make a flying visit to Maine and 
secure a short rest in the pine woods. In company with his wife. 
President and Mrs. McKinley and others, he went to Philadelphia 
June 2, where he attended a banquet given by the Manufacturers' 
club. President McKinley's address on this occasion was full of 
wisdom. "A tariff bill half made," he said, "is of no practical use 
except to indicate that in a little while a whole tarifif law will be 
done ; and it is making progress. It is reaching the end and when 
the end comes we shall have confidence and industrial activity." 

Mr. Dingley received marked attention while in Philadelphia. 
Two days later, in company with his good wife, he was once more 
at home. June 7 they went to Rangeley lakes on a short fishing 
trip, returning three days later. The happy couple celebrated their 
fortieth wedding anniversary June 11. Mr. Dingley's father and 
his beloved brother Frank, together with a son and daughter 
helped to make the occasion merry. "These forty 3'ears have been 
happy ones!" he recorded in his diary. June 15 he returned alone 
to Washington to be ready for the tariff bill as it same from the 
senate. He resumed his duties much rested after his hard winter's 
work. 

While debate was dragging along in the senate, .lUportations 
of wool, tobacco, sugar, and all kinds of manufactured goods, the 
duty on which was to be raised, increased enormously. Customs 
revenues increased far beyond the receipts of the preceding year. 
The senate gradually receded from many of its amendments to the 
original house bill. It surrendered its proposed ad valorem duty 
on sugar and restored the specific duty of the house with a seven 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 433 

and a half cents per hundred mcrease on refined sugar. The clos- 
mg debate on the sugar schedule gave the Democrats an oppor- 
tunity to charge that the sugar trust had dictated the sugar sche- 
dule. Mr. Dingley's only comment was : "The house conferees will 
do their best to secure the retention of the original house schedule." 

One day the members of the committee on ways and means 
were gathered in the committee room. It was after the tariff bill 
had run the gauntlet of the senate and had been amended rather 
freely. It is needless to say that the members of the committee 
were not pleased with it. During the conversation, Speaker Reed 
sauntered in and stood listening. As usual, Mr. Dingley was busy 
at his work, taking no part in the universal clamor against the 
senate, although he was the one most concerned. Finally Mr. 
Reed spoke up and drawled: "Governor, I've been here ten 
minutes and I've heard Dalzell and Tawney and Dolliver swear and 
most of the rest of them swear. Governor, won't you please swear 
a little? We shall need you very much, governor, where we are go- 
ing. Dingley," continued the speaker, "you're too good. There's 
such a thing as average goodness, and you have run it up so high 
in this congress that I know six members who lay their ruin to your 
door for making it so hard to bring the average dowai to the proper 
level" 

From the eighteenth to the twenty-ninth of June, Mr. Dingley 
together with Mr. Payne and Mr. Dalzell, the "tariff triumvirate" 
as they were called, examined the senate amendments to the house 
bill. These three men, it was thought, would be the conferees on 
the part of the house. Thus the work in conference was anticipated 
several days. It was decided to stand by the house bill, particularly 
the sugar schedule. Mr. Dingley thought this was of great impor- 
tance and his ideas prevailed — in fact, Mr. Payne and Mr. Dalzell, 
able men themselves, yielded respectful deference to Mr. Ding- 
ley's views. Mr. Dingley said that the house sugar schedule gave 
the domestic refiner twelve and one-half cents protection on each 
one hundred pounds of refined sugar, while the senate raised this 
protection to twenty cents. "In fact," said Mr. Dingley, "the dis- 
cussion in the senate shows that even many grave senators fail to 
comprehend the question." 

The three months discussion of the Dingley tariff bill in the 
senate, cost the United States treasury $200,000 a day. Therefore 
the whole country was rejoiced, when, on the seventh of June, the 
bill (amended) passed the senate by a vote of 38 to 28. The senate 
asked for a conference and Alessrs. Allison, Aldrich, Piatt, Bur- 



434 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

rows, Jones ol Nevada, Vest, Jones of Arkansas, and White were 
appointed conferees on the part of the senate. On the fohowing 
day Mr. Dingley moved that the house non-concer in the senate 
amendments to the tariff bih. A conference w^as agreed to and 
Messrs. Dingley, Payne, Dalzell, Hopkins, Grosvenor, Bailey, Mc- 
Millin, and Wheeler were appointed conferees on the part of the 
house. The Republican members were made five instead of three 
at Mr. Dingley's suggestion. 

The conferees met that same afternoon in the room of the sen- 
ate finance committee and in the evening the Republican members 
met at Mr. Grosvenor's residence. ^ The conferences of the Repub- 
lican members were continued for four days in the finance commit 
tee room with satisfactory results. The conferees spent eleven 
hours each day in conference. It was a notable gathering of states- 
men and both houses of congress, as well as the whole country 
awaited the result with intense interest. 

The practical triumph of Mr. Dingley's principles and the cli- 
max of his success was in this conference committee in which he 
prevailed by his great knowledge of the subject and his unique hold 
upon the details of the bill. " One incident is called to mind in re- 
lation to Mr. Dingley that illustrates not only his cleverness, but 
also his peculiar humor and his control of the situation. In the 
great mass of inconsequential amendments to the bill, as it passed 
the senate, no single amendment was of more interest or made a 
greater amount of public comment than the senate amendment to 
the word "asbestos" which that august body changed to "asbestus" 
to the great amusement of the public. 

1— "In the management of his great life work, the Dingley tariff law of to- 
day, upon the floor ot the house no man ever exhibited higher elements of leader- 
ship. He had worked in the committee room at the Cochran hotel all winter long, 
by dav and by night upon every detail ot that bill. While others slept, he 
worked. V^'hile others went the round of Washington life, he delved and figured. 
He was the first man in his seat at the council table in the morning and the last 
one to leave it at night. I shall always believe that much of the trouble that 
came to him and which terminated his valuable life was caused by his incessant 
labor during the winter of 1896-7 and in the struggle in congress which did not 
terminate until wav in mid summer. I served with him on the conference com- 
mittee that had in charge the Dingley tariff bill with the senate amendments. 
Hi.3 conduct was the illustration of genius. His power to meet and answer the 
arguments of those holding other and different views from him was wonderful. 
His patience and long suffering were admirable and in the end the members of 
that conference committee came out of that contrence room with an estimate of 
the character and ability of Nelson Dingley Jr.. far greater and more compli- 
mentary to him that when they had entered it." Hon Chas. H. Grosvenor of 
Ohio. 

2 — "When the Dingley bill was in confererce between the two houses, the 
ability and information of Mr. Dingley were quite as apparent as they were 
among the members of the ways and means committee and it was to his wise 
statesmanship in a large measure that can be attributed the success of the con- 
ference and the agreement of the conference committee upon the provisions of 
the bill as thev are now found in the law." Hon. A. J. Hopkins of Illinois. 




NELSON DTNOLEY JR.. 
CHAIRMAN OF WATS AND MEANS COMMITTEE. 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 435 

In the course of business the conferees came to the word "as- 

bestus." 

"We are now approaching," said Congressman Dingley, "a 
most important amendment, possibly the most important on the 
list. I refer to the word asbestos." 

At this the members of the committee ah looked at Senator 
AlHson. 

"Senator Allison," said Mr. Dingley, with a twinkle in his eye, 
"what do you understand to be the derivation of the word asbes- 
tos? Do you consider that it came from the Greek—" and here 
Mr. Dingley gave the derivation which he had carefully ascer- 
tained. 

Senator Allison was not a student of Greek. He knew less of 
Greek than of anything else on the curriculum of the United States 
senator. 

"Dingley," said Allison, "I am sick of this word asbestos. I 
don't know anything about it. I don't want to have anything to do 
with it. Let's call it done. Let's settle that forever." 

"All right," said Mr. Dingley, amid the roars of laughter from 
the committee. "I'll tell you what I'll do. There's one cent a 
pound on mackerel that you took off in the senate. You give me 
the cent on mackerel and I'll give you your spelling of the word 
asbestus." 

On the fourteenth of January Mr. Dingley recorded in his 
diary: "We have been through the bill twice and now have the 
knotty problems to solve." 

The conference had now reached an acute stage, struggling 
with the wool and the sugar schedules. There was danger of a 
deadlock over the sugar schedule, and many members of the house 
declared they would vote against the conference report altogether, 
rather than adopt the senate sugar schedule. Mr. Dingley con- 
ferred with Speaker Reed and enlisted the aid of the latter in the 
fight against the senate sugar rates. Finally on the sixteenth of 
July, after* an all day conference an agreement was reached. The 
senate surrendered and adopted practically the house rates. 

The persistency of some of the senate conferees in demanding 
the adoption of the senate sugar rates, was a matter of no little 
comment. The presence of agents of the American Sugar Refining 
company added to the suspicion and made the house Republican 
conferees all the more determined to stand firm. It was Mr. Ding- 
ley's position in this matter that finally won the day. It was his ac- 
curate ■'knowledge of the technicalities of the sugar trade and the 



436 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

practice of the treasury department, that enabled him to cope with 
the subtle propositions of the agents of the so-called sugar trust. 
Mr. Dingley insisted that the differential of twelve and a half cents 
to a hundred pounds was enough protection for the refiners. 
Furthermore, he gave protection to the growers of beet and cane 
sugar in the United States by declining to reduce the duty on low 
grade sugar. 

On the afternoon of July 17, a final agreement was reached on 
all disputed points, and the preparation of the report was begun 
that evening in the senate appropriations committee room. Mr. 
Allison and Mr. Dingley were the chief compilers of the report; 
and with the aid of efficient clerks, it was completed by midnight. 
Mr. Dingley retired that night worn out physically and mentally, 
but relieved over the final agreement. However, he slept peace- 
fully and arose the next morning much refreshed and ready for the 
final act. The completed report was laid before the Democrati; 
conferees at 10 o'clock in the morning, and after a sharp contest it 
was voted to report it to both houses. 

The labor of getting the conference report printed, of securing 
printed copies of the revised bill showing the original provisions, 
the senate amendments and the action of the conference commit- 
tee, was enormous ; but before noon of the nineteenth a copy was 
on the desk of every member of the house. Every preparation had 
been made so that the house might proceed immediately. 

July 19 was a memorable day in the history of the fifty-fifth 
congress. Long before noon the corridors and the galleries about 
the house were thronged with people. The floor of the house pre- 
sented an animated appearance before the speaker called the mem- 
bers to order. The blind chaplain in his prayer invoked a blessing 
on the day's work. "May the history of this day," he prayed, "be 
worthy of this great nation and redound to the good of all its citi- 
zens." 

After some preliminary business was disposed of, Mr. Dingley 
arose from his seat. Holding aloft the report and a great mass of 
papers, he said in a calm voice: "Mr. Speaker, I desire to present 
the conference report on the tariff bill." The announcement was 
received with great applause on the Republican side. 

Mr. Dingley took the floor to secure, if possible, an agreement 
with the minority as to the length of debate. Mr. Bailey said the 
minority would like three days, whereupon Mr. Dingley replied that 
this agreement could not be made. "I hope." said the chairman, 
"that a vote can be reached today." At this the Republicans again 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 437 

broke into loud and long applause. "Talk at this time," added Mr. 
Dingley, "is e.xpensive. It costs the treasury one hundred thous- 
and dollars a day." 

"Not so expensive as the ten days you spent in arranging the 
sugar schedule with the sugar trust," retorted Mr. Bailey. 

Mr. Dingley calmly pointed out that no tariff bill had been in 
conference such a short time. 

"I suggest that we wait until sugar stock goes up a little 
higher," retorted Mr. Bailey. "It has gone up six dollars per share 
since the agreement was reported." 

To these taunts Mr. Dingley did not reply. He preferred to 
save his energy for a more favorable time. Failing to reach an 
agreement with the minority as to the limit of debate. Mr. Ding- 
ley proceeded with his speech. ^ He showed few signs of the extra- 
ordinary and severe physical strain which he had undergone. His 
face was a little whiter than usual, but his brain was as clear and 
his mind as alert as ever. His grasp of all the details of his sub- 
ject was as firm as ever. It was fortunate, for he was a target for 
questions from every side. Reports from Wall street, set afloat to 
embarrass the Republicans and to prevent the adoption of the con- 
ference report, did not disturb Mr. Dingley's perfect calm and self 
control. He was master of his subject, and master of the house. 
He became a prophet when he declared that the customs revenui. 
from the bill during the first year would be one hundred and eighty- 
five million dollars, and from internal revenue about one hundred 
and eighty million dollars; " and "after this fiscal year, when this 
bill shall have become a law, the revenue will be increased to that 
point where every expenditure will be met, and there will be a sur- 
plus left with which can be resumed the reduction of the principal 
of the public debt." This statement was greeted with loud ap- 
plause on the Republican side. His thorough mastery of the sugar 
schedule and the intricate questions involved, amazed the house ; 
and caused a volley of questions as much for information as for 
criticism. He was surrounded by half a hundred members who 
listened attentively to the questions and answers. The scene had 
the appearance of a master instructing his pupils. In conclusion 
Mr. Dingley received round after round of applause from his Re- 

1 — See Appendix. 

2 — The receipts of the treasury for the fiscal years ending June 30, 1898, and 
June 30, 1899, were: 

Internal revenue Customs. 

1898 $170,900,641.49 $149,575,062.35 

1899 273,437,161.51 206,128.481.75 

The receipts from internal revenue in 1899 include receipts from th? ^,-ar 
revenue tax of April, 1S9S. 



438 LIFE AND THIES OF 

publican colleagues, by predicting as a result of the enactment of 
the bill the rise of prices and a restoration of prosperity. The de- 
bate continued until six o'clock when a recess was taken until 
eight. 

The light from the great lantern on the dome of the capitol, 
streaming out over the city, gave notice that the house of repre- 
sentatives was holding an extraordinary session. Long before 
eight o'clock crowds began to gather at the capitol. In the gal- 
leries were many distinguished people — members of the cabinet, 
members of the supreme court and members of the diplomatic 
corps. Altogether it was a brilliant setting for the close of a 
memorable struggle. 

The Republicans still pursued their policy of silence, compelling 
the minority to put forward their speakers. As a result the minor- 
ity leaders soon became involved in a quarrel among themselves. 
The controversy between Mr. Bailey and Air. ilcMillin consumed 
much of the time of the night session and bordered on the acri- 
monious. Mr. Dingley stoutly claimed that the sugar schedule 
agreed to, gave less protection to refined sugar than did the tariff 
of 1894. In reply to denunciations as to the so-called sugar trust, 
he said that the trusts could not be eradicated by epithets. "The 
way to break down the sugar trust," he said, "is to establish a beet 
sugar factory in every congressional district in the country and 
make competition. That is the way to clip the wings of the trust." 
This declaration was greeted with exclamations of favor on the 
republican side. Debate closed shortly before midnight; and 
amid a storm of cheering Mr. Dingley moved the previous ques- 
tion on the adoption of the conference report. Attempts were 
made to obtain the recognition of the speaker and delay action, 
but all failed. Excitement was at fever heat, but the demand for 
the previous question was sustained. The roll was then called on 
the adoption of the conference report ; and when the speaker an- 
nounced the result — 189 ayes and 1 15 nays — the Republicans broke 
into loud cheers. As the clock pointed to half after midnight, a 
great crowd of Republican congressmen gathered on the floor of 
the house singing "America" to celebrate tlie final vote after four 
months of dreary delay: and to emphasize the fact that the delay 
was the fault of the senate, the members of the house marched over 
to the north wing of the capitol and there woke the echoes with 
the national anthem. Throughout this dramatic incident, Mr. 
Dingley, the hero of the hour, stood calm and unmoved, receiving 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 439 

with characteristic modesty the congratulations that were show- 
ered upon him. 

There was great rejoicing throughout the country over the 
tariff victory; and the scene of action w^as transferred to the senate. 
Here five days later, the conference report was adopted by a vote 
of 36 ayes to 20 noes. Senatorial dignity was overruled by ap- 
plause in the galleries. 

The crowds which filled the senate galleries when the vote was 
taken at 3 o'clock in the afternoon, now flocked to the house 
side, and every inch of space in the galleries was taken, when the 
house le-assembled at half past three. When it was announced 
that the senate had adopted the conference report on the tariff 
bill, the Republican side of the house broke into a storm of ap- 
plause that swept over the floor and galleries. As Speaker Reed 
signed the bill the applause and cheers continued. Mr. Dingley 
then presented a resolution from the committee on ways and means 
for the final adjournment of congress at 9 o'clock at night, the 
senate leaders having previously agreed upon this hour. The reso- 
lution was agreed to. In the meantime a message had been sent 
from the executive mansion recommending the appointment of a 
currency commission. In obedience to this message, a bill pro- 
viding for the appointment was introduced and briefly discussed. 
Mr. Dingley spoke in favor of the bill because the president had 
requested the action, because the business men urged it, and be- 
cause the information would be valuable to congress. The bill was 
finally passed. 

As soon as the speaker had affixed his signature to the tariff 
bill, Mr. Hager, chairman of the house committee on enrolled bills, 
in company with Mr. Dingley at once drove to the executive man- 
sion where the president awaited their arrival. A few minutes be- 
fore 4 o'clock in the afternoon, Mr. Dingley and party appeared. 
The president and members of the cabinet had assembled in the 
cabinet room to witness the signing of the bill. The president sat 
at the end of the long cabinet table with Secretary Gage and At- 
torney General McKenna on one side, and Postmaster General 
Gary and Secretary Wilson on the other side. The president 
greeted Mr. Dingley cordially. Secretary Porter turned to the last 
sheet of the bill and laid the document before the president. The 
latter had several pens at hand, the owners of which had begged 
that they might be used to sign the tariff bill ; but Mr. Dingley, 
quickly taking a case from his pocket, produced a beautiful mother- 
of-pearl handled pen, dainty enough for a woman's use, and re- 



440 LIFE AND TIMES OF • 

quested that it be used for the signature. The president recognized 
the right of Mr. Dingley. although he laughingly commented on 
the diminutive size of the pen. Dipping this pen into the ink well, 
he appended his signature to the bill, asked the date and wrote : 
"July 24, 1897, approved." and the Dingley bill was a law. There 
was a burst of applause from the spectators. E\-erybody in the 
room except the president was standing; and as the president 
moved the pen, Attorney McKenna said: 'Tt is just four minutes 
past four." The president congratulated Mr. Dingley on the suc- 
cessful ending of his arduous task, and the members of the cabinet 
did likewise. Mr. Dingley acknowledged the kind words with 
thanks, and after carefully putting away the pen, left the room. 
At 9 o'clock congress adjourned and the special session of the fifty- 
fifth congress was at an end. 

Mr. Dingley's great work was done. The tariff bill which was 
destined to be his great monument, was completed. Day and night, 
month after month, with patience, skill and perseverance, he pre- 
pared and put through the great bill which made his country pros- 
perous and his name famous forever. He was not borne out on the 
shoulders of a few demonstrative politicians as was Mr. Wilson in 
1894, but a loyal and grateful people paid homage to his attain- 
ments and the breadth and virility of his statesmanship. Of the 
nation's illustrious sons, none ever more truly won his way by gen- 
uine merit than this industrious, courageous, unpretending man. ■* 

The country was not forgetful of its great debt to Mr. Dingley. 
A man of capacity, of thoroughness, of conscientiousness and large 
experience, he brought to the task which Speaker Reed assigned 
him as fine a character and as full an equipment as the country 
could have desired. ^ The nation applauded Mr. Reed's selection, 

1 — May 26. 1901, General Joseph Wheeler of Alabama wrote the author of this 
volume as follows; "I came across the enclosed paper. It was an effort to show 
our high regard for Mr. Dingley." The paper reads as follows: "We. the under- 
signed, members of the committee on ways and means, in order to express our 
hi'^h regard for Hon Nelson Dingley Jr., chairman of the committtee. request 
that the Hon. Serene E. Payne, Hon. John Dalzell and Hon. Benton McMillin, 
act as a committee to select and purchase a suitable testimonial to be presented 
by the committee to its honored chairman, each of the undersigned subscrib- 
ing ten dollars to carry out its purpose. (Signed) Joseph Wheeler, S. W. Cobb, C. 
J. Boatner, John L. McLaurin, George W. Steele, John Dalzell. S. E. Payne, Wal- 
ter Evans." 

2 — Henry McFarland, the 'Washington correspondent of the Boston Herald, 
wrote under date of January 13. 1S99: "In the judgment of his colleagues Mr. 
Dingley was the best chairman of the committee on ways and means in its his- 
tory, and besides that, was one of the most tactful, sagacious, recourceful and 
thorough parliamentary leaders ever known in the house. 'Thorough' was his 
motto. His peculiar abilities for dealing with all tariff and financial questions, 
and for everything coming under the head of business, were developed by the 
most intense application, which enriched him with accurate knowledge of the 
most varied and extensive character. His memory for facts, and especially for 
statistics, was marvelous. Apparently, he carried in his mind at least the in- 
dexes of all the voluminous publications of the ways and means committee, the 
senate finance committee and the house committees on banking and currency 



NELSON DINGLEYJR. 441 

and Mr. Dingley justified that selection. The tariff bill of 1897 bore 
on every page, the imprint of his knowledge and sound judgment. 
The Dingley tariff law was received favorably by a large ma- 
jority of the people. To the few critics he replies : "The fact is 
that this bill is drawn on national, not sectional lines, and that it 
applies the policy of protection without impartiality all along the 
line. It is a bill in the interests of all parts of our common coun- 

Throughout this period, Mr. Dingley was a prolific source from 
\vhich newspaper and magazine caricaturists drew their inspira- 
tion. Democratic newspapers exaggerated his personal appear- 
ance often to a shocking degree. A New York paper published 
a grotesque colored picture of "Uncle Sam's Easter Parade." Mr. 
Dingley in the garb of a Turkish attendant was perched on a huge 
elephant, vigorously fanning President Mclvinley with a large 
ostrich feather labeled "Tariff bill." Another paper pictured hiin 
as conferring with the president who was pouring over the treas- 
ury books. Beneath the picture were these words: "Yes, Ding- 
ley, the protection is all right, but where's the revenue ?" A Wash- 
ington paper pictured him in a boy's sailor suit launching a toy 
boat labeled "Tariff bill." Another paper published a comical pic- 
ture of Speaker Reed in the chair pounding the desk vigorously, 
while Mr. Bailey and Mr. Dingley were in the foreground engaged 
in the exercise of hair pulling. Beneath were these laconic words : 
"What we want is protection for our wool!" When the tariff bill 
was returned from the senate with several hundred amendments, 
a Democratic paper appeared the next day with a cartoon pictur- 
ing Mr. Dingley as Falstaff, and beneath were the words of that 
historic character in King Henry IV. : "That thou art my son, I 
have partly thy mother's word, partly my own opinion ; but chiefly, 
a villianous trick of thine eye, and a foolish hanging of thine nether 
lip, that doth warrant me." 

An amusing incident which happened while the tariff bill was 
under discussion, was cartooned by a New York paper. The 

and coinage, and knew just where to turn in tlie ten thousand pages of printed 
matter published monthly by congress, but by the executive department, on his 
special subjects for the particular things he needed. At the same time he was 
familiar with the decisions of the supreme court and of other important courts 
on these questions, and also with the chief governmental and other publications 
abroad bearing upon them. In hearings before his committee, in the debates on 
the floor of the house, and in the more intense debates of the conference commit- 
tees of the two houses. Representative Dingley often astonished his associates 
with his technical learning. Many a congressional orator has been furnished the 
material for his speeches by Mr. Dingley. who was always generous with his 
knowledge. He had an almost unlimited capacity for work. He had almost as 
much to do with the McKinleV tariff bill in its making as Mr. McKinley himself, 
and the latter realized that Gov. Dingley was just the man to make an ideal sec- 
retary of the treasury." 



442 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

speaker found the house in confusion and thought it best to force 
an adjournment. While several members were shouting for recog- 
nition, the speaker said calmly: "The gentleman from Maine has 
the floor." But Mr. Dingley kept on writing at his desk. "The 
gentleman from Maine has the floor," shouted the speaker. Still 
Mr. Dingley wrote. "The gentleman from Maine moves that the 
house adjourn." And the house was adjourned before Mr. Ding- 
ley, absorbed in work, had uttered a word. 

Republican papers cartooned him kindly but often ridiculously. 
In one picture he was pulling the tarilY oar in a boat that was cross- 
ing the Delaware of dull times. In another he was pictured as the 
good Samaritan reviving the helpless and weary form of "Indus- 
try." In still another his bust was placed on a pedestal and above 
were the words: "A public benefactor." 

July 25 he left Washington, the scene of his recent triumph, and 
sought rest at his island home on the shore of Maine. Here he 
(]uietly received the homage of not only admiring constituents but 
a whole nation. Congratulations followed him to his quiet sum- 
mer home, where he watched with deep interest the initial opera- 
tions of his great law. He was gratified at the commendation of 
American manufacturers and producers, and amused at the criti- 
cism of foreigners and importers. He was firmly convinced that 
the tariff law bearing his name, and being a definite and deliberate 
embodiment in law of a policy receiving national support, would 
in time vindicate its authors and justify their action. He was sure 
it would mark the beginning of a new and prosperous era in the 
history of the country. He waited patiently and confidently for 
the verdict of time. 

Mr. Dingley"s gratification over his public triumph was sad- 
dened by the death of his venerable father, August 3, at the age of 
87 years. His distinguished son was the idol of Nelson Dingley, 
Sr., and up to the very last the father watched with keen interest 
and parental pride, his son's successful career. Mr. Dingley 
reached the bedside of his father at his brother Frank's in Auburn, 
Maine, before the end came early in the morning. He recorded in 
his diary : "At 9 :20 a. m. dear father passed away as peacefully as • 
possible. As the last heart beats came, tears came to all our eyes, 
for dear father had gone to another existence, no more to be with 
us on earth. His memory remains to us as a precious legacy. He 
was spared long to us and came to feel as if he desired to go hence 
and join dear mother in heaven. We doubt not he is with her now. 
Blessed reunion !" 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 443 

At the funeral two days later, the old family horse, which the 
venerable man loved, led the way to the last resting place. Here, 
beside his beloved wife, who had passed beyond twenty-six years 
before and whom he longed to join, he was laid away by two loving 
sons in his last resting place. The loss of his father was a heavy 
blow to Mr. Dingley. 

The months of September and October were for the most part 
months of rest for this busy man. In the quiet of his home, sur- 
rounded by his devoted family, he found joy and comfort, for no 
man loved home more than he. His domestic peace was broken 
one day in September by the appearance of an energetic woman at 
the door, announcing herself a representative of a New York paper, 
who had come to Lewiston to interview him about the clause in the 
tariff bill permitting persons coming from abroad to bring back 
free of duty only one hundred dollars worth of goods made abroad. 
This enterprising woman, "in behalf of outraged women, deter- 
mined to go to Maine and talk this matter over with the fountain 
head of this tariff iniquity." Mr. Dingley received the lady hospi- 
ably and sympathetically. 

"Mr. Dingley," said the young lady, "I have come to Maine to 
plead for the freedom of the American woman. Once she loved 
her country and its laws, now she no longer respects the laws — 
indeed she is forced to break them or lose her own self respect." 

"What's that, what's that?" exclaimed Mr. Dingley in surprise. 
"What has the American woman to complain of? What does she 
want that she hasn't got?" 

"She wants more than one hundred dollars worth of Paris rib- 
bons and laces and hats and she wants them free," exclaimed the 
woman. 

"If the American women complain of that clause," said Mr. 
Dingley quietly, "we will have to take it out, and not allow the 
women to bring back anything more than they took over. After 
all, why should women who are able to go abroad, have the privi- 
lege of buying one hundred dollars worth of goods and landing 
them free of duty, while those who remain at home, if they want 
the same things, pay the duty to the shop keeper, in the shape of 
high prices? Now. I am going to tell you a secret," said Mr. 
Dingley as he wrinkled his nose and put on a half serious air. 
"Ever since the tarif? bill went into efifect I have had frequent re- 
curring twinges of conscience in regard to that one hundred dollar 
clause. I am convinced that it is unjust to those who stay at home, 
and should be taken out of the bill." 



444 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

Mr. Dingley watched keenly the effect of this remark. 

"Really, Mr. Dingley," said the woman in amazement, "do you 
intend to do this?" 

"I can't tell what I shall do," replied ]Mr. Dingley mysteriously; 
"but you need not he surprised if I should come to that. Why, I am 
almost ashamed of the American women if what you say of them is 
true. They don't appreciate their blessings." 

The reporter declared that the women would become .smugglers 
and defy the law. 

"I have a higher opinion of your sex," said ]\lr. Dingley gal- 
lantly, "than you seem to have. They will not be dishonest and 
smuggle." 

Mr. Dingley pointed out that the tariff gave the women of the 
country higher wages and better opportunities, and that the "one 
hundred dollar" clause had the effect only of keeping our rich peo- 
ple from buying goods abroad instead of in America. 

The entire interview was crisp and sparkling. It was a contest 
between a woman's wit and charm and a statesman's courtesy and 
gallantry. Mr. Dingley was victorious, and the young newspaper 
woman departed, with a new idea of the tariff law and its chief au- 
thor, Mr. Dingley. 

In September a Boston newspaper ^ published a signed article 
from Mr. Dingley in which he gave his opinion of the part the new 
tariff bill was playing in the revival of business. Among other 
things he said: "There seems to be a concession on all sides that 
a genuine revival of business has set in during the past two months, 
which promises a gradual but solid improvement until the coun- 
try reaches the great prosperity of the period from 1879 to 1893. 
It is evident that a policy which involves either the transfer to for- 
eign countries of the production or manufacture of many articles 
heretofore made here, with the consequent idleness of the labor 
employed on the same, or the reduction of our wages of labor to 
the European standard must result as it did. in the diminution of 
the purchasing power of the masses, with the ine\itable falling off 
of the consumption of products by our people, and the resultant de- 
pression which we have experienced. And it is inevitable that the 
change from such a policy to the policy of encouraging home pro- 
duction and manufacture, determined upon at the recent session 
of congress, must tend to dispel distrust and establish confidence in 
the future, start idle industries, open tip new opportunities for 
labor, increase the purchasing power of the masses, enlarge the 

1— Sunday Globe, September 19, 18j7 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 445 

demand for products, raise or at least tend to raise, prices, to a pay- 
ing point, and to promote the prosperity of all classes. * * * 
There is no good reason to believe that we shall have another tarifif 
agitation to disturb the business of the country for many years. 
In the first place the protective tariff bill just passed has been en- 
acted so early in President McKinley's administration that any at- 
tempt to repeal it would be useless for years to come. In the sec- 
ond place, the industrial and business interests of the country, af- 
ter the experience of tariff agitation which they have had the past 
four years, will demand tariff repose. In the third place, before any 
effective steps could be taken to revolutionize the tariff, our indus- 
tries and business will be so thoroughly adjusted to the new tariff, 
and will have before them so complete a demonstration of its 
beneficence in comparison with the results of the tariff of 1894, that 
any attempts to carry an election against protection will be futile. 
Whatever isolated amendments may be necessary to correct possi- 
ble errors in a measure of so many details, or to adjust items to 
changed conditions, will be in accord with the objects of the law, 
as stated in the title — 'To provide revenue for the government and 
to encourage the industries of the United States.' * * * * 
There is a disposition in some quarters to criticise the Republican 
majority of the house of representatives for resolutely confining its 
work at the recent extra session, to the revision of the tariff. The 
reason for this course is obvious and the result has justified the 
policy pursued. The Republican party had pledged itself to a 
prompt revision of the tariff on protective lines. It was felt that in 
order to secure such a revision, it was necessary to hold the atten- 
tion of congress and the country for the time being to the one ques- 
tion of tariff revision, and to avoid any opportunity for the raising 
of other diverting issues. This course was absolutely necessary in 
order to clear the path for even currency legislation." 

The November elections of 1897 were conducted by the Demo- 
cratic leaders, not on the issues raised the year before by the Chi- 
cago platform, but on such local and temporary issues as could be 
seized upon in the different states. Mr. Dingley said : "It is evi- 
dent that Mr. Bryan still retains his hold on the Democratic party 
and will be its candidate for the presidency in 1900. It is doubtful, 
however, if he keeps the silver issue so prominently to the front. 
* * * While it is evident that the Democratic party is to re- 
main for the next few years under the leadership of Mr. Bryan, and 
to make its contests on the lines of the Chicago platform, except 
that silver is to be made less prominent, yet it is not probable that 



446 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

under his guidance it again will come any nearer to carrying the 
country than in 1896. The Democrats who, even under the 
pressure of regularity, refused to support Bryan, will still refuse to 
do so, and although their numbers may not be formidable, yet their 
character and influence will most effectively tell against the Demo- 
cratic partv so long as it is committed to so mischievous principles 
as those maintained by the Chicago convention." 

Mechanic's hall, Boston, was the scene of a brilliant gathering 
on the evening of November 11, It was the occasion of a notable 
dinner given by the Home Market club. Nearly 1,000 persons 
were seated at the tables, while fifteen hundred spectators were in 
the galleries and on the stage. The hall was tastefully decorated, 
portraits of Republicans in history adorning the walls. A large 
iaulletin was suspended over the stage, on which were printed the 
Republican and Democratic majorities in the states in which the 
elections had taken place that year (1897). The speakers of the 
evening were Mr. Dingley, Mr. Russell, a member of congress 
from Connecticut, and Senator Lodge of Massachusetts. Mr. 
Dingley was received with cheers and an abundance of applause as 
he was presented by the chairman of the evening. His address ^ 
was scholarly and forcible. He defended the tariff law which bore 
his name and predicted that it would be a success. Mr. Dingley 
was the hero of the hour, and was referred to as a man "whose mas- 
tery of the tarilT is admitted everywhere throughout the country." 

November 2j Mr. Dingley conferred with Speaker Reed at his 
home in Portland on important legislation to come before con- 
gress, and on the second of December left for Washington to re- 
sume his public duties. Shortly before leaving home he was asked 
if Cuban afifairs were likely to lead to action by congress. He re- 
plied : "I have no doubt that there will be a strong effort to induce 
congress to take the solution of the Cuban question from the hands 
of the president and secretary of state to whom the conduct of dip- 
lomatic matters properly belongs, and have congress, which from 
the nature of the case is ill-fitted to direct our delicate relations 
with other nations, undertake to solve them by resolutions and 
campaign speeches. Speaking for myself, I think that sound policy 
and the best interests of Cuba require that the management of this 
matter be left with the president who has already done much for the 
Cuban cause. At the same time the pressure for some kind of 
action by congress may lead congress to pass a belligerency resolu- 
tion. The people of the L^nited States are in sympathy with the 

1 — See Appendix. 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 447 

Cuban insurgents and ready to extend whatever aid can 1)e prop- 
erly given their cause without inviting war. We are not ready to 
get into war to help any cause either in Cuba or in America." 

He arrived in \\'ashington December 4 and again resumed 
Washington life in his apartments at the Hamilton house. 



CHAPTER XXIII. 
1898. 

President McKinley in liis message paid tribute to the Dingley 
tariff law by saying that "while its full effect has not been realized, 
what it has already accomplished assures us of its timeliness and 
wisdom. To test its permanent value further time will be required, 
and the people, satisfied with its operations and results thus far, 
are in no mind to withhold from it a fair trial." 

During the first days of this session attempts were made to pro- 
duce the impression that the Republican members of the ways and 
means committee had become disheartened on account of the com- 
paratively small receipts of revenue from customs during the first 
four months under the new tariff law. Already the impression had 
gained ground that supplementary legislation would be needed to 
secure to the government needed revenue. While the pension ap- 
propriation bill was under discussion, Mr. Dingley took occasion 
to make an interesting and timely statement, ^ removing at once all 
apprehension. He considered and discussed the probable receipts 
of revenue from customs in considerable detail, and fully and fairly 
answered the criticisms made at the beginning of the session. The 
loss of revenue through anticipatory importations were, he said,- 
not the fault of the new law, but due to the long delay in its final 
passage, and also to the failure of the retrospective provision which 
had been incorporated in the bill when it passed the house. He ex- 
pressed the opinion that in the last four months of the current fiscal 
year, the federal treasury would support itself. Towards the close 

1— See Appendix. 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 449 

of his speech he was pHed with questions by the leaders of the 
Democratic side, which were fully and pertinently answered. That 
the statements and explanations were satisfactory to the majority, 
was clearly shown by the frequent applause on the Repubhcan side. 
Mr. Dingley's facts and figures, carrying all the weight of ex- 
pert knowledge and the endorsement of the executive branch of the 
government, cleared the atmosphere and renewed public confi- 
dence. The indications were that the revival of trade and industry, 
then so marked, was but the healthy beginning of a larger growth j 
and that the Dingley tariff law as a source of revenue, was destined 

to be a success. 

The statement of the treasury department on the last day of 
December, was exceedingly encouraging and gratifying, indicating 
that the period of monthly deficits was at an end. Mr. Dingley's 
estimates and predictions thus far had been so accurate, that his 
opinion that the receipts of the last half of the current fiscal year 
would exceed the expenditures, was received with great confidence. 
While he felt a reasonable degree of confidence that under existing 
laws the revenue of the succeeding fiscal year would equal expendi- 
tures, if the latter were kept within reasonable bounds, he was not 
unmindful of the possibility that an emergency might arise which 
would require a speedy addition to the income of the government. 
He said : "We know where we can get from twenty-five to thirty 
million dollars of revenue at any time the necessity arises, and there 
is no reason to doubt that the needful legislation could be promptly 
enacted if an emergency should demand it. However, there is 
nothing to indicate that such legislation will be necessary. On the 
contrary, everything promises a period of rest." 

Mr. Dingley regarded as one of the most gratifying features of 
the government's financial condition, the fact that during the six 
months ending December 31, thirty-eight million dollars in gold 
had come into the treasury and only eighteen million gone out. 
"This is as good proof of the restoration of confidence as I desire," 
he said. "We ha\'e money in the treasury — greenbacks, treasury 
notes, gold, silver and silver certificates and national bank notes, 
and all of them are good to pay any of our debts. People do not 
stop to see what sort of currency they receive ; it is all good. The 
endless chain is broken and it cannot be welded together again so 
long as the revenues of the government are sufficient to meet its 
current expenditures." 



450 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

Th'i reduction of wages by employers and the strike among the 
operatives in the cotton mills of New England, afforded the 
enemies of protection and the Dingley tariff law, an opportunity to 
call attention to what they characterized the failure of the Republi- 
can policy of protection. During the discussion of the diplomatic 
appropriation bill, Mr. Dingley took occasion to speak ^ upon this 
question. He called attention to the decline in the price of cotton 
and cotton cloth, and the absence of labor laws in the south, re- 
stricting the hours of labor and giving the south an immense ad- 
vantage. He said that wages in the New England mills must come 
down to the level of wages in the south until the south should bring 
its standard of labor up to the level of labor in the north. " 

The adoption of the Teller resolution by the senate, declaring 
that the government bonds are payable in gold or silver and "that 
to restore to its position such silver coins as are legal tender in the 
payment of said bonds is not in violation of the public faith nor in 
derogation of the rights of the public creditor," was a distinct blow 
to the credit of the United States and a check to the rapid restora- 
tion of confidence already near at hand. The proposition plunged 
the senate into another tedious and mischievous debate on the sil- 
ver question, when financial peace and industrial prosperity were so 
much needed. The resolution was sent to the house and was re- 
ferred to the committee on ways and means. On the morning of 
the last day of January the committee met and ordered an adverse 
report on the resolution. 

There was great activity among the leaders on both sides for an 
hour before the house met January 31, in anticipation of an excit- 
ing debate on the resolution. There was a full attendance on the 
floor and in the galleries. The struggle began as soon as the jour- 
nal was read, when Mr. Dingley reported back the resolution with 
the recommendation that it do not pass. A special order, provid- 
ing for the immediate consideration of the resolution was adopted, 
precipitating a bitter partisan debate, and throwing the house into 

1 — See Appendix. 

2— Mr. Dingley received the following: letter: New York, January 22, 1898. 
My Dear Sir: I hasten to congratulate you on your recent speech in the house 
on the New England industrial situation. Reduction of the hours of labor, or in 
other words, the extension of the New England laws through the south is the 
true way of approaching that question. It is in reality the only means of ap- 
plying tiie nrinciples of protection to the cotton industry of New England, by de- 
manding higher competitive conditions. If it is contrary to public policy and as 
inimical to national welfare to permit industries to be transferred from New 
England to the south bv means of long hours and low wage barbarism as it is 
to have American industries transferred to Europe by the same means. From 
the meager reports in the daily press you have struck the right key. Very cor- 
dially yours, George Gunton. 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 45i 

confusion. Mr. Dingley opened the debate with a carefully pre- 
pared speech ' sounding the keynote of the opposition. He de- 
clared that the last clause of the resolution was in reality a dis- 
guised declaration for the free coinage of silver. He said: "No 
one denies that this or any other nation has the power to pay in full 
or in part or none of its obligations, in gold, or silver, or paper, or 
copper according to its pleasure. Payment cannot be enforced 
against a sovereign nation. Its obligations are measured by its 
own sense of honor and good faith. But even if this sense of honoi 
is at any time blinded, as was Shylock's, by dwelling on a narrow 
view of the letter rather than the spirit of the obligation, the intel- 
ligent self interest of a nation which is to live not simply for a gen- 
eration but for centuries, ought to lead it — and wherever a nation is 
wisely governed does lead it — to so scrupulously maintain its 
pledges in both letter and spirit as to preserve its credit untar- 
nished, and thereby not only make it possible to borrow at the low 
est rate of interest, but also to make it easy to obtain loans in 
exigencies, which are sure, sooner or later, to come to every nation. 
A nation's honor and credit are among its most priceless posses- 
sions — aye, its title deed to permanence and prosperity." ^ 

He appealed to the members of the house "to keep all our cur- 
rency, whether silver or paper, as good as gold, and preserve in- 
violable the public faith and credit." Contrary to his usual custom, 
Mr. Dingley read this speech ; and the intense interest in his utter- 
ances caused the Democratic side of the chamber to be deserted by 
members who crowded the aisles around the speaker in their effort 
to catch every word that fell from his lips. The debate wdiich fol- 
lowed was heated and at times sensational; and after five hours of 
discussion, the resolution was defeated by a vote of 182 to 132. 
This decisive action and the declarations of Mr. Dingley on the 
floor immediately strengthened the credit of the nation and re- 
stored public confidence in the financial centers. Mr. Dingley was 
warmly congratulated. 

February third, with Secretary Gage, Postmaster General 
Gary and others, he attended a banquet at Baltimore given by the 
Merchants' and Manufacturers' association. He spoke briefly on 
"Our Industrial and Business Future," predicting that the United 
States would soon reach that measure of prosperity which was hers 

1 — See Appendix. 

2— The New York Sun said of this speech: "It touches, perhaps, the highest 
level of statesmanship ever reached by tliis conscientious, painstaking, indus- 
trious legislator, whose long and distinguished services to his party and his 
country, have brought him to the leadership of the majority in the house.'' 



452 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

from 1879 to 1893. Confidence, he said, was rapidly taking the 
place of distrust and uncertainty. 

Mr. Dingley always dressed plainly and modestly. His clothes 
were invariably of domestic manufacture. One day early in Febru- 
ary, Mr. Simpson of Kansas, who was personally very fond of Mr. 
Dingley, discovered in the latter's silk hat, what appeared to be a 
London maker's name. In a spirit of pure fun, the member from 
Kansas made known this discovery in the course of debate, draw- 
ing exaggerated and fanciful conclusions from what he was pleased 
to call the shortcomings of the great apostle of protection and de- 
fender of home industries. Mr. Dingley was momentarily embar- 
rassed, but took the joke good naturedly, explaining it by saying 
that he had never seen the London mark in his hat, and that the 
hat was probably made in New York and a London mark put in it, 
to please those who always preferred the English. Mr. Dingley, 
goaded by the member from Kansas, retorted to the latter's insin- 
uations, that Mr. Simpson was given to "talking through his hat." 
The episode caused much amusement in the house but Mr. Dingley 
proved equal to the occasion. 

February twenty-fifth, while the house had under consideration 
the sundry civil appropriation bill, Mr. Moody of Massachusetts 
made an unwarranted attack upon Mr. Dingley. The Massa- 
chusetts member in the course of a sharp speech created a 
sensation by calling attention to the appropriation of $300,000 car- 
ried in the bill for Rockland, (Maine) harbor. With great sarcasm 
he referred to this "vast appropriation for an insignificant harbor 
on the Maine coast." The village and harbor, he said, could be 
buried in the harbor of Boston. 

A member inquired, "whose district is Rockland in?" Mr. 
Moody replied, waving his hand : "I do not care to state, but we 
all know." This caused the Democrats to laugh, and Mr. Moody 
proceeded. "I am ready to submit to a regime of rigid economy," 
declared Mr. Moody with great vehemence, "if such is necessary; 
and to submit to honest leadership, but I for one propose to be 
against such discrimination." 

The charge that Mr. Dingley urged economy in public and 
sought large appropriations for his own district in private, caused 
no little consternation among the members. They waited breath 
lessly for the Republican leader to speak. Rising in his place, per- 
haps slightlv paler than usual, his eyes giving evidence of mingled 
temperance and indignation, he addressed the house. He ex- 
plained with considerable vigor that the work at Rockland was the 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 453 

construction of a harbor of refuge, precisely such a harbor of 
refuge as was contemplated for Sandy Bay in Mr. Moody's district. 
"Personally, I care nothing about it," said Mr. Dingley. "The 
work was placed under the contract system not by me but by the 
river and harbor committee at the suggestion of the board of en- 
gineers." Then, looking Mr. Moody squarely in the face and 
speaking slightly louder and more deliberately than usual, he said: 
"I repudiate the intimation that personally I interested myself in 
it or asked for it. I appeal to the members of the committee on 
appropriations to bear me out when I say that I have not made to 
any of them an intimation or suggestion on the subject." 

Mr. Stone and Mr. Cannon, members of the committee on ap- 
propriations both stated that Mr. Dingley had never said a word 
to them concerning the appropriation. Mr. Stone said with much 
vigor: "A member might as well allege that the chaplain of the 
house has lobbied for legislation as to intimate that the gentleman 
from Maine was going about interesting and besieging commit- 
tees for projects for his own district." This declaration was greeted 
with loud applause, and Mr. Moody subsided. Rarely had the 
house witnessed a personal attack more skillfully and successfully 
refuted. And what was more, Mr. Dingley exhibited a temperate 
spirit, refusing to indulge in personalities. 

When congress reassembled on the sixth day of December, 
1897, the members from the various states, south as well as north, 
brought reports of a strong public sentiment against the course 
pursued by Spain in the island of Cuba. The special session had 
been devoted exclusively to economic questions and the Cuban 
question was kept in the background. But the pressure of public 
opinion now increased and action was demanded. The president 
was flooded with petitions and waited upon by delegates urging 
immediate action. With his usual frankness he explained his plans 
and his aspirations for a peaceful settlement. The extra session 
adjourned without action, because it trusted the president and his 
advisers. To withstand the now increasing pressure, to continue 
to enforce the laws of neutrality in the face of a hostile public senti- 
ment, imposed upon the president duties which called for the ex- 
ercise of the highest executive ability. His message, was, there- 
fore, awaited with intense interest; and when in that notable docu- 
ment, he temperately discussed the situation, counseled peaceful 
negotiations, put aside the recognition of the belligerency of or 
the independence of the Cuban republic, and declared that Spain 
had promised a new order of things in Cuba, public sentiment was 



454 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

not quite satisfied. At the same time he added these significant 
words: "If it shall hereafter appear to be a duty imposed by our 
obligations to ourselves, to civilization and humanity, to intervene 
with force, it shall be without fault on our part and only because 
the necessity of such action shall be as clear as to command the 
support and approval of the civilized world." 

On the night of February 15, eleven weeks after the assembhng 
of congress, the United States battleship Maine, while on a friendly 
visit to the harbor of Havana, and lying at a mooring especially 
assigned to her by the captain of the port, was destroyed by a sub- 
marine mine, and in this catastrophe two of her officers and 264 of 
her crew perished. 

When Mr. Dingley read tiie news of the destruction ot the 
Maine, he foresaw serious trouble. When he reached the house 
about 10 o'clock in the morning, he was besieged with members 
who demanded an immediate declaration of war. He was sum- 
moned to the White House by tlie president, where the critical con- 
dition was privately discussed. President McKinley and Mr. 
Dingley were of the same mind — war must be averted if possible. 
The country was not ready for war: and on the Republican leader, 
in the house the president relied, to avert if possible the awful al- 
ternative of a conflict of arms. 

Up to the time of the destruction of the Maine, Mr. Dingley 
believed that war with Spain would be averted through peaceabU; 
pressure brought to bear on the Spanish ministry, and conse- 
quently no preparations for an armed conflict were entered upon. 
While the hope of a peaceful solution continued to be entertained 
by Mr. Dingley, pending the inquiry into the blowing up of the 
Maine, nevertheless he informed the president that appropriations 
would be forthcoming when required. A caucus of the house of 
representatives, confined to no one political party but representing 
only the war party, declared almost unanimously for an immediate 
declaration of war. 

Excitement so increaseu m consequence of rumors that the 
naval inquiry board would probably report that the [Maine was 
destroyed by external agencies, that on the seventh of [March 
the president summoned to the White House the chairmen of 
the finance committee and committee on appropriations of the 
senate, and the chairmen of the committee on ways and means 
and committee on appropriations of the house, with several other 
leading members of both houses, to confer with him and his cabinet 
on the critical condition of aft'airs. Mr. Dingley realized that 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 455 

public sentiment demanded immediate action. He opposed a 
declaration of war, hoping that the excitement would subside and 
the difficulty be solved without actual hostility. It was finally sug 
gested by the president that congress appropriate immediately 
fifty million dollars "for national defense," to be expended by the 
president. The object of this appropriation was to put the coun 
try measurably in a position to enter into an armed conflict, in 
case one could not be avoided. 

Great crowds were in the galleries of the house long before the 
session began March 8. The bill appropriating fifty million dol- 
lars for national defense passed the house by a unanimous vote 
amid intense excitement. The speeches, mostly by Democratic 
members, were all patriotic. Speaker Reed, who seldom voted 
except in case of a tie, asked to have his name called, and he voted 
"aye." The bill passed the senate the following day without de- 
bate and without a dissenting vote. 

With great dif^culty the armed conflict was averted for six 
weeks, and during this time every efTort was put forth to prepare 
the country for war, so far as coast defences and military and 
naval supplies were concerned. During these weeks Mr. Dingley 
received many letters urging him to stand by the president in his 
efforts to avert war if possible. So great was the alarm in Mr. 
Dingley's own district that many citizens of Bath asked the 
government that a monitor be sent to the Kennebec river for the 
protection of property. A constituent in Newcastle, Maine, wrote: 
"I do hope that in the interest of humanity you will use all youi' 
power with the president to avert this threatening calamity." A 
leading banking house in Boston wrote : "Our relations with busi- 
ness men all over New England are close, and we find a practical 
unanimity in favor of a cordial support of the policy of President 
McKinley. We feel that your influence with other members 
of congress is of great importance in bringing them to a recogni- 
tion of this sentiment." A Philadelphian wrote him: "We believe 
if you hold and ponder you will save us the horrors of war. It will 
be the triumph of the nineteenth century." From a prominent 
member of the Grand Army of the Republic Mr. Dingley learned 
that "there is no popular feeling in favor of war with Spain upon 
our own account because there is no belief in the existence of even 
the most remote cause for such a war." 

On the twelfth of March Mr. Dingley called on President Mc- 
Kinley at the White House and talked over the situation with the 
executive. Congress had the constitutional right to declare war, 



456 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

but the president wanted no war, nor did Mr. Dingley; and at this 
conference the question how to avert war was discussed. These 
two leaders agreed first that the question should be solved by 
diplomacy if possible ; second, that the Cuban insurgent govern- 
ment should not be recognized by this government. \\'hen, on the 
23rd of March, the naval board of inquiry made its report, the days 
of diplomacy were over. Mr. Dingley then admitted that war with 
Spain was apparently inevitable. The whole country was aroused. 
Public sentiment was unmistakable for war. President McKin- 
ley faced the critical situation with calmness and composure. To 
him the most immediate danger was an ill-considered declaration 
of war by congress ; but with Mr. Dingley and other cool heads at 
the helm in the house he felt sure nothing would be done to make 
the situation more trying. 

It required the firm and united elTorts of Speaker Reed, IVfr. 
Dingley. Mr. Hitt and other old and wise heads in the house, to 
keep in check the "insurgent" members as they were called. Se- 
cret caucuses were held by this coterie of members, and committees 
were appointed to wait on the speaker and his lieutenants to de- 
mand immediate action. 

The president's message, accompanying the report of the court 
of inquiry, did not satisfy the war element in congress, the Demo- 
crats particularly showing their impatience March 30 by springing 
a resolution in the house recognizing the independence of Cuba. 
Under the leadership of Mr. Dingley the Republicans held to- 
gether and sustained the speaker in ruling that the resolution was 
not privileged. 

The impatience of the people was evidenced daily by the crowds 
in the house galleries, and their frequent outbursts of applause. 
Several times the speaker threatened to clear the galleries. The 
strain upon Mr. Dingley, the recognized leader of the conserva- 
tives, and the representative of the administration in the house, 
was severe. It was owing to his firmness and his great influence 
over the Republicans that the house consented to wait patiently 
for the final result of the president's diplomacy. 

Washington was the scene of unparalleled excitement during 
the month of April. War was talked of in and out of congress. 
The president was openly censured for delay: Mr. Dingley was 
likewise censured by many in the house, for standing with the 
president in his policy of delay. The crisis was expected April 6 
and great crowds flocked to the capitol to hear the president's 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 457 

gress, including Mr. Dingley, were liastiiy summoned to the White 
House where the safety of General Lee and other American citi 
zens in Cuba was discussed, and a delay agreed upon. The coun^ 
try was momentarily angry, but quickly subsided. 

In the mean time the president informed Mr. Dingley that war 
was inevitable, and that funds to conduct the conflict would be 
needed. With a heavy heart but with a patriotic sense of duty, 
on the evening of April 8, Mr. Dingley began the preparation of 
a war revenue bill. For several weeks he had been in consultation 
with the other Republican members of the ways and means com- 
mittee and with the treasury department forecasting a reasonable 
course of action for the emergency at hand. 

Undaunted by the disappointment of the week previous, a 
multitude again besieged the capitol on the morning of April ii, 
even before the doors were open. Many camped out on the marble 
terraces all night and others arrived at early dawn. The day waa 
dark and gloomy, but the thousands were undismayed. 

The scene in the house was memorable, as the eye swept the 
banked galleries and animated groups of members on the floor 
below. As the hands of the clock pointed to noon the speaker en 
tered, the hubbub waned, and an impressive silence followed as the 
chaplain invoked divine assistance in the crisis. Then the presi- 
dent's message was read and a murmur of approval swept over the 
house as the words of the chief executive were read: "I ask the 
congress to authorize and empower the president to take meas- 
ures to secure a full and final termination of hostilities between the 
government of Spain and the people of Cuba, and to secure in the 
island the establishment of a stable government capable of main- 
taining order, and observing its international obligations, insuring 
peace and tranquility and the security of its citizens as well as our 
own. and to use the military and naval forces of the United States 
as may be necessary for these purposes. The issue is now with 
congress. It is a solemn responsibility. I have exhausted every 
eft'ort to relieve the intolerable condition of afi'airs which is at our 
door. Prepared to execute every obligation imposed upon me by 
the constitution and the law, I await your action." 

The die was cast. War was inevitable. Two sets of resolu- 
tions were introduced in both houses representing the views of the 
conservative and radical factions. Leadership of the Republicari 
majority in the house during these trying times required a cool 
head and an alert mind. The radicals in the house, including man\ 
Republicans, openly denounced Speaker Reed and Mr. Dingley. 



458 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

particularly the latter. On several occasions Mr. Dingley held se 
cret conferences with the leading radicals in the room of the com- 
mittee on ways and means, and it was his strong influence that held 
them in check. Excitement in and about the house was at white 
heat ; but a firm hand guided by a strong head was at the helm. 

On the fourteenth of April the house unanimously agreed to a 
resolution for armed intervention in Cuba, an amendment recog 
nizing the Cuban government being defeated. The conservative 
faction in the house led by Mr. Dingley and Speaker Reed 
triumphed. Mr. Hitt, chairman of the committee on foreign af- 
fairs, was absent on account of illness, and Speaker Reed took the 
matter in hand. He summoned the Republican leaders, including 
Mr. Dingley, to his private room and there mapped out the plan of 
operation. Mr. Adams, second on the foreign affairs committee 
was expected to handle the resolution on the floor. It was bluntly 
suggested by one member that the resolution be offered by some 
other member, Mr. Adams flushed and replied hotly: "I yield 
only to my acknowledged superior. Gov. Dingley." The senate 
late on the evening of the sixteenth, after a fierce struggle, 
amended the resolution so as to recognize the Cuban government. 
Upon the question of recognition, the two houses disagreed and 
the struggle began. 

Mr. Dingley displayed to great advantage his splendid general- 
ship and rare leadership, throughout the memorable contest over 
the Cuban resolution, April i8. The recognition by the senate of 
the government of Cuba, strengthened the cause of the radicals in 
the house, and there were mutterings and threats of rebellious 
spirits who declared they would no longer follow the leadership of 
the conservative member from Maine. It was a critical moment. 
Mr. Dingley felt the heavy responsibility and realized the serious 
complications that would follow the official recognition of the gov- 
ernment of Cuba. He said: "Mr. Speaker, it has been my hope, 
and I may add my expectation until a recent period, that the 
earnest desires and reasonable demands of the American peoplo 
for an amelioration of the fearful condition of affairs in the island 
of Cuba, might be secured by the friendly offices or mediation of 
our government and the progress of events. While recent occur- 
rences have now seemed to make hopeless a peaceable solution of 
the Cuban problem, yet it will be a satisfaction to the people of 
this country when the history of these days shall be written, that 
our government under the wise leadership of President McKinley 
has exhaiisted e\ery effort to secure a peaceable solution — even in 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 459 

the face of the impatient criticism of many of our citizens who have 
not fully weighed the importance not only of making that clear to 
the civilized world, but also of gaining needed time for preparation 
for the inevitable. While it is untimely now to discuss the ques- 
tion as to whether any step short of armed intervention, whether 
the recognition of the belligerent rights or the independence of the 
Cuban insui gents, if either had been taken alone earlier, would 
have permanently solved the Cuban problem, yet I think the pro- 
gress of e\ents has made it clear that either step woukl not have 
materially changed the current of events, and would have left the 
Cuban sore practically the same as it now exists. The facts and 
arguments presented by the president make it conclusive that any 
committal of the United States at this time to a recognition of the 
insurgents in Cuba, and the so-called military government which 
it is claimed they have established as the government which repre- 
sents the people of Cuba and which this country must blindly fol- 
low, would not fulfill the requirements of international law, and 
would be unwise in the extreme and at the same time would utterly 
fail to bring to an end the sad condition in Cuba of which we com- 
plain. 

"It must be remembered that recognition first and armed in- 
terference afterwards are impossible unless the interference is at 
the request of the government which has been recognized. The 
resolution which has been suggested looking to the recognition of 
the insurgents as the government of Cuba and then authorizing 
and directing the president to forcibly intervene in Cuban affairs, 
would be such a violation of international law as was never before 
known. The United States may recognize the insurgents as the 
de facto government of Cuba, if the evidence shows (as it does not 
yet show) that they have established a civil government with offi- 
cials discharging governmental duties, with courts in operation, 
with a capitol and other evidences indicating the operation of the 
machinery of a government, acknowledged by a majority of the 
people ; but if it does so it must stop there. 

"The objects which the people of the United States have had 
in view in tendering our good oflices to bring to a termination the 
serious conditions which have so long existed in Cuba, and which 
they still have in view in any more potent step, have been to put 
an end to the horrible cruelties which have been and are still per- 
petrated within a hundred miles of our shores, to protect the in- 
terests of American citizens in Cuba and secure our treaty rights ; 
and to secure these ends in the only practical way that will give 



46o LIFE AND TIMES OF 

permanence, tliat is by ending the Spanish misrule which has so 
long continued on the island, and securing to the people of Cuba 
the right of self government and independence. In other words 
the ultimate object we have had and still have in view is indepen- 
dence for all the people of Cuba, the recognition of the right of the 
people of Cuba to determine for themselves what government 
they will have — whether that government shall be the Gomez gov- 
ernment or some other government that the people may establish, 
and not the imposition of a particular government on the people of 
Cuba by premature recognition by the United States." ^ 

However, when the house met at lo o'clock on the morning of 
April 1 8, he faced the crisis with a calm and resolution that as- 
tonished his associates. At the suggestion of Mr. Dingley, a re- 
cess was at once taken until 12 o'clock; and as it turned out, this 
recess saved the day for the conservatives. When the house re 
assembled, practically all the Republicans had been brought into 
line. A little defiance femained, but it soon vanished. The short 
recess had given Mr. Dingley an opportunity to make his position 
a little more firm ; and when the senate resolutions appeared in 
the house, Chairman Dingley in calm superiority, welcomed them. 
On Mr. Dingley's motion to concur in the senate amendments ex- 
cept the declaration that the people of Cuba are independent, the 
roll call began, and was followed with deep interest. Only four 
Republicans voted "no." This was the last remnant of the band 
that gathered in excited caucus a week or more previous. Mr. 
Dingley's motion was carried by a vote of 179 to 156. Thus Mr, 
Reed and Mr. Dingley showed their mastery of the house. The 
senate refused to concur in the amendments of the house, and 
again the resolutions were in the latter body. Mr. Dingley again 
moved to non-concur, but Mr. Bromwell, the leader of the radicals 
or "insurgents" interposed a motion to concur, and this took pre- 
cedence. The house was thrown into a fever of excitement as the 
roll call proceeded ; but again Mr. Dingley triumphed, and Mr. 
Bromwell's motion was defeated. Then Mr. Dingley moved that 
the house insist upon its amendments and ask for a conference. 
The members of this memorable conference were Messrs. Davis. 

1 — April 20, 1S9S, Mr. Dingley received the following letter from Rev. Lyman 
Abbott of Brooklyn, New York: "In all the circles with which I am familiar, 
opposition to the recognition of the Cuban republic is almost unanimous. While 
I cannt but wish that the original house resolution could have been passed by 
both parties, will you allow me to exercise the privilege of an old friend in ex- 
pressing to you my congratulations on your wisdom in securing a concession of 
the most important point at issue by your concessions of some other points 
which seem to me to have been, not without significance, but of secondary im- 
portance." 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 461 

Foraker and Morgan on the part of the senate, and Messrs. 
Adams, Heathwole and Dinsmore on the part of the house. For 
hours they struggled, the house finally taking a recess until 8 

o'clock. 

The hitch in the conference was over the two words "are and" 
in the senate resolution and the clause in the senate resolution that 
"the government of the United States hereby recognizes the re- 
public of Cuba as the true and lawful government of that island." 
The senate wanted the resolution to read: "The people of the 
island of Cuba are and of a right ought to be free and independent 
and the government of the United States hereby recognizes the 
republic of Cuba as the true and lawful government of the island." 
The senate conferees insisted that this clause should stand; the 
house conferees insisted upon eliminating the words "are and" and 
the entire clause recognizing independence. The disagreement 
was reported to the house and again a conference was ordered and 
the house took a recess from 11 to 11 '.30 p. m. At 1 1 -.30 still 
another recess was taken until midnight. In the meantime a con- 
ference of some thirty leading Republicans had been held in the 
speaker's room. Here the speaker and Mr. Dingley urged the 
conservative Republicans to stand by their colors. Payne and 
Cannon, and Dalzell and Grosvenor and all the old war horses, de 
clared they would, in the picturesque language of Cannon, "stand 
pat till hell freezes over." At midnight the house recessed until 
12:30 to await the action of the conferees. During this recess 
many members congregated in the lobby in the rear of the hall, 
and led by several of the younger members sang many popular 
songs of the day. In the early morning hours came the final 
scene which was to precede the great drama. The capitol was 
brilliantly lighted and the galleries filled with an enthusiastic crowd 
of patriots. The house conferees sent for Speaker Reed and Mr. 
Dingley ; and the two agreed to a compromise in order to avoid a 
complete deadlock. If the senate would give up the clause recog- 
nizing the independence of Cuba, the house would insert the two 
words "are and." The senate conferees quickly agreed to this and 
the compromise was reported to the two houses and agreed to b} 
the house. The galleries echoed with patriotic cheers as the reso- 
lutions were read, and the curtain went down upon the first act 
of the great drama. At 3 o'clock in the morning. Mr. Dingley, 
exhausted from his all night vigil, but well satisfied with the result 
of his labors, sought much needed rest. On the 20th, President 
McKinley signed the Cuban resolution, and the war with Spain 



462 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

began although a formal declaration of war was not made until 
five days later. 

The preparation of the war revenue bill then began in earnest. 
The Republican members of the ways and means committee met ir. 
Mr. Dingley's rooms at the Hamilton house and perfected the 
first draft of the measure. The basis of it was the war revenue bill 
passed at the breaking out of the civil war. With his usual pa- 
tience and skill, Mr. Dingley carefully mapped out every section, 
constructing it step by step with the accuracy of a trained hand. 
The rapidity with which Mr. Dingley worked and grasped the de- 
tails of the situation, was a marvel to his associates ; and when on 
the 23rd, after a conference with the president and the secretary 
of the treasury, he introduced his bill in the house, he was then 
complete master of its provisions, and the probable amount of 
revenue to be raised. Promptness in the preparation and intro- 
duction of the bill was necessary, for the 23rd was the day of the 
expiration of the president's ultimatum to Spain. The bill was re- 
ferred to the committee on ways and means which considered the 
measure two days ; and on the 26th it was reported to the house 
and referred to the committee of the whole on the state of the 
union. Mr. Dingley immediately gave notice that he would call 
up the bill the following day and ask for a final vote April 29. It 
was a matter of public comment that few men could have the con- 
fidence of the house as did Mr. Dingley in this great crisis. It was 
fortunate for the country that such a man was at the helm. 

The bill was based on the estimates of the officials of the war 
and navy departments, that the war would cost about fifty million 
dollars per month. "It was thought desirable," wrote Mr. Dingley 
later, "not only as a measure of precaution but as a potent factor 
in creating the impression in Spain and Europe that this country 
had the ability and disposition to push the war with the utmost 
energy, to provide the means for carrying it on for at least one 
year, in case it should continue that length of time ; and to impose 
such additional internal taxes as would strengthen the credit of 
the government by providing means for paying the interest and 
gradually extinguishing the principal of the necessary loans. To 
provide whatever additional means might be required to prosecute 
the war, the secretary of the treasury was authorized to borrow 
on the credit of the United States whatever amount should be re- 
quired, not to exceed five hundred millions, and to issue therefor 
ten-twenty 3 per cent bonds, to be offered at par as a popular loan. 
An important section was added, not as a war revenue measure but 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 463 

as a permanent provision to guard against any temporary defi- 
ciency of revenue in the future, authorizing the secretary of the 
treasury to issue one-year 3 per cent certificates of indebtedness, 
not exceeding one hundred millions to be outstanding at any one 
time — the object being to provide means to meet any temporary 
inefticiency of revenue to pay current expenditures, and thus avoid 
either bankruptcy or the necessity of using for this purpose the 
greenback redemption fund." 

The report accompanying tlie bill, written by Mr. Dingley, 
stated that "there is no doubt that if peace conditions had con- 
tinued the estimate of the secretary of the treasury that the revenue 
for the next fiscal year would reach three hundred and ninety mil- 
lion dollars, exclusive of postal receipts, sixty-three million dollars 
in excess of the revenue for the fiscal year 1897, would have been 
more than realized." He called attention to the fact that already 
the expenses for defense had been going on for nearly two months 
at the rate of twenty-five million dollars per month, and that the 
expenses would soon be much more. He added: "Your com 
mittee are of the opinion that the necessities of the country as well 
as the early successful conclusion of the war, call for such ample 
provisions both by taxation and authority to make loans for means 
to carry on naval and military operations as will impress the great 
powers of Europe as well as Spain with the conviction that the 
people of the United States are united in the determination to 
prosecute the war on a scale and with a vigor that makes prolong- 
ation of hostilities useless." 

Mr. Dingley's speech ^ April 27, opening the discussion of the 
war revenue bill, was listened to with marked attention by both 
sides of the house. He made a thorough explanation of the bill, 
analyzing its provisions minutely. There were frequent interrup- 
tions from Democrats indicating opposition to the measure. Mr 
Dingley closed his speech with these words : "On Monday last by 
imanimous vote, we declared war. I trust that, having taken the 
responsibility of declaring war, having called out troops, having 
sent out armed vessels upon the broad waters to maintain the 
honor and dignity of the government, we shall now have patriotism 
rising to the height of the situation and having regard to the inter- 
ests of the country, and that we shall have no more pettifogging 
over old controversies revived, at least until the actual needs of 
the country in the present exigency have been provided for." 

The main point of attack was the section authorizing the sec 

1 — See Appendix. , 



464 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

retary of the treasury to borrow whatever amounts might be re- 
quired, outside of the revenue from war taxes, to meet the expen- 
ditures of the war. An income tax was proposed instead of a bond 
feature ; but Mr. Dingley repHed that such a proposition would de- 
prive the government in time of war of the means to raise money 
to meet expenditures, and substitute a tax which had already been 
declared unconstitutional. Then it was proposed by the Demo- 
crats that the so called "seigniorage" of the silver bullion of the 
treasury, estimated to amount to forty-two million dollars, should 
be utilized by using that amount of silver certificates against it. 
Mr. Dingley pointed out the danger of such a proposition, and it 
was voted down. Then it was proposed by the Democrats to issue 
one hundred and fifty million dollars in greenbacks or "fiat" money. 
This also was voted down. The debate on the bill April 29, was 
long and sharp. Tlie Democrats and Populists exhausted every 
expediency to defeat the bond section, and they were aided by not 
a few Republicans who criticised the bill, and attempted to have it 
recommitted. But a majority stood loyally by Mr. Dingley in this 
trying hour. At four o'clock, when the time limit for debate was 
reached, Mr. Dingley had no opportunity to offer any of the im- 
portant amendments agreed upon by the committee on ways and 
means ; but the watchful chairman was equal to the emergency . 
He introduced an entirely new bill as a substitute, embodying the 
committee amendments. The minority objected to this move, but 
the speaker sustained his lieutenant on the floor. Then amid great 
excitement and confusion, the bill was passed by a vote of 181 to 

131- 

The Republican newspapers of the country agreed that Mr. 

Dingley never showed to better advantage than when he piloted 
this war revenue bill through the shoals and rocks in the house. 
He displayed rare qualities of leadership and won for himself added 
renown. Tlie administration and the country did not err in relying 
upon his skill and judgment. 

The majority of the senate committee on finance, composed of 
six Democrats and one Populist, considered the bill eleven days; 
and at the end of that time reported it back with the bond and cer- 
tificate provision stricken out, and amendments for the issue of 
one hundred and fifty millions of new greenbacks and the immedi 
ate coinage of forty-two millions of so-called seigniorage from the 
silver bullion in the treasury, and the issue of silver certificates 
thereon. The five Republicans of the committee, composing the 
minoritv, reported in favor of the retention of the house certificate 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 465 

and bond features. The bill finally passed the senate June 4, with 
the certificate and bond features retained and a modified seignior- 
age amendment added. The house, June 6, promptly voted to 
non-concur in the senate amendments, and the bill was sent to a 
conference. The conferees were Senators Allison, Aldrich and 
Jones of Arkansas, and Representatives Dingley, Payne and Bailey. 

Washington was now throbbing with the excitement of prepa- 
rations for war. The president had called for volunteers and every 
hour brought rumors of an impending clash of arms. The rush of 
applicants for commissions in the army was unprecedented, Mr. 
Dingley being overwhelmed with applicants from his own state. 
The emergency war fund had been exhausted and the president to- 
gether with the secretaries of war and navy were contracting heavy 
bills which must be met. Still the senate talked; still the confer- 
ence was prolonged. To deprive the treasury of the power to 
borrow in this emergency would have crippled the army and navy. 
To have attempted to conduct the war with fiat money would have 
been madness. To have coined the so-called seigniorage would 
have provided no new sinews of war and simply added to the em- 
barrassment of the treasury. The senate was controlled by sym- 
pathizers with the silver and fiat money idea. How to deal with 
this factor in the problem caused Mr. Dingley many anxious hours. 
He entered the senate finance committee room, June 6, weighed 
with anxiety, and fearful lest the exigencies of this occasion would 
prompt the silver men to delay action or force some mischievious 
proposition. 

The Republican conferees, led by Mr. Dingley, skillfully dis- 
posed of the less important senate amendments, leaving to the last 
the so-called seigniorage proposition. For three days the con- 
ferees struggled with the bill. Mr. Dingley scarcely took time for 
his meals. \\' hen in his study in the Hamilton house, he paced the 
floor nervously, thinking of the war revenue bill. He pondered 
more over the senate seigniorage amendment than anything else. 
He was at the conferences for three days and three nights, far into 
the night. It was long after midnight, June 8, when he wearily re- 
turned to his sleeping apartments, and threw himself on his bed. 

"There," he said wearily, "we have practically reached an 
agreement after a three days pull," 

The night was warm and he did not get much sleep. He was 
far from well, and a distinct pallor was on his face. But, buoyed 
up by the tremendous excitement of the hour, he returned to the 
capitol the next noon ready for the ordeal. 



466 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

As soon as the members of the house learned that the con- 
ferees had reached an agreement, there were frantic efforts to ob- 
tain the details. The corridors about the capitol were thronged 
with people more or less interested in the war taxes to be im- 
posed under the conference report. When it was reported that 
the Republican house conferees had agreed to some sort of silver 
coinage, there were manifestations of a revolt against the accept- 
ance of the report. The Republican members of the house 
gathered in little knots and discussed the situation. Some were 
outspoken in declaring that the house Republican conferees had 
made a fatal blunder — had misrepresented the majorit}'. All that 
afternoon, Mr. Dingley was besieged with Republican members 
and agents of interested industries. He listened patiently to all 
complaints and heard without a murmur the mutterings of revo- 
lution against his leadership. At 5 o'clock in the afternoon he pre- 
sented the conference report to the house, and the house took a re- 
cess until 8 in the evening. During this short respite, many of the 
leading members of the house told Mr. Dingley that they would 
not accept the conference report if it provided for the coinage of 
more silver dollars. Said one member: "Governor, you can never 
get the conference report adopted by the house. It is looked upon 
as a surrender to the silver men in the senate. The eastern sound 
money papers will denounce us if we accept this silver proposition 
you have agreed to. It is a serious party mistake." 

On his way to and from dinner, Mr. Dingley was unusually 
quiet and thoughtful. An unmistakable look of anxiety was in his 
countenance. He realized the critical nature of the case and the 
great importance of passing at once some war revenue bill. 

Debate on the conference report began at 8 o'clock in the eve- 
ning. The house was brilliantly lighted and the galleries filled with 
visitors. Mr. Dingley opened the discussion calmly and hopefully. 
His face was pale with fatigue, and his stoop was slightly more pro- 
nounced than usual. He had a few figures and memoranda on his 
desk— nothing more. The members on both sides moved nearer 
as he proceeded with his words of explanation. In a clear business- 
like way he told of the result of the conference, touching upon all 
the provisions of the conference report save the most troublesome 
— the silver coinage provision. This Mr. Dingley called one of the 
compromises. Then he carefully reviewed the silver act of 1890. 
and the operations of the treasury department under it. Speaking 
moderately and deliberately, he told of the struggles of the house 
conferees with the senate conferees, and the final agreement to 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 467 

coin at least a million and a half silver dollars out of the silver bul- 
lion already in the treasury, and withdrawing an equal number of 
demand notes. "Let me repeat," he said slowly, looking squarely 
at the Republicans who had declared the conference report would 
not be adopted, "there is nothing in the provision we have inserted 
here that is not already in the law of 1890, except this: There is 
a specific provision as to the minimum amount that shall be coined, 
and that minimum amount is based upon what has been coined. 
There is nothing in the substitute agreed to by the conferees, to 
which there ought to be any objection from those of us who pro- 
pose to abide by the existing law and maintain all our currency as 
good as gold." After Mr. Dingley's full and convincing statement ^ 
of the case all threatened opposition disappeared. At 11 130 in the 
evening the conference report was adopted by a vote of 154 to 107. 
This was perhaps the most remarkable instance of Mr. Dingley's 
control over the house and the confidence the members had in him. 
The weary leader retired shortly after midnight and slept like one 
who had been relieved of a heavy weight of responsibility. The 
eastern sound money papers the next morning commended Mr. 
Dingley's work and the wisdom of his position on the question of 
silver coinage. The senate agreed to the conference report June 
10, and three days later the bill became a law. Thus Mr. Dingley's 
name became linked with the tragic events of the summer of 1898. 
He fulfilled his promise to President McKinlev that funds would be 
forthcoming when needed. 

Speaker Reed was opposed to the annexation of the Hawaiian 
islands to the United States. His power as presiding ofificer and a 
member of the committee on rules, enabled him to retard the con- 
sideration of the Hawaiian annexation resolution. Mr. Dingle\ 
was not opposed to annexation, but felt that it would be hazardous 
to admit the Hawaiian islands as a territory. However he felt the 
pressure of public opinion and of the sentiment in the house ; and in 
a note to the speaker urged him to yield and to permit the Ha- 
waiian resolution to come up for consideration. This Mr. Reed 
did ; and on the fifteenth of June the resolution passed the house 
by a vote of 209 to 91. The speaker was absent on account of ill- 
ness, but requested the speaker pro tern to announce that if he 
were present he would vote "no." 

Worn out by his work in Washington Mr. Dingley quietly re- 
turned to his home and his family on the 24th of June. Here he 
was welcomed by his proud constituents who met in Auburn the 

1 — See Appendix. 



468 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

following day and unanimously nominated him for representative 
in congress for the tenth time. The resolutions declared that 
■'again presenting Hon. Nelson Dingley as the republican candi 
date for congress, we take pleasure in recognizing the ability, fidel- 
ity and success with which he has so long represented the interests 
of the second district and the state of Maine, but also the interests 
of the nation." This was the first time since his first nomination 
in 1882 that Mr. Dingley had been present at his district conven- 
tion, his public duties always detaining him in Washington. Such 
remarkable devotign and confidence was a theme on this day close 
to his heart; and in touching language he addressed ^ the conven- 
tion at some length. 

Two days later he sought a brief rest in the wilds of Rangeley 
lakes. July I found him once more at his summer home on the 
coast of Maine. Here for the last time, he found that sweet repose 
which the cool sea breezes and the swash of the ocean gives. Here 
the peace of Heaven was near at hand. 

1— See Appendix. 



CHAPTER XXIV. 

1 898- 1 899. 

In accordance with the provisions of a treaty between the 
United States and Great Britain, negotiated in May, 1898, Presi- 
dent McKinley undertook the delicate task of appointing a commis 
sion to meet with a similar representation of the British govern- 
ment and Canada, with a view of arranging certain differences be- 
tween the countries — many of them long standing. Early in July 
the president wrote Mr. Dingley urging him to accept a place on 
this commission. Mr. Dingley asked to be excused but the presi- 
dent so kindly insisted, that the former was reluctantly compelled 
to accept. He felt that his health would not permit him to under- 
take any more laborious and exacting work for some time. He 
longed for rest. He and his immediate friends feared that he 
was overtaxing himself; but in response to a sense of patriotic duty 
he accepted the commission. He was appointed July 19. The other 
members of the commission on the part of the United States were 
■ — Senator Fairljanks ^ of Indiana, Senator Gray of Delaware, 

1 — Hon. C. W. Fairbanks writes as follows: 

"Nelson Dingley was appointed by President McKinley a member of the 
United States and British joint high commission for the settlement of Canadian 
and Newfoundland questions. The commission met at Quebec in August, 1S98, 
and at Washington in the following winter. 

"Sir. Dingley addressed himself to the questions before the commission wit! 
great earnestness and great ability. The questions were of wide range. He 
showed the very greatest familiarity with them. His views were always ex- 
pressed with clearness and force. He was direct and practical in his inethods, 
and possessed the very cordial respect of all the members of the commission. 

"In manner he was alwavs frank, affable and courteous. 

"He enjoyed the social functions, yet was rather reserved. He shrank from 
all suggestion of personal display. He was everywhere modest and easy of ap- 
proach. He was an interesting conversationalist, occasionally given to humor, 
but as a rule, he preferred to deal with serious facts. 



470 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

Former Secretar}' of State John W. Foster, Former Minister Kas- 
son ^ of Iowa and T. Jefferson Cooiidge of Massachusetts. The 
main points in controversy related to the Alaskan boundary, access 
to the Klondike region, the Alaskan seal fisheries, the northwestern 
fisheries, the use of the canals, relief to ship-wrecked vessels, etc. 
Mr. Dingley said on the day of his appointment, in reference to 
Canada's discriminating tariff against the United States : 'Tt is 
plain that such a discrimination against imports into Canada from 
the United States when the United States makes no discrimination 
against Canada, if persisted in, will lead to retaliation on the part 
of the United States. For this reason undoubtedly the com- 
mercial relations between the two countries will very naturally re- 
ceive the attention of the commission." 

Mr. Dingley was summoned to Washington July 21, where the 
American commission was organized with Senator Fairbanks as 
chairman. The work was mapped out as far as possible, and on the 
23rd Mr. Dingley returned to Maine. Ten days after the peace 
protocol with Spain was signed, namely on the 22nd of August, Mr. 
Dingley in company with his wife and daughter started for Quebec 
to attend the session of the Anglo-American commission. 

The war with Spain was practically over; and Mr. Dingley 
joined in the widespread rejoicing. But he keenly realized the 
new national responsibilities. August 14 he wrote: "However 
much we have deprecated the outcome of the annexation of the 
Spanish insular possessions, however many of us may shake our 
heads at the dif^culty. expense and danger involved, there is no es- 
cape from the responsibility; and it is more than probable that 
the events will make it clear that Providence has overruled all in 
the interests of humanity and civilization. The Philippine problem 
is the most serious one which the war has compelled us to face and 

"He was essentially a student. His long public service, and many years de- 
voted to the study of public questions and of history, as an editor, enabled him 
to interest all whom he chanced to meet. 

"He neither in Quebec nor in Washing'ton, indulged in self-exploitation. His 
own personality was never offensively pushed to the front." 

1 — Hon. John A. Kasson, special reciprocity commissioner, writes: "Con- 
gressman Dingley's appointment on the Canadian commission was made because 
as chairman of the ways and means committee of the house the president had 
great confidence in his knowledge of the industry and commerce of the country, 
etc. He was appointed with special reference to the proposed negotiation of a 
/commercial treaty with Canada, and was chairman of the sub-committee in 
i charge of this sut)ject. His mind was open to all fair considerations on either 
side, and he yielded on some points with a liberality of concession which was 
unexpected by the Canadians frorh the author of the tariff act of 1S97, and which 
showed an impartial appreciation of the business conditions of both countries. 
His manner was always conciliatory, and he gave frequent evidence of the 
possession of diplomatic sagacity. His relations with his associates on both 
sides were dignified and friendly to the commission." 




INTERNATIONAL COMMISSION, 
QUEBEC, CANADA, AUGUST, 1898. 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 471 

it is by no means clear as yet what disposition of these islands will 
prove wisest and best. Many difficulties present themselves if we 
give them up, while on the other hand the Christian sentiment of 
the country is already raising the inquiry as to whether this nation 
ought not to look outside of its own case, and sacrifice something 
in the interest of humanity, wherever oppressed, even though the 
humanity which appeals to us is 8,000 miles from our shores. It is 
evident that this country has already entered upon a new phase of 
its national existence and that problems more serious in some re- 
spects than any we have thus far had, are facing us. We have faith, 
however, in the Anglo-Saxon race, and especially that composite 
part of it which has established and maintained this free govern- 
ment ; and we doubt not that all of the problems which seem now 
to be so serious will be one by one successfully solved ; and that ulti- 
mately this republic will be lifted higher, and civilization and human 
rights greatly advanced." Early in November, when it was as- 
certained that the peace commissioners had practically decided to 
retain the Philippine islands, Mr. Dingley wrote: "That there are 
serious objections to assuming the responsibility of governing or 
establishing a government in tropical islands so far removed from 
this country, and still in a low state of civilization, goes without say- 
ing. It does not necessarily follow, however, that even if we take 
the Philippines we are bound to make them an integral part of the 
United States ; although for the time being we should have to main- 
tain good order there. We have been in hopes that some way would 
appear by which the United States could simply take a coaling sta- 
tion and harbor of refuge in the Philippines, and the rest of the 
group be turned over to the people of the islands to govern for 
themselves. It is well understood that the president desired such 
a result. It may be possible to do this yet, but we must admit that 
the march of events has not been in this line — however much our 
burden would have been alleviated by such a conclusion." 

Mr. Dingley's sojourn in Quebec, attending the sessions of the 
Anglo-American commission was an agreeable mixture of official 
and social functions. Accompanied by his wife and daughter, he 
thoroughly enjoyed his stay in that historic city from August 23 to 
September 2. The British-Canadian commissioners were — Right 
Hon. Baron Herschell, Right Hon. Sir Wilfrid Laurier, ^ Hon. Sir 

1 — Sir TVilfrid Laurier writes from Ottawa. December 31. 1900, as follows: 
"My relations with Mr. Dingley as a member of the Anglo-American commis- 
sion were unfortunately too short to allow me the privileere of an intimate ac- 
quaintance with him. but so far as they went. I was always impressed with the 
sincerity, honesty and l<indness of his character." 



472 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

Richard Cartwright, Hon. Sir. Louis Davies, Mr. John Charlton, * 
M. P., and Hon. Sir James Winter. These were distinguished men 
who met during the eight days with their American brethren, to 
get acquainted and discuss the preUminaries of the negotiations. 
Dinners and receptions consumed a large share of the time, much 
to the enjoyment of Mr. Dingley's wife and daughter. While some 
of Mr. Dingley's associates eclipsed him in doing the social honors 
it was said by the Canadian papers that the "distinguished man 
from Maine was the best equipped mentally of the visiting Ameri- 
can commissioners." 

The practical results of this sojourn at Quebec were not very 
great, and after discussing the fishery, sealing, Alaskan boundary 
and the reciprocial question, the commission adjourned September 
2 until September 19. On the twentieth the commission again 
met in Quebec, and for seventeen days divided the time between 
business and pleasure. There were dinners and balls and receptions 
and lunches. October 6 the American commissioners gave a din- 
ner to the Canadian commissioners, and on the following day the 
commission decided to adjourn October 10, to meet in Washington 
November 18. i\Ir. Dingley, accustomed to prompt legislation. 

1— In connection with Mr. Dingley's services as a member of the joint high 
commission, Mr. Charlton writes from Lynedoch, Ontario, as follows: 

"The commission, as you are aware, met first at Quebec in Augnjst. 189S. and 
after remaining in session in that city for several weeks, adjourned to meet in 
Washington in November, where it remained in session till the following 
February, 1899. 

"Mr. Dingley was well-known by reputation, to the Canadian members of 
the joint high commission, and their impression as to his views upon interna- 
tional trade relations, was that they would be of the extremes! American pro- 
tectionist type, and that the concessions, which Canadian public men deemed 
this country entitled to from the United States government in tariff legislation, 
would not receive the sanction of Mr. Dingley. This impression proved to be to 
a very considerable extent, an ill-founded one. It soon became evident to the 
Canadian members of the joint high commission, that Mr. Dingley had a great 
grasp of financial questions, and that he entered upon his duties, as a member 
of that diplomatic conclave, with a deep sense of the importance of promoting 
friendly relations between the two great nations of the Anglo-Saxon family. 
He was preparsd. bevond question, to go to a greater length in the matter of 
fiscal concessions, than the senate of the United States were at all likely to ap- 
prove of, if a treaty embodying his views were presented to that body for ratifi- 
cation. So deeply did Mr. Dingley impress the Canadian members of the com- 
mission with a sense of his fairness, and of a desire to go as far as his sense of 
obligation to his own country would warrant him. in granting modifications of 
the tariff system of the United States, that his death was looked upon with ex- 
treme regret, and was considered a very severe blow to the commission, and an 
event greatly lessening the probabilities of a favorable and satisfactory outcome 
of its labors. ^ , . . ^, . ,, 

"I noticed at an earlv stage in the deliberations of the commission, that Mr. 
Dingley's views with reference to trade matters, were greatly deferred to by his 
fellow commissioners from the United States, and his death deeply impressed me 
with a sense of the loss that had been sustained in the removal of the most 
pronounced personality upon the commission, and the man whose views would 
not only have commanded respect, but would have gone far towards enjoining 
compliance from the l^-gislative and executive branches of the American govern- 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 473 

found little satisfaction in this Englisli-Canadian style of diplomacy 
liberally seasoned with dinners. He returned to his home with the 
realization that thus far little had been accomplished. The round 
of social pleasures taxed his strength more than continuous work 
in the halls of congress. 

Of the actual results of the work in Quebec, Mr. Dingley said : 
"While no definite agreement has as yet been made, good pro- 
gress has been made and favorable results are hoped for. No seri- 
ous difficulty has been met in reaching a tentative understanding 
on a majority of the twelve matters of difference. The four most 
important matters — the reciprocity question, the Alaskan boun- 
dary, the Alaskan seal fisheries, and the northeastern fisheries — are 
still in abeyance. The reciprocity question is still open. The dif- 
ficulty of an agreement is increased by the preferential tariff in 
favor of Great Britain. The American commissioners are con- 
fined to efforts to have at least as much preference given 
to exports from the United States to Canada as is now 
given to exports to Canada from Great Britain, and 
also to have all export duties removed on articles ex- 
ported from Canada to the United States. But of course if 
this be all that Canada has to give us, the concessions on Canadian 
exports to the United States must be very limited. If practicable, 
however, some limited agreement is much better than the commer- 
cial war which might follow the Canadian discrimination against 

ment when the question of the ratification of the action of the commission came 
to be passed upon. One circumstance impressed me, when privately discussing 
international matters with Mr. Dingley, and this was the fact that he declared 
himself ready at any time to favor a zollverein or commercial union between 
Canada and the United States, the only theoretically perfect and satisfactory 
system upon which free trade between the two countries could be established. 
"Unfortunately the time had passed when such a proposition could be entertained 
by Canada, and the expression of his views while tentative and theoretical, gave 
evidence of great breadth of view. 

"I was brought into intimate relations with Mr. Dingley during the sittmgs 
of the commission, especially at Washington, where we boarded at the same 
hotel, and occupied the same table in the dining room. I had known him quite 
intimately for some years before, having made his acquaintance first, m the year 
1886, I consider that I was in a good position for forming an estimate of his 
character, and the conclusion I reached was, that he was a public man, who was 
governed by his convictions, and that probity and patriotism were leading fea- 
tures of his character. While, perhaps, not endowed by nature with a very 
unusual degree of mental power, he had made his way to the front through in- 
domitable industry and energy. He was a close and diligent student, who 
worked out his cases thoroughly, mastering nil questions with which he had to 
deal and he had secured for himself the reputation of being an almost infallible 
authority upon financial questions. He was, in my estimation, a most remark- 
able man, and one belonging to that type of statesmen, who will always act as 
a safe-guard against popular recklessness, and all forces fostering national im- 
morality, and who will exercise an influence in all cases, designed to promote 
the good of the community and of the nation." 



474 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

us." Owing to his ardent espousal of a protective tariff, Mr. Ding- 
ley was charged with being unfriendly to close trade relations with 
Canada. The contrary, however, was true. He simply insisted 
that Canada should give the United States something in return for 
the admission of Canada's goods to the United States. 

Mr. Dingley rested four weeks at his home in Lewiston, ap- 
pearing in public but twice — lecturing before the students of He- 
bron academy and delivering an address to the students of Bates 
college. 

From early manhood to the day of his death Mr. Dingley conse- 
crated his life to his Divine Master. He lost no opportunity to tell 
in earnest words of the sanctifying power of the gospel. At home 
he was a regular attendant at church and joined his christian 
brothers in prayer. On the eve of his departure for Washington 
for the last time, he attended a service of prayer at the Pine street 
Congregational church, and exhorted all, especially the young men 
present, to avail themselves of every opportunity to promote the 
culture of their spiritual natures and thus build themselves up in 
the most holy faith. He then added : 'Tf it were my last word to 
you, I would say, make it the business of your lives to build up noble 
christian characters, and you will never regret it." Thus his life 
was made potent for good through his love for and faith in the 
crucified Redeemer. 

Mr. Dingley was, as usual, re-elected in September by a large 
majority. On the ninth of November he started for Washington 
to again meet with the joint high commission. November 12 the 
commission in a body called on the president at the White House. 
Senator Fairbanks formally introduced them to the president and 
the British and Canadian commissioners, and the executive received 
all with his usual ease and grace. On the sixteenth, the president 
gave a dinner to the commission in the state dining room of the 
White House. It was a very elaborate and enjoyable afTair. 

The commission secured quarters in the annex of the Arlington 
hotel, and resumed their deliberations. They met every morning 
behind closed doors, and often evenings, when social duties did not 
interfere. A dinner at Secretary Hay's, another at Senator Fair- 
banks' and still another at Mr. Foster's, deprived Mr. Dingley of 
his accustomed rest ; and before congress assembled December 5, 
he was compelled to acknowledge that his health was somewhat im- 
paired. Saturday night, Deceinlicr 3, he attended a dinner given 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 475 

by the Gridiron club. It was a distinguished gathering of men, in- 
ckiding the president and members of his cabinet, the visiting 
British and Canadian commissioners, General Garcia of Cuban 
fame, and the leading army and naval heroes of the war with Spain, 
including General Miles, General Shafter, Admirals Sampson and 
Schley. Mr. Dingley sat between General Miles and General 
Garcia. At midnight he retired visibly worn out. He looked care- 
worn and overtaxed. His nearest friends expressed a fear that his 
health would give way. 

Society was entirely foreign to Mr. Dingley's natvu'e; and every 
formal dinner he attended was a severe tax on his str< ngth. He 
was modest and retiring by nature, and did not enjoy tl.e pomp and 
ceremony of formal social occasions. But social duties in Wash- 
ington are as exacting as official duties ; and membership on a joint 
high commission "carries with it social duties equivalent to those of 
a cabinet officer or a foreign representative. Mr. Dingley was not 
accustomed to this — in fact during his long residence in Washing- 
ton he rarely attended formal dinners or receptions. 

The last session of the fifty-fifth congress assembled December 
5 under circumstances of unusual interest. The same congress, six 
months before, had declared war against Spain ; and now that the 
war was successfully over, congress met to confront for the first 
time, the grave questions developed by the eventful months pre- 
ceding. As usual all Washington turned its attention to the capi- 
tol to witness the opening scenes. Long before noon the corridors 
were filled with surging crowds of people all pushing towards the 
galleries. The scene on the floor of the house of representatives 
was brilliant and picturesque. The members greeted each other 
with congratulations for victory or condolences for defeat. The 
political world as centered in congress is one ever-changing 
kaleidescope. Members come and go ; the leaders of today are for- 
gotten tomorrow. 

When Mr. Dingley entered the hall and joined the crowd of 
members, he received an ovation. He was greeted warmly by both 
Republicans and Democrats. All had affection for him rarely dis- 
played in the field of politics. 

The president's message referred to the fact that "notwith- 
standing the added burden of the war, the people rejoice in the 
steadily increasing degree of prosperity evidenced by the largest 
volume of business ever recorded. The finances of the government 
have been successfully administered and its credit advanced to the 



476 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

first rank." The message brought into clear hght the splendid re- 
sults of the far-seeing labors of Mr. Dingley in the halls of congress. 
It was indeed a complete vindication of his wise policy. 

The annexation of the Hawaiian islands and the probable rati- 
fication of the treaty with Spain, annexing Porto Rico and the 
Philippine islands, brought many new problems in connection with 
the customs and revenue laws. All these questions presented them- 
selves to Mr. Dingley's active and analytical mind, with intense ser- 
iousness. He foresaw many of the difhculties that would follow in 
the wake of the war with Spain, but hoped that the atmosphere 
would soon clear. The attitude of the United States toward Cuba 
was also a problem to be solved, and the leaders of the embryo 
Cuban republic held frequent and long conferences with him in his 
committee room. His clear comprehension of the questions, was a 
marvel to all who conferred with him. The room.of the committee 
on ways and means was turned into a general reception room every 
day from ten in the morning until late at night. Mr. Dingley's time 
and strength were taxed by delegations and members of congress, 
all asking for information and advice. He was sought after more 
than any man in congress. He carried in his head the figures of the 
reports of the treasury department ; he held in his mind the deci- 
sions of the supreme court, and tariff schedules. He discussed in- 
telligentlv, questions of constitutional law, and matters pertain 
ing to the joint high commission. He listened to applicants for 
offices and kept close watch of the proceedings of the house. The 
physical and mental strain was tremendous. He put his best 
thought to every question and threw himself into his work as 
though his brain was of steel and his muscles of iron. 

To be chairman of the ways and means committee and floor 
leader, during great national crises, is of itself enough to tax the 
strength of any man : but to add to this the responsibility of solving 
wisely and well, great fiscal problems incident to a decided change 
in governmental policy, and to carry the burdens of the details of 
an international commission and be largely responsible for the re- 
sults, is more than one man should undertake. It was this multi- 
plicity of cares and burdens, together with social demands to which 
he was unaccustomed, that finally proved too much for him to bear. 

December 8. Mr, Dingley gave a luncheon in the house to the 
British and Canadian commissioners and their wives. Speaker 
Reed was an invited guest and entertained in his inimitable manner. 
It was a simple affair, where no wines whate\er were se-rxed. 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 477 

Mr. Dingley held the laboring oar on the joint high commis- 
sion. It was upon him that the country and the administration 
largely depended not to permit a jug-handle arrangement. As the 
adviser of the American commissioners he was shrewd enough to 
have a tentative settlement made of all questions before taking up 
the subject of reciprocity. Outwitted by the American commis- 
sioners, the one hope of the Canadians was to secure concessions 
from the United States in the matter of reciprocity, of sufficient 
importance to offset antagonism to such manifest surrenders as 
were involved in the settlement of the north Atlantic fisheries dis- 
pute, the Behring sea seal fisheries and the question of war ships on 
the lakes. The Canadians began the conference having four main 
objects to secure — free lumber, free lead ore, free agricultural pro- 
ducts and free fish. Three of these concessions were refused, while 
in the matter of agricultural products the American proposals were 
not what Canada hoped for. The Canadian commissioners were 
outmatched in diplomacy, and were not assisted by Lord 
Herschell, the British representative, who would not agree to any- 
thing that imperiled the continuance of the good will between Eng- 
land and the United States. 

The import duty of two dollars per thousand on lumber (al- 
though less than the average rate per cent carried in the law of 
1897) was attacked by a good many American lumbermen owning 
stumpage in Canada along the shores of the great lakes. Great 
pressure was brought to bear on the American commissioners to 
have this duty reduced. Mr. Dingley urged a yielding in this mat- 
ter, in the hope that it might lead to a successful termination of the 
negotiations. But the Canadian commissioners, discouraged at the 
outlook and anxious to return to their homes, agreed to an ad- 
journment December 20 until after the holidays. For four weeks 
Mr. Dingley attended the sessions of the commission in Washing- 
ton. His courteous manner and his comprehensive grasp of the 
questions involved, won the love, respect and admiration of his as- 
sociate commissioners. The commissioners separated, some of 
them for the last time, with the warmest regard for each other and 
hopeful that future deliberations might be productive of more tan- 
gible results. 

The activity and fertility of Mr. Dingley's mind during these 
weeks of tremendous pressure and excitement, was a marvel to his 
family and friends. To members of congress and representatives of 
metropolitan papers, he gave much time to the discussion of the 



478 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

problems of the future. He gave to a New York paper ^ a remark- 
able analysis of the probable fiscal situation of "Greater United 
States," forecasting with wonderful accuracy the events of the 
future. He made perfectly clear the "open door" policy by saying: 
"It means simply equality of treatment and not free trade. As ap- 
plied to the Philippines it would mean that imports from Great 
Britain and all other foreign countries are to be admitted at 
the same rates of duty as imports from the United States. Of 
course this policy could not be applied to the Philippines if they 
should be admitted into the union with a territorial form of govern- 
ment, because the constitution provides that duties shall be uni- 
form throughout the United States. \Vliether it would be possible 
to apply this policy to the Philippines after they should become a 
part of the territory of the United States I am not prepared to say. 
It is noticeable, however, that in the resolution for the annexation 
of Hawaii, passed at the last session of the present congress, it was 
provided that the Hawaiian tariff shall continue in force until con- 
gress shall otherwise determine. It should be borne in mind how- 
ever, that the present talk about an open door policy for the Philip- 
pines is intended to apply entirely to those islands while under a 
military administration, and do not apply to those islands after they 
have been formally recognized by congress as a part of the United 
States. 

"Of course, it would be competent for the Paris commissioners 
to incorporate in the treaty with Spain a provision granting to 
Spanish imports into the Philippines equality of treatment with im- 
ports from the United States for a term of years, and that provision 
in the treaty, when ratified by the senate and projected into law by 
congress, would be the law of the land. 

"In the discussion of the 'open door' policy, I notice that 
many papers assume that it is the uniform policy of Great Britain 
in her relations with her colonies. It should be borne in mind, how- 
ever, that there is a conspicuous exception in this in the case of 
Canada, her most important colony, which admits imports from 
Great Britain at 25 per cent less duty than they are admitted from 
the United States and other countries. It is undersood that this 
policy was adopted by Canada, if not on the suggestion, at least 
with the approval, of Mr. Chamberlain, British secretary for the 
colonies, and that he is urging other colonies to give a similar 
preference to that country. 

1— The New York World. 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 479 

"It should be borne in mind that a very vital point as to reve- 
nue is involved in the possible admission of Porto Rico, Cuba and 
the Philippines into the union as territories or states. These tropi- 
cal islands are capable of producing every pound of sugar and 
many otlier tropical products that the United States consumes. If 
they should be admitted to the union in such a manner as to extend 
our tariff over them and thereby allow the free importation of their 
products, we would probably lose not less than $60,000,000 of reve- 
nue annually, which would be a \ery serious situation under exist- 
ing conditions. 

"All of these difficulties only serve to emphasize the soundness 
of the suggestion that the true policy for the next year is to con- 
tinue the military administration of whatever islands fall into our 
hands, and in the meantime make such a thorough investigation of 
every phase of the serious problems which must be met, which 
will properly prepare us to meet them with wise legislation." 

Thus Mr. Dingley outlined his position and the wise policy for 
the country to pursue, before the treaty of Paris was ratified; be- 
fore the controversy over the Porto Rican tariff had arisen, and be- 
fore the cry of "anti-imperialism" was thought of. He was opposed 
to free trade between the new possessions and the United States 
proper. He was in favor of governing them as dependencies under 
the constitutional provision authorizing congress "to make all 
needful rules and regulations respecting the territory or other 
property of the United States." 

To a New York paper ^ he gave the following hopeful New 
Year's sentiment regarding the national and commercial outlook : 
"The year 1899 gives promise of better times and a larger degree of 
happiness to the American people. As we look back over the cen- 
tury and note our marvelous progress, industrially and socially, we 
renew our faith in our future greatness and glory. We are on the 
threshold of a new era into which we have been ushered by the re- 
sults of a victorious war. What this new era will bring no- 
body can foretell : hut as we round out the nineteenth century and 
look with satisfaction upon the past we await the coming of the 
twentieth century with renewed hope and courage. The year 1899, 
with its new and perplexing problems, will again demonstrate to 
the world the power and possibilities of this great republic." 

On the evening of December 13. Mr. Dingley presided over a 
Christian citizenship convention. His brief address was beautiful 

1 — New York Herald. 



48o LIFE AND TIMES OF 

and lofty. On the evening of the fifteenth he dined with Vice 
President Hobart. On the following day he made a short speech ^ 
in the house on the bank bill. This was the last speech he delivered 
in the house. On the evening of December i8 at a Sabbath union 
meeting, in simple and touching language, he again told of his love 
of Christ and his faith in the cross. Those who heard him were 
moved to tears and many thought later that the great statesman 
had some premonition of the immediate future. At all events, it 
was deeply significant that his last public address was on a subject 
always nearest his heart and ever the key to his life — Christian con- 
secration to daily work. 

Congress adjourned for a brief holiday rest and Mr. Dingley 
gladly took advantage of it. He was tired mentally and bodily. 
The burden was greater than he could bear. The death of Senator 
Morrill of Vermont two days after Christmas, was an added shock 
to Mr. Dingley, for the venerable statesman was an associate of and 
co-laborer with Mr. Dingley, for years. They were warm personal 
friends ; and few dreamed that these two men whose names were to 
be forever linked with notable tarifif laws and great historical 
epochs, would soon be reunited on the other shore. 

On the morning of the twenty-ninth of December, Mr. Dingley 
was first taken ill. He complained of severe pains and troubles in 
his head, but thought it was only a severe cold. On the thirtieth he 
was still confined to his bed, but as yet there were no serious symp- 
toms. He was to have delivered an address -^ at the Brooklyn 
museum of arts and sciences January 6, but dictated a letter ask- 
ing for a postponement of the event to January 20. He had thrown 
his whole heart and soul into the preparation of this address and 
felt keenly the disappointment. On the last day of December 
pneumonia developed and family and friends became alarmed. 

The new year came and with it came more danger to the suf- 
ferer, and more anxiety for the wife and daughter who kept cease 
less vigil at his bedside. January 3 the stricken man was mentally 
disturbed and never again was completely rational. His mind 
wandered, and he continually talked about public matters — con- 
gress and the commission. 

The news of Mr. Dingley's serious illness caused deep regrei 
among members of congress who assembled again January 4. The 
blind chaplain in the house in his opening invocation, referred feel- 
ingly to the critical illness of Mr. Dingley and prayed fervently 
for his speedy recovery. 

1 — See Appendix. 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 481 

Two sons arrived at the bedside of their devoted father January 
7. They brought comfort to the anxious wife and daughter, but 
could give none to the fond father. For five days the statesman's 
Hfe hung in the balance. Everything that physicians' skill could 
suggest was done to cope with the dread disease. But his heart 
could not stand the strain and for four days he was kept alive by 
artificial means. 

Anxiety over Mr. Dingley's illness was not confined to Wash- 
ington nor to Maine. It spread throughout the length and breadth 
of the land. The president, members of the cabinet, members of 
the supreme court, diplomats, senators and representatives, called 
daily for reports from his bedside. Messages of hope and sympathy 
came from every quarter. The fear of his death chilled the heart of 
the nation. Never since Garfield, stricken by an assassin's bullet 
and hovering for weeks in the shadow of eternity, had there been 
such widespread anxiety over the condition of a public man. The 
universal sentiment was, that the country could not spare such a 
man as Mr. Dingley. 

The fight which this apparently frail man made against death 
was remarkable. The anxious wife watched with aching heart the 
slightest symptom of an abatement of the disease. Once the weak- 
ened patient seemed to have some momentary return of conscious- 
ness for he slightly pressed the hand of his weeping wife and whis- 
pered her name. Sweet moment 1 That night was one of ceaseless 
vigil and anxiety. The worst was feared. At 9 o'clock on the 
morning of January 1 3, the patient had a sinking spell and it was 
then feared that the end was near. All day long that great brain 
wandered over the wide field of public events which it had so com- 
pletely mastered. All day long that tender heart struggled to do its 
work. All day long hope grew fainter and fainter. The sun went 
down on a land blessed by this ebbing life. The stars appeared as if 
to guide him to the arms of the Almighty. An hour before mid- 
night his spirit departed to join his sainted parents. Death came 
peacefully and he passed into eternity as one asleep. His Hfe work 
was done. 

Thus in the height of his power; when a grateful country 
crowned him as its most conspicuous benefactor: at the dawn of a 
new era in our national history requiring wise statesmanship, Mr. 
Dingley was called home. The news of his death cast a profound 
gloom over the city of Washington, and the whole nation. Mes- 



482 



LIFE AND TIMES OF 



sages ^ of sorrow came from every state and from abroad. Presi- 
dent McKinley sent the following note, written with his own hand, 
shortly before midnight : 

Executive Mansion. Jan. 13. 

"To Dear Mrs. Dingley: I have at this moment learned of the 
death of your distinguished husband and write to express the pro- 
found sorrow which both Mrs. McKinley and myself feel for you in 
your great affliction. 

"We mourn with you in this overwhelming loss which will be 
deeply felt by the whole country. From my long and intimate as- 

1 — Mrs. Dingley was in receipt of the following letters of condolence: — 

State Department, January 14. 

Dear Mrs. Dingley— My wife Joins me in expressions of sincere sympathy in 
your profound grief. We have lost a great statesman, endowed with eminent 
gifts of mind and character. I hope it may be some consolation in your sorrows 
to know the whole country is mourning with you. I am, with heartfelt sympa- 
thy, sincerely yours, JOHN HAY. 



Navy Department, Washington, January 14. 

My Dear Mrs. Dingley — I have called several times during Mr. Dingley's ill- 
ness, and again this morning, on hearing of his death, to show the profound in- 
terest, which, in common with others, I have felt in his behalf. I know that no 
word can relieve your sorrow, but I take the liberty to express my sympathy, 
and also my appreciation of his long, useful and distinguished career. As a 
native of the district he so ably represented, and almost a neighbor, I know that 
among his constituents the news of his death will be especially deplored. There 
was no better man in the public service. 

If I can be of any service, I trust you will command me. and believe me, 
sincerely yours, JOHN D. LONG. 



Treasury Department, Washington, January 14. 

Dear Madam— While your family weeps, a nation mourns. The legendary 
ingratitude of republics is refuted. The character and public service of Nelson 
Dingley are appreciated, gratefully recognized and will not be forgotten. His- 
tory will faithfully preserve the record of his Intelligent zeal and his loyal de- 
votion to the public good. 

I cannot forbear to put In evidence my testimony to his virtues. My relations 
to him were official rather than personal. Because of this, principally, I was en- 
abled to comprehend the great reach of his mind, his vast knowledge of public 
affairs as related to questions of the National revenue and the public expendi- 
ture. His accurate judgment in all questions of currency and finance clothed 
him with conceded authority, while the purity of his personal character and the 
\iprightness of his motives won the confidence and loving respect of all. Truly 
a great man has fallen. Tour personal bereavement and the grief of his children 
may be assuaged— if any abatement can be found— in the fact that your loss is 
also our loss; that many, many thousands of whom you can never know, stand 
in reverent but tender sympatiiy, with your affliction. Sincerely yours. 

LYMAN GAGE. 



The Shoreham. Washington, January 14. 
Mr. Dear Mrs. Dingley. I wish to say how much we all have felt the death of 
your late husband. For him I learned to feel a sincere regard. Our few months 
of association on the joint high commission has taught me to appreciate his 
worth as a man as well as a statesman. His surviving colleagues on the commis- 
sion wall doubtless unite in some fitting tribute of regard and respect for him. 
but T thought I would like to express to you and your daughter my own personal 
sympathy in this, your great affliction, and I know if my wife was here she 
•would like to join her sympathy with mine. Believe me to be. yours faithfully. 

L. H. DA VIES. 



House of Representatives, ■^'ashington, January 14. 
Dear Mrs. Dingley: — No death has occurred in years which has caused such 
eincere and profound" sorrow as that of Mr. Dingley. No member of the house 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 483 

sociation with him, it comes to me as a personal bereavement. A 
great consolation in this sad hour is a recollection of Mr. Dingley's 
exalted character, his domestic virtues, his quiet, useful, distin- 
guished life and his long continued and faithful services in behalf 
of his fellow citizens who will always cherish his memory as that of 
a great statesman and true patriot. 

"With sympathy, believe me, always, sincerely, 

"Wm. McKinley." 

Speaker Reed called to express his grief and sorrow. The last 
inducement for him to remain in congress was now gone. He de- 
clared that he had never seen deeper solicitude manifested for any 
man. "Mr. Dingley's loss will be deeply felt," he said. Other 
members of congress, members of the supreme court and many offi- 
cials came to personally express their profound sorrow. Senator 
Hale said that "in the present condition of public affairs, Mr. Ding- 
ley's death is a great national loss." 

The house met the following day under circumstances of deep 
and universal sorrow. The desk which Mr. Dingley had occupied 

of representatives has so thoroughly impressed himself upon the country as a 
conscientious and able statesman. Mr. Dingley and myself entered the LXVIIth 
congress together, and his entire career has been a model for the people of our 
country to follow. We have many very excellent men in congress, but I fear it 
will be a long time before our country can boast of a man who has all the ex- 
cellent qualities of your distinguished husband. My family and myself express 
to you our deepest sympathy. With very high regards truly your friend, 

JOSEPH WHEELER. 



January 15, 1899. 

Dear Mrs. Dingley: I hardly dare intrude on you at such a time, but I can- 
not resist the imnulse to tell you how heartfealt is my sympathy with you in the 
terrible blow which has fallen upon you. It is scarcely six months since I first 
came to know him whose loss you are mourning, but the kindness and transpar- 
ent sincerity of his nature soon won my real regard, and I feel that I have to de- 
plore the loss not of a mere acquaintance but of a friend. The sense of personal 
loss for the moment dominates all else. But the members of the international 
commission who have enjoyed the advantage of his valued assistance will In- 
creasingly realize of how much they have been deprived. 

Would that I could do anything to lighten your burden. Words, however 
sincere, seem on an occasion like this so cold and lifeless. But the consolations 
that are possible you have in abundance — the memory of a life devoted not to 
selfish aims but to public good, and the consciousness that multitudes are In 
their measure sharing your sorrow and honoring that memory. Believe me 
with deepest sympathy, very sincerely yours, HERSCHELL. 



Indianapolis. January 17, 1899. 
Mrs. Dingley: I watched with the most solicitous anxiety the daily reports 
from your husband's bedside and received the news of his death with a deep 
sense of loss and sorrow. He was so wise and true and so much trusted that 1 
could not believe he would be taken from us in the hour when the country most 
needed him. It will give you. after a while, comfort to know how he was es- 
teemed and honored, but in the present, you will find that God's good promises 
and His grace are your only refuge. Will you please accept the sympathy of 
your friend, BENJAMIN HARRISON. 



Mr. Dear Mrs. Dingley: I cannot express my full sense of sorrow over the 
death of your distinguished husband. It is an irreparable loss to the nation and 
to every one of its citizens and as such lamented throughout the whole land. 
Very sincerely your friend, GARRETT A. HOBART. 



484 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

as floor leader of the house, in the center of the repubUcan side of 
the chamber, was heavily draped in crepe ^ while on top was a pro- 
fusion of flowers. As the speaker entered the chamber a hush fell 
upon the members as they rose and with bowed heads listened to 
the tender tribute from the chaplain who said of the departed : "He 
leaves behind a record of distinguished services and of unblemished 

1 — Congressman Champ Clark of Missouri, looked over from his seat on the 
Democratic side at the black draped desk of Mr. Dingley, banked with beautiful 
flowers, says the St. Louis Globe Democrat. A faint shadow— the suggestion 
which strong men give of stifled tears— crossed his powerful, clean cut face. It 
was gone with the instant, and then, as he settled back in his chair, his counte- 
nance was lighted with a gentle smile born of pleasant recollections. 

"It is rather peculiar," he said, "how I came to know Gov. Dingley as he 
really was. When I came here to the forty-third congress I at once began to 
study character in the house. The study of character is a fad of mine. I have 
always been an observer of men, and, I flatter myself, I can size them up most 
as well as any man living. After I had been studying the big men of congress 
for two years I began to write about them for the public press. One of the first 
sketches I wrote was that of Gov. Dingley. I had sat in my seat for two years 
watching him, listening to everything he said, taking in all of his peculiarities, 
hearing what other people had to say about him, and I fancied I knew him. The 
sketch which I wrote was a cold-blooded analysis. There was nothing abusive in 
it— I meant to be entirely fair— but it depicted him in colors as somber as his 
public manner. His personality, according to my picture, was cold, intolerant, 
unkindly. So much for what I then thought of him. 

"When I came back to this congress I was suffering from an affliction of the 
throat. Some one in the house recommended an old Dutch doctor here who is 
a specialist on throat diseases. I found out Dingley was going to this doctor for 
a similar affliction to mine. I asked him about the doctor, and he told me he had 
done him a lot of good. So I went to him myself. 

"One day when Gov. Dingley and I met in the doctor's office a severe storm 
came up and the doctor cautioned us against going out until it was over. There 
we were, stuck for an hour or more. I had read everything on the table, so there 
was nothing left for me to do but to talk to Dingley. I may say that conversa- 
tion was one of the most interesting I have ever held with any man in my life. 
At its conclusion Gov. Dingley appeared to me in an entirely new light. I didn't 
know just what to talk to him about, and so I thought I would learn something 
from his vast experience. 

" 'Governor,' I said to him, 'suppose you knew a young man who had come to 
congress with great ambition to succeed in public life, and who had a reason- 
able assurance that he could stay there for a long time, what advice would you 

give him?' -j ,t 

"The philosophy of his reply was worthy of Bacon. 'Of course, he said, I 
need not tell vou tliat there are just four great committees in the house— the 
ways and means, the appropriations, the judiciary and foreign affairs.' He then 
weiit on to tell me the advantages of each, and the information he gave me 
showed a wonderful comprehension of all the possibilities. Then he said— and 
this is where the philosophy comes in: 

" 'In order to make a great name for himself in congress a man must be a 
specialist. I have been in congress for many years and I have watched and 
studied men as they have come and gone. It is safe to say. barring a few acci- 
dents, that every man elected to congress has a superficial knowledge of nearly 
every subject within the range of political affairs. I always listen to the first 
speech of a new member. When I have listened to him for ten minutes I can tell 
whether he possesses any special knowledge on the subject upon which he is 
talking. If I am satisfied that he has not, I never listen to him again. On the 
contrary, if he show a mastery of his subject, if he demonstrates that the 
knowledge he has is not the knowledge every other member has or could obtain 
by superficial inquiry, but that comprehension which comes from laborious and 
intelligent research, then I hear him out, and always listen to him thereafter. 
If a man be a specialist on a subject, if he knows more than the ordinary con- 
gressman knows or can hope to learn by mere dabbling, then he can compel con- 
gress to listen to him, and he rises to be a power. That is the secret of success 

here ' * 

"He then went on to tell me how he became a protectionist. 'I know you are 
a free trader,' he said. 'So was I when I came out of college.' This astonished 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 485 

personal worth that becomes a part of the history of the country." 
After a brief and feehng announcement by Mr. Boutelle, the house 
adjourned as a further mark of respect. The senate also adjourned 
at the same hour. 

The tribute paid the memory of this modest man on the six- 
teenth of January, in the house of representatives, where he had so 
long been such a commanding figure, was almost majestic in im- 
pressiveness. The president, his cabinet, diplomats, members of 
the supreme court, senate and house, and distinguished men in 
military and civil life, delegations from the business centers, were 
arranged about the bier on the floor of the hall, ^ while the galleries 
were occupied by the families of those upon the floor. Never be- 
fore was such an honor accorded a member of the house. For an 
hour before the exercises began, thousands of people streamed 
through the main doors, and gazed upon the calm, serene features 

me greatly. 'What made you a protectionist?" I aslced him. His story was that 
when he came out of college he returned to his home some place up in Maine, and 
it was the transformation he saw worked out there under the Morrill tariff which 
converted him. The valley in which he lived — I can't think of the name — was 
rather a poor country agriculturally, was sparsely settled, and seemed to have no 
future. At that time we had the Walker tariff in this country, which was practi- 
cally free trade. When the Walker tariff was repealed and the Morrill law went 
into effect, some manufacturers desirious of taking advantage of the new order 
came up into Mr. Dingley's country looking for a site for a factory.. It happened 
that in this valley was an abundant water supply and the manufacturers con- 
cluded that they could do no better than locate there. The factory was built. 
It gave employment to a large number of men. They built their homes close by; 
they became consumers of the products which the farmers in that section could 
raise. To use Mr. Dingley's words: 'Where had been a desolate valley and a 
miserable people became a land smiling with peace and plenty, a population 
prosperous and happy." This, he said, had led him to revise his views, and the 
more he studied the subject of protection and free trade from that time the more 
firmly did he become convinced that the greatest prosperity would come to the 
country through the policy of protection. 

"We had been talking for an hour or more when the storm broke, and we 
bundled up to go. I always considered Gov. Dingley in a different light after that 
conversation. I had learned that when once you knew him you found a sincere, 
likable, kindly man." 

1— Order of service at the funeral of Honorable Nelson Dingley, late a repre- 
sentative from the state of Maine. The house of representatives will meet at 
twelve o'clock noon, January 16, 1899. 

The body of the late Representative Dingley will be placed in the hall of the 
house at 10 a. m., where it will lie in state. 

The president of the United States and his cabinet, the Chief justice and as- 
sociate justices of the supreme court, the diplomatic corps, the major genera^ 
commanding the army, the senior admiral of the navy, and the commissioners 
of the District of Columbia have been invited to attend the services. 

The president and cabinet will meet in the rooms of the house committee on 
naval affairs. 

The supreme court will meet in the supreme court room. 

The diplomatic corps, the major general commanding the army, the senior 
admiral of the navy, and the commissioners of the District of Columbia will 
meet in the ways and means committee room. 

The pallbearers and committee of arrangement will meet in the house lobby. 

The speaker's room will be reserved for the members of the family and the 
ofBciating clergy. , „ ^ ^, ^ ^^ 

Seats will be reserved for those entitled to them upon the floor, to which they 
■will be shown by the doorkeeper. 



486 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

of the sleeping statesman, almost lost in loving flowers. An air of 
deep sadness pervaded the hall as the members rose to listen to the 
brief and simple prayer of the chaplain. Then a deep hush fell upon 
the assemblage. Suddenly out of the loft in the rear of the press 
gallery the notes of an organ echoed through the hall the first time 
in the history of the house of representatives. Then as that beauti- 
ful anthem "Crossing the Bar" — 

"Sunset and evening star 

And one clear call for me — " 
was sung, many were moved to tears. ^ Rev. S. M. Newman, Mr. 
Dingley's pastor in Washington, pronounced a most impressive 
eulogy.,^ At the request of the family, Mr. Dingley's favorite hymn 
"Jesus Lover of My Soul," was sung. Tenderly the form of their 
beloved and revered leader was borne by capitol police from the 
house of representatives to a special train in waiting. 

It was a sad homeward journey for the devoted family and 
friends of the departed statesman. The bells of Lewiston tolled as 
the train entered the city. There, a great concourse of people as- 

The senate will enter the chamber in a body preceded by their officers. 

The president, cabinet, supreme court, general commanding the army, senior 
admiral of the navy, commissioners of the District of Columbia, and the family 
of the deceased will occupy seats on the floor of the house assigned to them by 
the doorkeeper. 

The diplomatic corps will occupy seats on the right of the speaker of the 
house and in front of the senate and back of the president and his cabinet. 

The senate will occupy seats on the right of the speaker of the house, the 
house of representatives on the left of the speaker of the house. 

Upon the announcement by the speaker of the house the clergy will conduct 
the funeral ceremonies, and upon their conclusion the body will remain in the 
hall of the house until escorted to the station. 

1— The night before he was stricken with his fatal illness, he sat in front of 
the open fire, complaining that he did not feel well. His daughter sat at the 
piano playing and singing new songs she had recently purchased. Among them 
was Neidlingac's rendition of Tennyson's sublime poem— "Crossing the Bar." 

"Sunset and evening star and one clear call for me 

And may there be no moaning of the bar 

"When I put out to sea. 

But such a tide as moving seems asleep 

Too full for sound and foam 

"When that which drew from out the boundless deep 

Turns again home. 

Twilight and evening bell and after that the dark 
And may there be no sadness of farewell 
"When I embark. 

For though from out the bourne of Time and Place 
The fiood may bear me far 
I hope to see my pilot face to face 
"When I cross the bar." 
In deep silence Mr. Dingley listened to the singing of these beautiful words. 
Awakening from his reverie he said softly: "Please sing them again for me. 
my dear. I am so fond of those words." 

Like some soothing, gentle hand, the words and the music lulled him to sleep. 
At Mrs. Dingley's request this was sung at the funeral services In the house 
of representatives. 
2 — See Appendix. 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 487 

sembled with uncovered heads and weeping eyes. Mr. Dingley 
was genuinely loved in Washington, but he was loved more in his 
own home. Here his form was tenderly borne to city hall and 
guarded by members of the Grand Army of the Republic and city 
police. 

The scene in city hall was most impressive. In the center was 
erected a catafalque beneath which the sleeping man rested. Here 
thousands viewed with moist eyes the face of their friend and 
benefactor. One woman, plainly dressed, on reaching the casket 
fell on her knees, raised her hands above her head and exclaimed: 
"God bless the saviour of my husband and the friend of my son." 

The day on which the earthly form of Mr. Dingley was placed 
in the tomb dawned fair and bright. All places of business were 
closed, and the mills, shops and factories shut their doors. Bells 
tolled solemnly and flags were at half mast. The people moved 
about with hushed voices and everything was still. After brief and 
private services at home the casket was removed to the Pine 
street Congregational church where the final services were held. 
There were delegations from congress, from the state government, 
many state organizations and many cities. Rev. George M. Howe, 
Mr. Dingley's home pastor made a touching and eloquent address 
drawn from his own intercourse with his departed friend. He 
closed with these words : 

"We leave him in the presence of the glorified Saviour whom he 
loved so devotedly, and served so faithfully, and before whom we 
too shall stand at no distant day. Farewell, brother beloved ! The 
world is lonelier and poorer for thy departure from it, but Heaven 
is richer. 

"The Saviour's diadem is made resplendent with such jewels as 
thou art. We did not realize that the harvest season was so near. 
Thou hast gathered thy sheaves, and great were the rejoicings in 
Heaven at thy coming! 'The song that thou heardest was the sera- 
phims' song,' a song mingled with the glad greetings of the loved 
ones gone before. 'Blest are the dead that die in the Lord.' " 

Thus Nelson Dingley Jr., lived and died. He lived the life of a 
Christian statesman ; and — 

"Sustained and soothed 

By an unfaltering trust, approached his grave 
Like one who wraps the drapery of his couch 
About him, and lies down to pleasant dreams." 

Fitting eulogies were pronounced in local, state and national or- 
ganizations, state legislatures and institutions of learning. Gov. 



488 LIFE AND TIMES OF 

Powers of Maine said in his proclamation: "IMaine will never for- 
get his devotion to his native state and her interests, and though 
dead he will continue to live in the grateful hearts' memories of all 
her citizens. In the halls of her legislature he began his distin- 
guished honors; they have closed in the capitol, where he was a 
tried and trusted leader of his party in the national house of repre- 
sentatives. His integrity, devotion to duty, love of right, and jus- 
tice, vast resources, sound learning, thorough mastery and com- 
prehension of all questions relating to finance and tariff, com- 
manded for him on all occasions an attentive hearing and made 
him a recognized authority, not only among his friends, but also his 
political opponents." 

The public press ^ teemed with tributes to his integrity and de- 
votion to duty. The universal sentiment was that the nation owed 
his memory a debt that could never be paid. 

February ii, 1899, the national house of representatives sus- 
pended business, and many members in heartfelt words, paid their 
tributes -^ to the memory of their colleague. March i, like eulogies ^ 
were delivered in the senate. February 15, the IMaine state legis- 
lature met to listen to tributes ^ of a similar character. 

Mr. Dingley's will, dated October 21, 1897, and written with 
his own hand, was brief and beautiful. At its close he penned 
these words : "In making the foregoing disposition of my estate 
at my decease, I have consulted what I have reason to believe 
would be the wishes of my beloved wife, and my dear children and 
the best interests of both. I have given the bulk of my property 
to my beloved wife because I know that all of my dear children 
would desire to see their mother first cared for in her declining 
years, so that she may be able to live in comfortable ease and main 
^ tain the family home as though I was alive ; and because they un- 
,/ derstand that she will have an interest in them which none but 
such a mother can have and will use the means placed in her hands 
for their highest welfare as each may require ; and that on her de- 
cease all of my estate that may then remain will pass to them. My 
strongest desire is that my children may maintain such a pure, 
noble and Christian life and character as will honor their father and 
make happy the last days of their mother and fit them for the Hfe 
of Heaven where I hope through Christ's love to meet our re- 
united family." 

Mr. Dingley's fame rests upon the eternal rock of character and 
conscientious industry. The record of his life is a spotless book 
1 — See Appendix, 



NELSON DINGLEY JR. 489 

wherein one seeking truth, wisdom and inspiration may find them 
all. His speeches in congress have a permanent value to the stu- 
dent and historian. His public career forms a conspicuous part of 
our national history, and 

" — If whaTwe call 

The spirit flash not all at once from out 
This shadow into substance, then perhaps 
The mellowed murmur of the people's praise — 
May yet ascend to him." 




STEAM EK "GOVERNOR DINGLEY." 
FOKTI,AND STEAMSHIP COMPANY'. 



INDEX OF NAMES. 



Abbott, Nehemiah — 51. 

Abbott, S. I.— S3. 

Abbott, L. M.— lCO-461. 

Adams, John Quincy — 22. 

Adams, Robert, Jr.— 274-458. 

Aldrich N. W.— 332-333-432-433-465. 

Allen, William— 134. 

Allen, C. H.— 2SS. 

Allen, J. M.— 288. 

Allen, Elisha— 225. 

Allison, W. B.— 223-332-415-433-435-436- 

465. 
Ambler, John— 219. 
Andrews, (Me.) — 90. 
Angell, J. B.— 284-285-291. 
Appleton, John— 163-165. 
Arthur, Chester A.— 180-186-200-203-214- 

219-222-225-229-239-243-251-263. 
Asquitt, M. P.— 361. 



Babcock, J. W.— 365-382-383-384-388. 

Bacon, Rev. Dr.— 122-123. 

Bacon, Henry — 294. 

Bailey, J. W.— 341-365-388-423-434-436-437- 

438-441-465. 
Baker, Smith— 130. 
Baker, A. R.— 386. 
Balkam, Rev. Dr.— 46-88. 
Baltour, G. W.— 361. 
Banks, N. P.— S7-98-415. 
Barker, Lewis — 157. 
Barrett, W. E.— 389. 
Barrows, W. G. 165. 
Bartlett, Franklin— 397. 
Bayard. Thomas F.— 268-269-270-280- 

284-285-291-293-299-389-390. 
Bayne, Thomas— 263-316-332. 
Bearce, H. N.— 59. 
Beecher, H. W.— 83-122-123-128-143-245- 

248. 
Belmont, Perry— 222-263-268. 
Benson. Samuel P.— 41. 
Berry, John J. — 64. 
BinfTham, H. J.— 232-263-288-315-341-365. 



Birney, J. G.— 39. 

Black, Jeremiah S.— 127. 

Blackburn, J. C. S.— 200-232-254. 

Blaine, James G. — 48-52-57-59-60-63-64- 
65-71-73-76-78-85-87-93-95-97-98-101- 
104-113-119-123-124-125-126-127-130- 
134-137-150-155-158-161-162-165-166- 
169-173-176-180-181-186-188-189-194- 
197-199—200-203-204-209-210-214-242- 
243-244-246-247-248-249-250-251-252- 
260-263-264-283-287—300-301-304-312- 
330-331-343-344-345-355-356-357-358- 
359. 

Blair, Austin — 415. 

Blake, S. H.— 60-61-65. 

Bland. R. P.— 201-214-215-232-263-288-294- 
328-347-348-351-364-368. 

Blount, James H.— 262-287-298-315-341- 
369. 

Boatner, C. J. — 415-440. 

Bodwell, J. R.— 170-283-278. 

Bond, S. R.— 31. 

Boothby, Rev. Mr.— 95. 

Boteler, A. H.— 219. 

Boutwell, George S.— 119 194. 

Boutelle, C. A.— 124-162-219-223-243-247- 
263-287-301-309-315-341-364-388-485. 

Boynton, Nehemiah— 386. 

Boyd, David— 130. 

Brackett, George E.— 130. 

Bradbury, James W.— 91-131-265. 

Bradbury. Bion— 60-64-65-73-90-173-264. 

Breckenridge, John C. — 415. 

Breckinridge, W. P. C— 262-287-299-311- 
317-S22-341. 

Brewer, D. J. 397. 

Brewer, M. S.— 288. 

Brickett, Dr.— 89. 

Bristoe, Benjamin F. — 126. 

Brown, S. G.— 386. 

Brown, J. B.— 316. 

Brown, S. S.— 157. 

Brown, J. M.— 124-168-170. 

Brooks, Senator — 156. 

Brumm. C. N.— 276. 

Bryan, W. J.— 341-349-350-365-371-381-407- 
415-445-446. 



492 



INDEX OF NAMES. 



Buchanan. James— 45-49-52-250. 

Buckner, S. B.— 221. 

Buffum, Charles— 117. 

Burchard, S. D.— 250. 

Burrows, J. C— 200-201-202-263-288-315- 

316-322-332-341-364-390-415-433. 
Burleigh. John H.— 75-113. 
Burleigh, E. C— 309. 
Burnsic3e, Genera! — 75. 
Butler, Benjamin — 249. 
Butler. Mayor— 156. 
Butterworth. Benjamin— 201-215-223-263- 

288-300-315. 
Bj-num, William D.— 262-287-303-318-364. 



C. 



Carleton, S. L.— 129. 

Cartwright, Sir Richard — 472. 

Cary, Stephen— 60-61-62. 

Cameron. Don— 199-201-336. 

Campbell. J. E.— 263-288. 

Candler, J. W.— 222. 

Cannon, J. G.— 200-232-262-287-315-328- 
33S-3S3-453-461. 

Capen, 3. B.— "iSe. 

Carlisle, J. G.— 200-211-231-232-233-242- 
253-254-257-262-265-279-284-287-289- 
315-316-320-332-340-366-388-392-394- 
395-415 

Catchings, T.' C— 288-341-364-388. 

Chadbourne, S. J. 61-100-121. 

Charlton. John — 472. 

Champlain, J. T.— 33. 

Chamberlain, Daniel H. — 125. 

Chamberlain, Joseph— 284-361-478. 

Chamberlain. Joshua L.— 86-87-88-89-92- 
94-114-165-166-167-168-169-170-171-172- 
173-174-176. 

Chase, M. V. B.— 78. 

Chase, Mr.— 80. 

Chase, Solon— 134-135-136-137- 149-150-154- 
183-223-263. 

Chase, Charles H.— 157. 

Chase, F. A.— 111. 

Chandler, Zachariah — 155. 

Chandler, W. E.— 214. 

Cheney, O. B.— 73. 

Choate. Rev. Dr.— 386. 

Choate. Rufus— 28. 

Churchill, John Randolph— 362. 

Clark, E. L.— 386. 

Clark, Champ— 484. 

Clarkson, J. S.— 344. 

Clay. Cassius M.— 249. 

Clay. Henry— 39-415. 

Cleaves. Henry B.— 112. 

Cleveland, Grover— 245- 248-249-250-253- 
256-257-258-261-262-267-272-276-279- 
280-286-293-296-305-307-309-340-341- 
349-351-353-354-355-359-360-364-365- 
367-368-369-371-373-374-377-378-379- 
381-388-391-397-399-402-403-412. 

Coburn. Stenhen — 54. 

Coburn, Abner— 11-64-65-67-70-71-156. 

Cobb, S. W.— 341-415-440. 

Cobb, T. R.— 217. 

Cobb. Francis— 124. 

Cobb. Rev. Dr.— 386. 

Cockran, W. B.— 288-371. 

Cockrell. F. M.— 374. 

Colfax, Schuyler— 93. 



Collins, P. A.— 254-263. 

Comfort, L. C— IS. 

Conger, O. D.— 222-224. 

Conger, E. H.— 327-328. 

Conkling, Roscoe— 125-126-127-194-195- 

198-199-204-209-210-415. 
Converse, George L. — 241. 
Cony, Samuel— 67-71-73-75-76-78-82. 
Connor, Selden— 81-120-121-122- 127-128- 

134-136-142-146-157-162-247-263-264. 
Cook. Silas W.— 177. 
Coolidge, T. J. — 470. 
Cornwallis, Lord — 217. 
Cousins. R, G.— 365. 
Coudert, F. R.— 397. 

Cox, S. S.— 194-201-202-203-207-219-220-222- 
224-225-226-231-232-238-288-294-341-342. 
Coxey, J. S.— 375. 
Crapo, W. W.— 200-206-214-221. 
Crisp, Charles F,— 231-262-287-315-317- 

340-341-364-388-390-391. 
Crosby. William G.— 26-28-36. 
Crosswell. Senator — 92. 
Culberson, D. B.— 232. 
Cullom, S. M.— 374. 
Cummings. A. J.— 288-315-341. 
Curtin, A. G.— 201-232-263. 
Curtis. Charles— 389. 
Curtis, George W.— 243. 
Curtis. Jeremiah — 39. 
Cushman, Ara — 99. 
Cutcheon, B. M.— 263-288. 



Dalzell, John— 288-315-365-388-390-391- 

415-418-419-423-433-434-440-461. 
Danforth, Charles— 165. 
Daniels. J. W.— 263. 
Dana, John W.— 11-59. 
Dargan, G. W.— 294. 
Dawes, H. L.— 227-415. 
Davies. Sir Louis — 472-482. 
Davis, H. W.— 415. 
Davis, C. K. — 460. 
Davis, Jefferson — 91. 
Davis, Woodbury — 42. 
Davis, C. H.— 24. 
Davis, Daniel F.— 150-155-156-173-174- 

175-176-180-182. 
DeArmond. D. A.— 341-364-388. 
Dibble, Samuel— 238. 
Dickey, William— 263. 
Dillingham, W. A. P.— 78. 
Dingley. Frank L.— 57-391. 
Dingley, Jeremiah — 83-171. 
Dinsmore. H. A. — 461. 
Dockerv, A. M.— 298-336-341-346-364-374- 

388-401-403-404-428. 
Dodge. William E.— 205. 
Dolph, J. N.— 266. 
DoUiver, J. P.— 315-341-364-388-391-415- 

419-420-423-433. 
Dorsheimer, William — 253-257. 
Douglas. Fred— 223. 
Douglas, Stephen A.— 39-40-58-59. 
Dow, Neal— 51-130-131-283. 
Dow, Fred N.— 101-195. 
Dresser. Richard — 43. 
Drew, F. N.— 101-190. 
Drummond, J. H.— 124-264. 
Drummond. Rev. James — 32-42-48. 



INDEX OF NAMES 



493 



Duncan, C. C— 223. 
Dunn, J. T.— 266— 270. 
Dunnell, M. H.— 201. 
Dyer, Dr.— 33. 

E. 

Edmunds, George F. — 243. 

Eliot, C. W.— 199. 

Emerson, Ralph Waldo — 119. 

Emory, L. A.— 157-177. 

Eustis, W. T.— 193. 

Evans. Walter— 3S8-391-415-423-440. 

Evans, George — 26. 

Ewing, Thomas — 143. 

F. 

Fairbanks, C. W.— 469 i70-474. 

Fairchild, C. S. 290. 

Fairchilds. James H. — 123. 

Farwell, N. A.— 64-66-102-263-264. 

Farrington, Mr.— 190. 

Farragut, David G.— 80. 

Fellows, John R.— 341-365. 

Pernald, John W.— 13-14-16. 

Fessenden, T. A. D.— 35-36-41-42-44-59- 
65-83-88-90. 

Fessenden, William Pitt— 18-26-27-41- 
54-60-73-77-78-79-131. 

Fessenden, Samuel C. — 11-36-60. 

Field, Walbridge A.— 34. 

Files, R. W.— 5. 

Fillmore, Millard— 12-415. 

Findlay, H. F.— 274. 

Fisher, S. O.— 263. 

Fletcher, Nathan — 375. 

Flower, R. P.— 201-318-324-332. 

Flye, Edwin— 124. 

Fogg, Jonathan — 111. 

Fogg, Frank— 143-157. 

Folger, Charles J.— 200-214-223-229-231- 
411. 

Foraker, J. B.— 461. 

Foster, John B.— 157. 

Foster. Stephen C— 51-54-90. 

Foster, Enoch- 124-190. 

Foster, Charles— 223. 

Foster, J. W.— 345-470-474. 

Frelinghuysen, Frederick — 204-209. 

Pi-emont, John C.--15-49. 

French, Ezra B. — 54. 

Fry, James B. — 194. 

Frye, William P.— 36-58-60-65-73-76-82- 
83-87-91-92-94-95-102-113-124-127- 
128-137-142-155-182- 1S7-1SS-189-190- 
219-233-238-243-247-269-375-386-415. 

Fuller, Thomas J. B.— 41-65. 

G. 

Gage, Lyman M.— 439-451-482. 

Gage, Almon— 128-134. 

Gaxcelon, Alonzo— 58-73-92-95-96-137-142- 

146-150-155-157-158-159-162-163-164- 

165-167-172-173--' 77-179. 
Garcia. General — 475. 
Garland, Austin — 219. 
Garfield, James A.— 137-151-180-182-185- 

186-188-189-193-194-196-197-199-200- 

204-208-209-213-214-247-249-261-288- 

344-415-481. 
Gary. James A.— 439-451. 
Gear. J. H.— 315-316. 
Gerrv. Elbridge — 11. 
Gilbert, Washington— 92-118-193-195-196, 



Gilman, Charles J. — 51. 

Gilman, John T.— 60. 

Gilman, Charles— 397. 

Gladden, Rev. Dr. 386. 

Gladstone, W. E.— 297-358-361. 

Goddard, Charles— 43-118. 

Goft, Nathan J.— 263. 

Goodwin, John M. — 60-75. 

Gorman, A. P. 340-378. 

Gough, John B. — 8. 

Gould, A. P.— 60-63-66-118-264. 

Gordon, Rev. Dr.— 386. 

Grant, U. S.— 71-75-76-80-81-84-86-93-86- 

97-98-198-199-209-259-260. 
Gray, George — 469. 
Greenhalge, F. T.— 326. 
Greeley, Horace— 94-97-98-125-198. 
Gringle, William— 117. 
Grinnell, J. B.— 211. 
Grosvenor, Charles H.— 182-263-365-388- 

391-411-415-423-427-434-461. 
Goss, Mr.— 190. 
Grove, E. H.— 158. 
Grow, G. A.— 388. 
Gunsaulus.Dr. —386. 
Gunton, George — 450. 



Hager. A. L.— 439. 
Haines, William P.— 118. 
Hale, Eugene— 89-90-93-95-102-113-119- 
124-125-127-137-142-150-155-156-166- 
167-171-177-187-188-189-219-243-247- 
278-483. 
Hall, James A.— 182-241. 
Hallock, Dr.— 386. 
Hancock, W. S.— 182-184-185. 
Hanson, James H. — 15-16. 
Hanson, E.— 111. 
Hamilton, Alexander — 374. 
Hamlin, Elijah L,.— 11-13. 
Hamlin. Hannibal— 17-18-41-45-46-50-57- 

73-75-76-77-78-79-93-113-117-137-150- 

151-156-162-182-187-189-263-264-265- 

339. 
Hamlin, Charles— 264. 
Hardenberg. A. A.— 206. 
Harter, M. D.— 347. 
Hartranft, James F.— 126. 
Harris, Austin — 177. 

Harrison, Benjamin— 301-308-312-313- 

331-332-333-334-337-341-343-344-345- 

353-355-483. 
Harvey, W. H.— 382. 
Hatch, W. H.— 156-340-341-364. 
Hawes, Andrew — 177. 
Hawey, W. H.— 382. 

Hawley, Joseph R.— 119-125-126-223-305. 
Hawkins, John H. W.— 8. 
Hay, John^74-482. 
Hayes, R. B.— 127-128-134-135-180- 198- 

199-356. 
Hayes, John L.— 219. 
Heath, F. E.— 162. 
Heatwole, J. P.— 461. 
Henderson, D. B.— 232-262-287-315-341- 

364-382-384-388. 
Hendricks, Thomas A.— 245-261-271. 
Henderson. Thomas J.— 200-231-262-341. 
Herbert. Hilary A.-200-231-262-2S7-315. 
Herschell. Baron— 471-483. 
Hersey, Samuel F.— 78-89-113. 



494 



INDEX OF NAMES. 



Hepburn, W. P.— 200-232-262-364-388. 
Hewitt, A. S.— 201-207-211-215-216-218- 

222-263-271-280. 
Hill, George F.— 177. 
Hill, D. B.— 260-340. 
Hiscock, Dr.— 3S6. 
Hiscock. Frank— 201-203-218-223-232-261- 

262-332-387. 
Hitt, R. R.— 147-227-231-262-287-315-341- 

388-390-456-458. 
Hoar, E. Rockvvood — 119. 
Hoar. George F.— 119-209. 
Hoar, Sherman — 341. 
Hobart, G. A.— 405-480-483. 
Hogan, Mr.— 190. 

Holman, William. S.— 200-219-222-228- 
232-256-262-265-287-315-341-342-347- 
364-374. 
Holland, Daniel — 72. 
Hopkins, A. J.— 262-287-315-341-364-388- 

391-415-423-434. 
Horr, R. G.— 201-207-208-219-257. 
Howard, M. W.— 402-428. 
Howard, General O. O.— 75-351. 
Howard, Joseph — 82. 
Howe, J. H.— 125. 
Howe, G. M.— 339-487. 
Hoyt, J. S.— 190-241. 
Hubbard John— 12-18-130. 
Hulick, G. W.— 367. 
Hull, J. A. T.— 341-388. 
Hunt, Carlton— 235-255. 
Hurd, Frank H.— 232-27S. 
Hyde, T. W.— 169. 

I. 

Ingalls, Henry— 177. 
Ingalls, John J.— 229. 
Ingersoll, Governor — 119. 
Ingersoll, Robert G.— 126-ir,. 
J. 

Jameson, C. D.— 59-64-65. 

Jefferson, Thomas— 216-374. 

Jewett, Mr.— 65. 

Jewell, Marshall — 194. 

Johnson, Thomas — 341. 

Johnson, H. U.— 349-364. 

Johnson, M. N.— 365-391-415-423. 

Johnson, Andrew— 75-76-82-85-87-90-91. 

Jones, John Paul— 299-328-335-434. 

Jones, James K.— 200-374-434-465. 

Jordan, Eben Jr. — 74. 

Joy, William P.— 181-182. 

Joyce, Mr.— 205. 

K. 
Kasson. John A.— 200-201-202-211-223- 

470. 
Keifer, J. Warren— 201-202-204-207- 208- 

210-223-231-232 
Kelley. W. D.— 76-"'2oi-202-207-232-263-297- 

315-316-341-415. 
Kent, Edward— 8,-102-llS. 
Kenner, D. F.— 219. 
Kilpatrick, General Judson — 74-98. 
Kimball, Charles B.— 98. 
Kimball. William J.— 118. 
Kimball, John S.— 129. 
Kimball. Benjamin — 18. 
Kingsburv. Benjamin — 60-61. 
Knott. J. Proctor— 200. 
Knowlton. Eb"nezer — 41. 
Knox, Henry— 310. 



L. 

Lacey, J. F.— 315-364-388. 
Ladd, George W.— 143-182. 
La Follette, Robert— 316. 
Lamson, James B. — 166-168. 
Lane, Thomas — 43. 
Lapham, E. G.— 195. 
Laurier, Sir Wilfrid — 471. 
Lawson, Sir Wiltred^l47. 
Lawson, Dr.— 386. 
Lee, Fitzhueh — 457. 
Lee, R. E.— 81-85. 
Libby, Artemus — 165. 

Lincoln, Abraham— 54-56-57-63-65-66-70- 
71-73-74-75-76-77-78-80-81-82-180- 
202-261. 
Lincoln, Robert— 361. 
Lindsey. S. D.— 127-143-150-156-157-178- 

182 
Little, Edward T.— 74. 
Littlefield, Charles— 112-328. 
Lochren, William H.— 369. 
Locke, Joseph A. — 171-174-175. 
Lodge, H. C— 287-315-341-446. 
Logan, John A.— 182-199-201-244-415. 
Long, John D.— 155-232-243-256-261-263- 

287-482. 
Lord, Charles N.— 177. 
Lowell, L. L.— 111. 
Luce, Enos T.— 54-83. 
Lyford, J. S.— S3. 
Lynch, J. R.— 223-244. 
Lynch, John— 61-74-76-87-93-95. 

M. 

Madigan, James C. — 118. 

Manley, J. H.— 123. 

Manning, Daniel — 411-414. 

Mason, Col.— 74-117. 

Mason, W. E.— 156-287-411. 

Mathews, Stanley— 182-209. 

Mayo, J. M.— 124. 

McAdoo, William— 263. 

McAlvey, Judge— 397. 

McCall, S. W.— 365-388-389. 

McCleary, J. T.— 365-388. 

McCreary, J. B.— 287-317-341-388. 

McClellen. George B. — 77. 

McConnell. Mr.— 335. 

McDonald, Moses — 92. 

McDowell, Alexander — 365. 

McFarland, Henry — 440. 

McKenny, Henry — 42. 

McKenna Josenh— 262-287-316-390-439- 
440. 

McKinley, Wm.— 155-201-211-232-261-263- 
272-288-296-315-316-318-320-323-324- 
325-326-328-330-332-333-334-352-353- 
368-405-406-408-409-410-411-413-414- 
415-417-420-421-422-424-429-430-431- 
432-439-441-445-448-454-455-456-458- 
4G1-467-469-4S2-4S3. 

McLaurin, J. L.— 391-415-423-440. 

McMahon, W. H.— 219. 

McMahon, Mr.— 397. 

McMillin, Benton— 201-211-232-263-265- 
266-297-31.5-324-332-340-341-349-365- 
3SS-391-415-423-434-43S-440. 

McLane. R. M.— 222. 

Meade, George D. — 74. 
I Meiklejohn, George D.— 365-388. 
' Meridith, Mr.— 386. 



INDEX OF NAMES 



495 



Miles. N. A.— 475. 

Miller, Warner— 222-223-238-266. 

Milliken, S. L.— 124-219-223-243-247-262- 

287-315-341-364-388. 
Milliken, Weston F.— 99. 
Mills, R. Q.— 232-263-265-272-288-298-301- 

302-304-305-308-315-323-324-332-340- 

341-415. 
Money. H. D.— 388. 
Morley, John— 361-362. 
Moody, Dwight L,.— 123-386. 
Moody, W. H.— 452-453. 
Moody, E C— 155. 
Moore, John W. C— 66. 
Morgan, J. T.— 461. 
Morse, Leopold— 388. 
Morse, F. H.— 51-54. 
Morrill, H. K.— 129. 
Morrill, Lot M.— 18-43-50-51-53-54-57-60- 

74-76-93-97-113-131-156-162-163-265. 
Morrill, Anson P.— 26-32-39-60-118-131- 

156-264. 
Morrill. Nathum— 35-36-41-42-44-83. 
Morrill. Paul S.— 91. 
Morrill, S. P.— 92. 
Morrill, J. S.— 415-420-480. 
Morrison, William R.— 200-232-233-235- 

241-242-245-251-262-265-271-272-273- 

276--278-279-280-296-415. 
Morrow. W, W.— 287. 
Mortland, D. N.— 99. 
Morton, L. P.— 301-308. 
Morton. Oliver P.— 125-126. 
Munson. H. C— 128-130. 
Murch, Thomas— 143-182. 
Murray, General— 101-120. 

N. 

Nelson, Knute— 263. 
Newlands, F. G.— 401. 
Newman. S. M.-486. 
Ninimo. Joseph — 290. 
Noble. Dr.— 386. 
Northrup. Dr.— 386. 
Nourse, Amos — 50. 
Nye. Joshua— 89-129-181-182. 



O. 



Gates. 



William C— 262-287-315-336-341- 

364. 
Ochiltree. T. P.— 232. 
O'Donnell. James— 263-288-315-341. 
O'Ferrell. Charles T.— 306. 
Oliver, Henry W.— 219. 
O'Neil, John J.— 341. 
O'Neil, Charles— 341. 
Orth, G. S.— 201-207. 
Osgood, J, K.— 181. 
Outhwaite, J. H.— 298-341-365. 

P. 

Packard. Dr.— 386. 

Page. H. F.— 202-222-225. 

Parker. James— 222. 

Parris. V. D.— 92. 

Patten. George F.— 50. 

Patten. Parvis— 245. 

Payne. S. E.— 232-263-316-336-365-3SS-390- 

391-415-418-419-423-433-434-440-461- 

465. 
Payson, Mr. — 80. 
Payson. L. E.— 262-287. 



Peck, Bishop— 187. 

Peck. George W.— 119. 

Peel. S. J.— 336. 

Perkins, F. C— 117. 

Peters, J. A.— 65-74-76-87-92-95-165-264. 

Perham, Sidney— 41-42-65-76-83-87-92-94- 

95-96-97-98-99-101-133-156-190-283. 
Perry. J. J.— 32-41-53-143. 
Phelps, John S.-219. 
Phelps, W. W.— 232-263-288-294. 
Phelps, E. J.— 280-281. 
Phillips. Wendell— 34. 
Pierce. Franklin— 27-39-40-91. 
Pike, Frederick A.— 60-76-87-118-157. 
Pike, Austin F.— 282. 
Pilsbury, Eben F.— 87-88-92-156. 
Plaisted, H. M.— 89-181-182-187-189-190- 

223-263. 
Piatt, Thomas C— 195. 
Piatt. O. H.— 433. 
Pleasanton, A. J. — 74. 
Plumb, P. B.— 223. 
Polk, James K.— 415. 
Porter, Robert P.— 219-346. 
Porter. Noah— 122-123. 
Porter, J. A.— 439. 
Porter, Fitz John— 233. 
Powell, A. M.— 205. 
Powers, Llewellyn— 127-142-150-488. 
Prince, Job — 43-80. 
Proctor, Redfield— 326. 
Pulitzer, Joseph— 263, 
Pulsifer, J. D.— 49-136. 
Putnam, William— 284-285-291, 



Quint, Dr.- 386. 



Q. 



R. 



Randall, S. J.— 201-202-211 
241-251-252-263-272-273 
294. 

Randolph, John — 415. 

Raum, Green B.— 223. 

Ray, George W.— 365. 

Reagan, J. H.— 232-242-263. 

Record, Calvin — 44. 

Reid, Whitelaw— 300-345. 

Reed, A. R.— 111. 

Reed, Isaac— 32. 

Reed. Franklin— 193-196. 

Reed, Thomas B.— 89-113-127 
156-157-162-182-187-188 
207-219-223-232-247-253 
272-275-277-287-298-309 
319-322-326-330-336-338 
347-364-371-372-375-388 
399-401-404-405-406-413- 
428-430-431-432-433-435 
455-456-457-458-461-467- 

Rice, John H.— 60-76. 

Rice, William W,— 263. 

Richards, F. E.— 117. 

Richards, J. T.— 162. 

Richardson, J. D.— 263-288 
374-388. 

Riddleberger, H. H.— 306. 

Roach. John— 224-239. 

Roberts, Charles W.— 95. 

Robeson, George M.— 202-20' 

Robertson, S. M.— 423. 

Robertson, Judge— 194-209. 



231-232-233- 
279-280-288- 



-143-150-155- 

-200-201-202- 
-255-261-262- 
-312-315-316- 
-339-341-343- 
-389-390-391- 
-415-422-427- 
-439-441-446- 
476-483. 



-315-341-365- 



■210-222. 



496 



INDEX OF NAMES. 



Robie, Frederick— 97-146-219-223-247-263- 

264. 
Robins, Henry E.— 118. 
Robinson, George D.— 200-232. 
Rogers, Mr.— 301. 
Rogers, Grant- 129. 
Rollins, E. H.— 223. 
Rosecrans, W. S.— 200-231. 
Rowell, J. H.— 336. 
Rust, William M.— 118. 
Russell, C. A.— 287-388-391-415-418-423- 

446. 

s. 

Salisbury, Lord— 397. 

Salter, Rev. Dr.— 123. 

Sampson, W. T. — 475. 

Sanborn, Edwin D.— 31. 

Sankey. Ira D.— 123. 

Sayers, J. D.— 288-315-341-346-365-374-388. 

Schade, Mr.— 205-341-365. 

Schley, W. S.— 475. 

Schurz, Carl— 98. 

Scott, W. L.— 288-301. 

Scott, Winfield— 39. 

Searles, J. E. — 424. 

Seavey, John Osborne — 5. 

Seavey, J. L. — 11. 

Sedgewick, General — 74. 

Sewell, George P.— 60-61-264. 

Sewell, Arthur — 407. 

Seward. W. H.— 356. 

Seymour, Mr. — 92. 

Sexton, William— 361. 

Shafter, W. R.— 475, 

Shaw, Col.— 101. 

Shaw, A. B.— 111. 

Sheldon, David— 27. 

Sheridan, Philip— 76-77-80-306. 

Sherman, "W. T.— 80-83. 

Sherman, J. S.— 388. 

Sherman, John— 151-328-332-366-415. 

Shepherd, R. B.— 124. 

Sheppard, Captain — 311. 

Shorey, H. A.— 130. 

Shoup, George L.— 335. 

Shrively, B. F.— 287-341. 

Sickles, Daniel— 373. 

Simonton, T. R.— 312. 

Simpson, Jerry— 341-346-364-430-452. 

Simmons, Franklin— 83-84. 

Small, Joshua Jr. — 43. 

Smith, F. O. J.— 68-74. 

Smith, Charles E.— 125-126. 

Smith. Joseph L.— 137-142- 143-146-150- 

155-173-174-176-189. 
Slocum, H. W.— 232-233-237-238. 
Somes, D. E.— 53. 
Spaulding, J. W.— 162-168-190 . 
Speed, James — 125. 
Sprague, Alden — 162. 
Sprague, Augusta — 83. 
Spofford, Colonel— 285. 
Spring, E. C— 111. 
Springer, W. M.— 200-231-257-262-277-287- 

303-315-318-324-340-415. 
Springer, C. C— 177. 
Stanford, Leland— 335. 
Stephens, Alex. H.— 180-200-204-210. 
Stetson, E. W.— 101. 

Stevens. John L,.— 65-78-124-130-370-375. 
Stevene, S. G.— 7. 



Stevens, Thaddeus— 82-415. 

Stewart, W. M.— 335. 

Steele, George W.— 232-262-287-288-391- 

415-419-423-440. 
St John, J. P.— 249-250. 
Strickland, Lee S.— 83-177. 
Strickland, S. P.— 60. 
Stockbridge, F. B.— 381. 
Stone, J. M.— 124. 
Stone. W. A.— 341-453. 
Stone, C. W.— 341. 
Stone, General — 243. 
Strong, Rev. Dr.— 123. 
Strout, A. A.— 156-157-177. 
Sturtevant, President— 123. 
Sturtevant, Dr.— 386. 
Sulzer, William— 388. 
Sumner, Charles— 82-98. 
Swanson, C. A.— 365-388-423. 
Swasey, J. P.— 190-275. 
Sweat, L. D. M.— 64-65-66. 
Swift, John L.— 66. 
Symonds, Joseph W.— 165. 

T. 

Talbert, W. J.— 399. 

Talbot, James R.— 99. 

Talbot, George F.— 13-17-32-81-118. 

Talbot, Joshua C— 167. 

Talbot, C. J.— 190. 

Talbot, John C— 127-263. 

Tarsney, J. C— 391. 

Tawney, J. A.— 365-388-391-415-418-419- 

423-433. 
Taylor, Zachariah— 11-12-17-39. 
Taylor, Ezra B.— 232. 
Taylor, Joseph D.— 232-315. 
Teller, H. M.— 214-335-406-450. 
Thing, Daniel H.— 219. 
Thomas, Mr. — SO. 
Thomas, W. W.— 99-264. 
Thomas, J. R.— 207. 
Thurston, J. M. — 411. 
Tilden, S. J.— 128-245. 
Tillman, B. R.— 341. 
Titcomb, Joseph, 104-114. 
Towne, C. A.— 388. 
Townsend, R. W.— 202. 
Trumbull, Mr.— 98. 
Tucker, W. J.— 376. 
Tucker, J. Randolph— 297. 
Tupper, Charles— 284. 
Turner, Oscar— 240. 
Turner, Henry G.— 262-341-350-364-388- 

391-415. 
Twitchell, Rev. Dr.— 386. 

U. 
Underwood, John W. H.— 219. 



Van Buren, Martin— 39. 

Vance. Z. B.— 332. 

Vest, George G.— 222-238-266-434. 

VIckery, Isaiah — 2. 

Vilas. William— 259. 

Virgin, Dr.— 386. 

Virgin, Judge— 158-159. 

Vose. E. K.— 7. 

Voorheea, D. W.— 143-332. 



INDEX OF NAMES 



497 



w. 

Wadsworth, J. ■W.-^22. 

Wakefield, J. W.— 190. 

Waldron. William H.— 32-43-46-51. 

Walker, Mr.— 90. 

Walker, Joseph— 328-388. 

Walton, C. W.— 58-59-60-65-161-165-170. 

Wallace, Mr.— 146. 

Ward, Artemus— 228. 

Ward, Rev. Dr.— 386. 

Warner, A. J.— 232-257-263. 

Warner, Georg'e — 117. 

Warren, Rev. Dr. — 122. 

Washburn, W. D.— 335. 

Washburn, Israel Jr.— 11-18-41-51-53-54- 

56-57-59-60-61-156-415. 
Washburn, Ruel— S3. 
Weaver, J. B.— 262-287. 
Webster, John H.— 43. 
Webster, Daniel— 26-28-39-208. 
Webb, Nathan— 74-75-80-90. 
Webb, Edmund J.— 98. 
Weed, W.— 7. 
Weeks, George E. — 175. 
Wells, Samuel— 39-41-42. 
Weller, L. H.— 237. 
Wellman, Walter— 359-409. 
West, Sackville— 270-284. 
West, William H.— 244. 
Wheeler, F. W.— 341. 
Wheeler, William A.— 219. 



Wheeler, Joseph— 200- 202-203-262-287-315- 
341-364-3SS-391-415-423-434-440-483, 

White, Andrew D.— 397. 

White, S. M.— 434. 

Whitehouse, Hiram — 30. 

Whiting-, William— 263. 

Wilson, Nathaniel— 263. 

Wilson, Edward— 78. 

Wilson, F. H. — 422. 

Wilson, Henry — 97. 

Wilson, James — 439. 

Wilson. W. L.— 232-263-288-297-315-341- 
365-371-372-377-378-381-415-440. 

Williams, Joseph H.— 50-64-71-75-104-128. 

Williamson, Henry — 117. 

Williams, George F.— 341. 

Williams ,Rev. Dr. — 386. 

Winans, Edwin B. — 263. 

Windom, William— 223-252-326-411-414. 

Winter. Sir James — 472. 

Winthrop, R. C— 415. 

Wise, George D.— 263-341. 

Wolcott. E. H.— 335. 

Wood, John M.— 41-51. 

Wood, Judge— 123. 

Wood, Fernando— 185-211. 

Wood, Rev. Mr.— 82. 

Woodbury, Levi— 285. 

Woodford, Stewart L,.— 137-182. 

Woodman, T. C— 88. 
Wright, J. S.— 328. 
Wythe, Judge— 123. 



cccxvi 




TOMB OF FRANCIS DINGLEY AND HIS WIFE. 



GENEOLOGY. 

CHAPTER I. 

History mixed with tradition says tliat tiie Nortlimen who dwelt In what is 
now Denmark, Sweeden and Norway ten centuries ago, first saiied along the 
shores of what is now New England. They found a climate so mild, a region so 
delightful, with fruit and vine so abundant that they called it Vineland. Cen- 
turies rolled away and Vineland was forgotten until the Cabots in the last dec- 
ade of the fifteenth century seeking a passage to India skirted the coasts of 
Maine and Massachusetts. 

The English claim to North America was based on these discoveries by 
the Cabots in 1497 and 1498, yet the first Englishmen who set foot on its shores 
were part of the crew of the "Mary of Guilford," a vessel commanded by John 
Rut, which with the "Sampson" sailed from Plymouth, England, June 10, 1527, 
in search of the north-west passage. They sailed towards Newfoundland where 
a great storm left the "Mairy of Guilford" to continue the search. From New- 
foundland she sailed southward returning by the coast of Cape Breton and 
Norumbega, often entering the ports, landing men and examining the country,^ 
finally reaching England in October. 

At this time Norumbega was the name given sometimes to Maine. Milton- 
immortalized its name in "Paradise Lost," and many fabulous descriptions of 
its capitol, "The Lost City of New England," are given in the stories of Ameri- 
can history. 

1602 Bartholemew Gosnold sailed along the shores of Maine from Penobscot- 
Bay to the Piscataqua river. In 1605 the English, alarmed at the efforts of the. 
French in this new country, reached out for a firmer occupation of the coast.. 
George Weymouth was despatched nominally to discover a north-west passage 
but really to watch the French and occupy the territory for the Crown. Cap- 
tain Weym»uth took possession of the country and began a valuable commerce 
with the Indians. From his vessel "The Archangel" Weymouth first landed on 
the Island of Monhegan, ten miles off the coast, and erecting a cross thereon, 
dedicated the land to King James I of England. Weymouth visited and exi 
plored many other islands in this vicinity, including Squirrel Island, which, 
over two hundred and fifty years later, was the summer home of Nelson Dingley 
Jr. 

The stories of this fair new world told by Weymouth were of all-absorbing 
interest in England. Speedily an association of English gentlemen was formed 
to plant colonies in this new Eden. There were many Christian English gentle- 
men who desired to send glad tidings of joy to the inhabitants of these new re- 
gions. The Plymouth Co., composed of intelligent and far-seeing men, was 
formed, to send to these new shores the farmer, the carpenter and the school- 
master as well as the Bible, the Christian teacher and the organized church. 

The English setttlement of Maine antedates by more than thirteen years 
that of Massachusetts. May 31st, 1607, eighteen days after the sailing of the 

(1) 



Jamestown colony, two ships, "The Gift of God" and "The Mary and John," 
commanded by George Popham and Raleigh Gilbert, sailed from Plymouth with 
120 souls to found a new colony. This colony was established at the mouth of 
the Kennebec river and was named Fort Popham. Their minister, Richard Sey- 
mour, an Episcopalian, by prayer and sermon dedicated the spot and inaugu- 
rated their government. They fortified the ground, erected a fort of twelve 
guns, built a village of fifty houses, a church, and a thirty ton vessel, "The Vir- 
ginia of Sagadahoc," the first ship built in America by Europeans. Disheart- 
ened and discouraged, the colonists dispersed and the colony perished. Popham 
died broken-hearted. His expectations were not realized. No friendly hand 
conveyed his remains to England. No monument has ever been reared to his 
memory. The storms of winter and the suns of summer beat upon this sandy* 
shore; and after a lapse of over two and a half centuries, this historical spot 
where was enacted one of the great tragedies of life, has become a health-giv- 
ing resort for many people. 

Captain John Smith whose life was saved by Pocahontas, the daughter of 
the Indian chief, Powhatan, visited the shores of Maine in 1614 and entered upon 
a traffic with the Indians between Sagadahoc and the southern part of Massa- 
chusetts. 

November 3, 1620, a second charter was given to the Council of Plymouth 
formed in the west of England, granting a certain tract of land to be known as 
"New England in America." The name originated with Captain John Smith, 
who from 1605 to 1616, was the greatest of American explorers. The name was 
favored by the English sovereign and has been indelibly stamped upon this sec- 
tion of America, of which Maine has been an important part. Sir Ferdinando 
Gorges and Captain John Mason were prominent members of the council of 
Plymouth. The former was a man of intellect and courage, a most brilliant 
.laval officer and a leadin,;j spirit in many prominent historical events in Eng- 
land. His ambition was to create a new nation in the barbaric lands of Amer- 
ica. A patent was given by King James to Gorges and Masons "Of the country 
between the Merrimac and Kennebec to the farthest head of said rivers and 
sixty miles inland," and all islands, etc., within five leagues of the shore, which 
the indenture says "They intend to call the Province of Maine." During 1622 
and 1623 trading stations were established at Piseataqua. Monhegan and Saco. 
At this time, Damariscove and Fisherman's Island, within two miles and in 
clear view of Squirrel Island, had a thrifty and enterprising population. This 
region was more conspicuous and important than Plymouth. Pemiquid was 
probably the busiest spot upon the New England coast. It became the center 
of commerce and trade. Sewell. the historian, thus writes of this historical 
place: "About this devoted spot armies have gathered like eagles to the car- 
cass, and the din of war, in all its accumulated horrors of blood and carnage, 
has raged. The ships of contending nations have tinged its waters with human 
gore and poured their iron hail in destructive broadsides upon its fortified 
places, till the ruthless storm has swept its streets and crushed out at once the 
lives and energies of its defenders. Here the red man with a howl of defiance, 
and the white man with the subdued voice of prayer, have bitten the dust to- 
gether, amid the shrieks of forlorn women and helpless children." 

A description of this region is interesting from the fact that Nelson Dingley 
Jr., over two hundred and sixty years later, with a few associates, purchased 
Squirrel Island in the center of this historical spot, and made it their summer 
home. The cottage erected thereon by Nelson Dingley Jr. was occupied by him 
and his family every summer from 1871 to 1898; and here Mr. Dingley sought 
complete rest from his arduous and exacting public duties. On this historic 
island, surrounded by his wife, his children and his grand-children, he loved to 
listen to the stories of the ancient dominions of Maine. 

From 1622 to 1632. Gorges and his associates secured other patents of land 
in the territory, now the state of Maine, In 1631 "The Pejypscot" patent of 1,500 
acres on the north side of the Androscoggin river was granted to one Richard 
Bradshaw, to include "Lands not formerly granted to any other." On the 
Pejypscot or Pejepscot (now the Androscoggin) river and in the territory cov- 
ered by the Pejypscot patent, Thomas Purchase settled about 1628. In the course 
of time the Pejepscot company came into possession of the land, and at the in- 
stigation of the company, the general court of Massachusetts sought to settle 

(2; 



disputes between it and the early settlers, who were of the opinion that the 
lands they occupied were government property. Many of these settlers had 
bought their farms of former occupants and supposed their titles were valid; 
but in numerous cases they were obliged to pay the Pejepscot proprietors, or 
surrender their land. Exasperated at the course of the general court at Boston 
they committed many acts of violence on the proprietors, frequently destroying 
their property. These manifestations of violence culminated in a riot in Lewis- 
ton in the autumn of ISOO. The disputes were finally settled by a commission 
appointed by the governor and about twenty thousand acres of land were con- 
veyed to the settlers by virtue of the conditions stipulated. Thus ended a con- 
troversy extending over nearly a century and participated in by three genera- 
tions. Substantial peace followed. 

During thiS period (1700 to 1800) there was a steady emigration to the wild 
lands of the district of Maine, and the valley of the Androscoggin received its 
share. Sewell says: "The colonization and settlement of Maine was rather a 
commercial and patriotic movement, than the result of a religious exodus. The 
first settlers within the ancient dominions were not refugees from religious in- 
tolerence, and of course were neither enthusiasts not bigots, to one of which ex- 
tremes unbridled religious excitement ever leads. No traces of the blood-red 
hand of persecution have ever been found on the early colonial records of our 
state. The fact that the colonial enterprises for the settlement of Maine were 
the developments of a commercial, rather than a religious element may account 
for this pleasing feature in the earlier character of our plantation contrasted 
with those sterner, darker and more doubtful shades of the colonial history of 
Massachusetts." 

In the closing years of the 17th century and the first half of the ISth century 
(1690 to 1750) several settlements were undertaken on both sides of the Andros- 
coggin river. Brunswick and Topsham advanced the most and were the centers 
of trade and civilization. Then followed (1750 to ISOO) the settlements of Turner, 
Greene, Poland, Lewiston. Port Royal (Livermore), Thompsonborough (Lis- 
bon), Littleborough (Leeds) and Pejepscot (Danville). Among these settlements 
was Royalsborough, established in 1760 and incorporated as Durham in 1789. 
This was the birth place of Nelson Dingley Jr. 



(3) 



CHAPTER II. 

The earliest mention of any Dingleys is in connection with the Parish of 
Dingley in Northamptonshire, England. In Whalley's history of that country 
mention is made of about seven generations from Alured de Dinglai, A. D. 1197, 
to Thomas de Dyngele, Rector Ecclesiae de Dyngele, circa 1400, A. D. A precep- 
tory of the order of Knights Hospitallers had been founded, (it is not known by 
whom) in the parish of Dingley in King Stephen's reign, 1135-1154. Soon after 
(1269) the Hospitallers possessed one manor in the parish, and the family of 
Dingley the other. At the time of the death of Thomas the Rector, the whole 
property in the parish seems to have passed to the order. There was a member 
of the family — a John Dingley — a Knight Hospitaller. There is mention of him 
in the chronicles of Henry of Knighton (1363), and the archives of the order now 
preserved in Malta have been searched (by the courtesy of Sir Adrian Dingli, 
Chief Justice of Malta) and a letter 1 has been found addressed to Brother John 
Dingley, preceptor of Dalby, from the then head of the Order of Rhodes, bear- 
ing date 20th of February, 1365. 

Whether the modern Dingleys descended from the Northamptonshire family 
is still an open question; but all the Dingleys, Dineleys, and Dyneleys (for the 
name is thus variously spelled even now) now existing are the off-spring of 
Henry de Dyneley of Cliriger in Lancashire, who lived in the time of Henry III, 
1216-1272; but whether he was an off-shoot of the Northamptonshire family and 
gave his name to a village now called Dinnley (then Dyneley) or whether the 
place was so called before and he took his name from it, cannot at present b-: 
decided with certainty. 

Habington. the Worcestershire historian, who lived about 1650, was of the 
opinion that the Worcestershire Dineleys, or Dingleys, were originally from 
Dingley in Northants, and says that Mr. Henry Dingley of Hanley castle, "A 
gentleman expert in armory and the deviser of his brother's tomb in Crop- 
thorne church" was of the same opinion. Some later writers have disputed this, 
as a letter has been discovered from Henry Dingley to Sir Simon Archer in 
•which he says that the Worcestershire Dingleys came from Dounham in Lan- 
cashire. So they did, no doubt. But that is no reason that the families did not 
originally spring from the Northamptonshire line which is traced back at least 
two generations further. The Dyneleys of Cliriger became extinct in six gener- 
ations — about 1420. The Dyneleys of Dounham remained there until about 1550, 
but before this one or perhaps more members migrated to Yorkshire — one, Rich- 
ard, in the reign of Edward III to Charlton in Worcestershire; and either a son 
of his or more probably a younger brother, into Kent; and his early decendants 

1 — The earliest Dingley relic yet discovered is a letter to John Dingley. a 
Knight of St. John of Jerusalem (otherwise called Knights Hospitallers, and 
later Knights of Malta) from Raymond Berenger, the then head of the Order at 
Rhodes, 20th of February, 1365. The search which found this letter was instituted 
by Sir Adrian Dingli, G. C. M. G. and LL. D., Chief Justice of Malta, where the 
records of the order are now preserved. 

(4) 




\(M\<. FffiQiesRpberii Dinolei 





mim 



ROBERTI DIXGLEI. It. DIXULEY, ESQ. 
TOMB OF FRANCIS DINGLE\' AND WIFE. 



In Richard II's reign (1377-1379), became possessed by marriage of Wolverton In 
the Isle of Wight. 

The Yorkshire family was divided into several branches, who distinguished 
themselves from each other either by differencing the original coat of arms or 
by assuming different crests. The only branches found named are those of 
Melbourne, Suillington, and Branhope; but there were others. At Melbourne 
they have gone and left no trace behind them, either in the parish registries or in 
monuments in the church. No information can be obtained from the Suillington 
branch, and the Branhope branch is only just extinct. The last, Robert Dingley, 
died in 1861. His sister's son, born in Chamberlain, took the name of Dingley 
by royal license, and now (1896) his only son lately died childless, and his widow 
Is living somewhere near Dover. 

Another of the Yorkshire branches was represented a few years ago by the 
late Major General Henry Ellenborough Dyneley. He was born in 1829. He died 
about 1893. The only clue as to which branch he belonged to is that the crest 
he used is the dragon's head based on a wreath, not out of a coronet, as the 
Southern Dmgleys have it. He had a sister, an old lady, and she was still living 
in London in 1896, in a sort of sisterhood. 

From the visitation of 1569 many interesting facts concerning the Dingleys 
of Charlton in Worcestershire are gathered. Some time in the reign of Edward 
III (1327-1377) a Richard Dingley whose decendants claimed that he came from 
the family at Dounham, came into Worcestershire and married Eleanor, daugh- 
ter and heiress of Sir Symon Hondesacre, or Hansacre, of Charlton, and with 
her inherited Charlton house and estate. (Charlton is a hamlet in the parish of 
Cropthorne, Worcestershire). From Richard Dingley who lived in the time of 
Edward III to Francis Dingley, so called both on his monument and his will, are 
eighteen generations. He died 1 in 1614. There were three generations more of 
male Dingleys after him and then Charlton passed, with another Eleanor, the 
daughter of Sir Edward Dingley, Knight, to the Goodyeres in 1682, thencefor- 
ward known as Dingley-Goodyeres. 2 A terrible tragedy took place a genera- 
tion later when one Goodyere brother killed the other and was hung for it; and 
the Charlton estate was sold. The last (till lately) known Goodyere was the son 
of the murderer, a highly eccentric chevalier of the last century, who called 
himself Sir John Dineley, dropping the Goodyere. He was one of the "Poor 
Knights of Windsor." He died unmarried in 1808. 

The tomb 3 of Francis Dingley in Cropthorne church is still well preserved. 
He and his wife are on an altar and his nineteen children kneel around him 

l.-Abstract of the will of Francis Dineley of Charlton County, Worcester, 
Esq. This is described in the Prerogative court of Canterbury, now lodged in 
Somerset House, London. The reference to it is P. C. C. 100 Byrde. 

First. I bequeath my soul to God, etc., etc. 

My bodie to be buried in Chopthorne church, where my seal now is. As for 
my goods I bequeath them in manner and for following: I give my geldinge to 
Philip Dingley my son. and to Anthony my son £200. All the rest of my goods I 
give Elizabeth my wife, whom I make sole executrix. 

Francis Dyneley. 

3rd November, 1623. 

18th June, 1664. administration of the goods of Francis Dyneley, left undis- 
turbed by Elizabeth the relict, was granted to the niece, Elizabeth Bearcroft. 

2— Marriage license in the registry of the vicar- general of Canterbury, 
granted to the last Dingley of Charlton, and showing that though her decend- 
ants were called Dingley-Goodyeres, yet Dingley was the official spelling. 

Goodyere Edward (Goodyere) of Burhope, Colleford, gentleman, bachelor, 
about 22 and Miss Helen Dingley of Charlton, County Worcester, spinster, about 

18, with consent of her father, Dingley, of the same esquire at Bodenham, 

county Hereford, 21 January, 1679. 

3_The inscription on the tomb of Francis Dingley who died in 1642, is sup- 
posed to have been written and the tomb designed by Henry Dingley, of Hanley 
Castle his brother younger by three years than himself, but survivmg him six- 
teen years, dying in 1640. It is as follows; "To the during memory of Francis 
Dingley, Esq., nobly descended on both sides, deriving his masculine line from 
the ancient family of the Dineleys or Dingleys of Lancashire, which was since 
yet more ennobled by many honorable and worshipful matches as of Hansacre, 
deduced from the ancient kings of Scotland, Throgmorton, Rous of Ragley, 

(5) 



Three are in small cradles level with the heads of the others; they can hardly 
be discerned. The nine sons were: 

Henry, eldest son, born 15S1. 

William, probably second son. 

Thomas, third son, born 15S7. 

Giles, born 1590. 

Francis, 

Edward, 

John, born 1594. 

Antony, baptised 1595. 

Philip, born 1G03. 

The seven daughters were: 

(1) Eleanor, who married Francis Egione; (2)Mary, married Francis Eaton; 

(3) Elizabeth, married Hazelwood; (4) Ann. married Richard Skinner; 

and Magdalen and Katherine, married, the one Richard Millington and the 
other Samuel Bigge, but which was which is not now known. 

Of the nine sons, four only are mentioned in the visitation of 1682, viz.: 
Henry, who though dead, was the parent of the next generation in the direct 
line; William, who married Dorothy Kelley, and left sons and daughters; Antony 
and Philip, also married, with a family; Edward, died before 1632, but is men- 
tioned in his mother's will; Thomas, who was an Oxford man took the degree of 
B. C. L., and the peculiar B. C. L. gown on the third son can be seen on the 
monument. He was rector of Monks Resborough in Buckinghamshire. Of the 
remaining three sons, Giles, Francis and John, it can be stated with reasonable 
accuracy that the latter, John, is the one who emigrated to America and from 
whom the Dingleys in America are descended. 

In 16S2 and just after, the Worcestershire Dingleys were a most extensive 
family. George GifCord Dineley, a London barrister was descended from Francis 
Dingley. One of his ancestors was Mark Dingley, the grandson of Henry, the 
eldest son of Francis. An extract from the will 1 of said Mark Dingley dated in 
16S2 shows the acknowledged relationship between the Dingleys of Worcester- 
shire and those of Wolverton and those of Yorkshire. 

There were about twenty families of Dingleys living in Birmingham, Eng- 
land, and its neighborhood. None of them know anything of their ancestry; 
but there is little doubt that they sprang from the Dingleys of Charlton. In 
Thomas Dingley's "History from Marble." a curious book left in manuscript 
by a certain T. D. of the Wolverton branch who lived about 
16S0, is a description and picture of Charlton Manor house. 2 This Thomas Ding- 

Tracey. Hardevieke, St. Nicolas. Neville, and Bigge. By his feminine line from 
his mother Mary, daughter of Sir Edward Neville, lineally descended from Joan 
de Arces, daughter of King Edward I. From Joan, daughter of John of Gaunt, 
Duke of Lancaster, fourth son of King Edward III, and Constance, daughter of 
Edward Langley, duke of York, fifth son of King Edward III. Her mother was 
Eleanor, daughter of Andrew, Lord Windsor. 

"He hanpily matched with Elizabeth, daughter of Thomas Bugge, Esq., (de- 
scended from his mother's side from the noble family of Gruges, Galway, Bracey 
alias Brace) and Magdalen Hoby his wife, by whom he had issue eleven sons and 
eight daughters, and with whom, having spent the space of fifty years in com- 
fortable wedlock, he died in peace, leaving behind him the precious memory of a 
zealous patriot, a worthy justicer, a true friend to true religion, and a great 
example of valour and wisdom. 

"Elizabeth, his late consort, hath consecrated this mean monument of her 
love and his merits." 

1 — Extract from the will of Mark Dineley, great-grandson of Francis Ding- 
ley, proved 1682, in the probate court at Worcester: 

After bequeathing his property to his nephew, Josiah Dingley, who did suc- 
ceed him, and failing him, to one or two other near relations, and failing them 
to the eldest male heir of my grandfather. Henry Dingley. Failing him. to the 
eldest heir male of my great-gi-andfather, Francis Dingley. Failing all these to 
the eldest issue male of the eldest family of the Dyneleys or Dingleyes of the 
Isle of Wight. Failing any of these, to the eldest issue male of the eldest branch 
of the Dyneleyes or Dingleyes in the County of York. And in default of such is- 
sue, to our sovereign Lord, King Charles the Second." 

2 — Thomas Dingley's "History from Marble" contains a very Interesting 
sketch of Charlton, the old Manor house of the Dingleys, in the parish of 

(6) 



ley was an antiquary and a traveler and left behind him six manuscript volumes. 
The Camden society some years ago published this "History from Marble." 

Soon after the Goodyere tragedy, when Charlton was sold, it was occupied 
by a family of Dingleys as tenant farmers, and three generations of them lived 
there until about 1850, when it was again sold and they were turned out. An 
old Mr. William Dingley, who with his daughter lived (1896) at Ledbury in Here- 
fordshire, was born in the old house. They have lost their record but claim to 
be descended from one of the eight sons of Henry, the son of Francis Dingley, 
but they cannot say which. 

The Dingleys of Wolverton have always been regarded by historians as a 
younger branch from Charlton, and they bear the same arms and crest precisely, 
but they go back so far as to be almost if not quite coeval with them. The first 
Robert Dynley mentioned may have been the son of Richard of Charlton, but 
as among the many other coat of arms they are not entitled to quarter, those of 
Hansacre of Charlton are not claimed by them, and a son of Richard's would 
certainly quarter those coats. It may be that they descend from a younger 
brother of Richard's. A picture is given of a brass 1 in Standford Dingley 
church in Berkshire, of Margaret, the wife of William Dyneley, who died on the 
7th of August. 1444. 

A great-grandson of Sir John Dingley of Wolverton was Robert Dingley, a 
rich merchant of London, a governor of the Bank of England, a Fellow of the 
Royal Society (F. R. S.) and the principal founder of the great charity, the 
Magdalen hospital. A portrait of Robert Dingley is now preserved in the board 
room of the Magdalen. He had one son and four grandsons, who must have 
either died sonless. or emigrated as no trace of them whatsoever can be found. 

The Cornish Dingleys all sprang from a William Dingley. who came into the 
country and married a Cornish wife in 1575. Whether he was the son of James 
or Richard, the sons of Mark Dingley. is not clear, but the Southampton Ding- 
leys now extend descent from the one and the Cornish Dingleys from the other. 
The Cornish family, about 1700 divided into two branches. The elder branch 
was a hundred years ago extensive, but after the manner of the family 
dwindled, and it has now, 1896. only one male representative; he had uncles and 
cousins but they have utterly disappeared. 

In the year 1637 when the first Dingley is known to have emigrated from 
England to America, there were Dingleys in Yorkshire. Worcestershire, Hamp- 
shire, the Isle of Wight, and in Cornwall. The John Dingley who went to Amer- 
ica did not come from the Cornwall Dingleys because he was a High Church 

Cropthorne. About one half of the principal structure was in 1867. standing, hav- 
ing been remodeled both without and within early in the last century. The orig- 
inal hall, of which the tall window is seen in the appending view, is gone, and 
the ancient gate-house which occupied the center of the area has been removed. 
The less ancient boundry w-all in front with its two pilliard gate-ways is still 
standing. So are the adjoining porter's lodge, of timber and brick, and the dove- 
cote behind it, which is of stone. This mansion, which had been relinquished to 
farmers from about 1780. is now (1867) undergoing the process of renovation with 
more than usual regard to its old features, at the hands of Henry Workman, 
Esq., late of Everhani. by whom the Charlton estate was purchased in 1864 
The "W^orkmans subsequently sold the estate to other parties. 

1— The brass of Margaret Dyneley, in Standford Dingley church is the oldest 
Dingley monument known. The inscription without contractions, Is as follows: 
Subjacet hoc lapide Margaret Dyneley tumulata 
Quondam Willmi Dyneley conjux vocitata 
Armegeri Regio. Modo vevnulus esca pavata 
M Domlna C quater X quater L, cadel ilia 
Romana festo. Jesus ergo sui memor esto. 
The translation: 

Beneath this stone lies buried Margart Dyneley 
Formerly entitled wife of William Dyneley 
Esquire of the King. But now food ready for worms. 
She dies in (the year) of our Lord MCCCCXXXXIIII (1444) 
On the feast of St. Romanus (9th of August). Jesus therefore 
have mercy on her. 
The feast of S. Romanus (9th of August) occurs within the octave of the 
greater festival of "The Name of Jesus," the 7th of August, and this explams 
the special invocation of the Holy Name. 

(7) 



clergyman, and suffered much for his opinions, and would by no chance have 
joined the Puritans; furthermore there are records of this John Dlngley sub- 
sequent to 163S. The John Dingley of the Wolverton branch on the Isle of 
Wight was born in 1590, knighted in 1614, and was deputy governor of the Island 
In 1642, so that he could not have emigre ted. There was, however, a John Ding- 
ley missing from the Dingleys of Charlton in Worcestershire, and this in all 
probability is the John Dingley who emigrated to America in 1637. This John 
Dingley was a son of Francis whose children have already been mentioned. 
From their surroundings and relationship this family of Francis Dingley, it is 
lair to judge, were Royalists and Churchmen, centainly anti-Puritan; but Col. 
William Dingley, 1 nephew of Francis and first cousin of John was a distin- 
guished soldier in the service of the parliament and therefore not a Royalist, so 
It is quite possible that some of his cousins might have been the same. 2 

The will of Francis Dingley is very short. He only mentions two of his sons, 
and leaves everything else to his wife. The Inference, therefore, is that he had 
provided for all the others in his lifetime, and that they were Independent and 
could do as they liked. 3 

1 — The epitaph of Col. William Dingley in Hanley Castle church speaks of his 
noble nature to his endeared country and adds: "Neither was he wanting to the 
Civil government, being enrolled a Justice of Peace and quorum for this county 
of which in peace and war he was most highly esteemed." Col. William Dingley 
died May 5th, anno 1653. 

2— From the fact that the family of Francis Dingley were Royalists, it does 
not follow that they were anti-Puritans. There was a great difference between 
the Pilgrims and the Puritans. The Pilgrims fled from England to escape relig- 
ious persecution. They first went to Holland and thence to America, settling in 
Plymouth in 1620. The Puritans founded the Massachusetts Bay colony in 1628- 
30. They had the approval of the English throne and were a large and well- 
equipped company. They were actuated largely by a religious motive. Yet pri- 
marily, theirs was a commercial colony, and they did not seem to disavow the 
state church. It is therefore probable that John Dingley. who came to America 
In 1637 was one of the Puritans and a member of the Massachusetts Bay 
colony. He was a royalist and a churchman, it is true, and he must also have 
been a Puritan. Rev. Samuel Dingley evidently assumed that because John 
Dingley was a royalist and churchman, he must have been anti-Puritan. But 
such was not the case. 

3 — The first Dingley to be found in the records of the University of Oxford is: 
Dingley, Roger. B. A. (Supplicated 24 June) 1506. Fellow of All Souls Coll., 

1511. M. A., 29. November, 1513. Guardian of the Ruthberry Chest in summer 

1514. Proctor, 151S. B. D.. 16 June. 1533. D. D.. 11 June, 15S6. 
Elsewhere he is said to have been chaplain to Henry VIII. 

3— Most of the information contained in this chapter relative to the early 
history of the Dingley family in England was obtained through the industry and 
courtesy of Rev. Samuel Richard Dingley. a retired clergyman living in 1S96 at 
Hampton-on-Severn, Gloucester, England, who wrote to Hon. Nelson Dingley 
Jr. as follows: 

The Denhalls. 
Hampton-on-Severn, 

Gloucester, Eng. 

Stonehouse, 
Gloucester. Eng. 
December 27, 1S95. 
My Dear Sir: 

I have just seen your name on the enclosed newspaper slip. I, too, am a Ding- 
ley, but I did not know that there were any of our family in America, though I 
was aware of some who had gone to Australia. Would you mind telling me what 
you Inow of your ancestors, and when they left England? There have been 
Dyneleys or Dingleys of Yorkshire. Dinleys or Dingleys of Charlton in Wor- 
cestershire — claiming bv various marriages three royal descents— Dingleys of 
Wolverton, in the Isle of Wight, who have the blood of Charlemange, all having 
a common ancestor in Henry de Dyneley of Cliriger in Lancashire, who lived 
circa 1250 A. D.. I come of an offshoot of one of these which has been in Corn- 
wall since about 1600, A. D. Of these Cornish Dingleys I know nearly everything. 
Of the other branches I know a good deal, and should much like to find your 
place in the family tree. 

(8) 



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DINGLEY. 



CHAPTER III. 

John Dingrley, the ancestor of the Dingley family in the United States, was 
born about 1608 and died in 165S. He came over from Lynn, England, to Lynn, 
Massachusetts, with a company of emigrants In 1637. Lynn was then a portion 
of the Massachusetts Bay colony, settled by the Puritans in 162S-1630. Although 
the members of the company were Puritans, adherents to the established church 
of England and probably Royalists, circumstances were too much for them; 
and as they learned of the religious freedom of the colony at Plymouth and ap- 
preciated the fitness of the latter's religion and customs for their social condi- 
tion, they gradually adopted both. In 1640 the company at Lynn removed to 
Sandwich (Cape Cod) and became practically a portion of the Plymouth colony. 
In 1692 the Plymouth and Massachusetts Bay colonies became actually one. 

Thus John Dingley. while not a Pilgrim and a member of the original Ply- 
mouth colony, was a Puritan and a Plymouth Pilgrim by adoption. The origi- 
nal Lynn company was at Lynn only three years, and there are few if any 
records of it in the history of that period. The real history of the Dingleys in 
America begins in the town of Marshfleld, Massachusetts, whence John Dingley 
with two associates came from Sandwich in 1640. This was soon after Marsh- 
field and Duxbury were erected out of parts of old Plymouth. John Dingley was 
a blacksmith by trade, but united with his trade the cultivation of the soil — a 
lot of land having been granted him by the town. This farm in Marshfleld 
has ever been known as the Dingley homestead, and the old house was occupied 
until recently, by the only survivor of the family in that region, an aged wo- 
man. John Dingley is named on the first book of the Marshfield records as pay- 
ing rates or taxes, in 1643, and was styled "Goodman Dingley." He was some- 
thing of a politician or village statesman, for he is mentioned as being often 
chosen to fill responsible offices in the town. He died in 165S about fifty years 
old. His wife's name was Sarah, but her maiden name, and the dates of her 
birth, marriage and death are missing. Although many old tombstones in the 

If you care about these things I could tell you much of great interest, and 
should be much pleased to do so. I, myself, am a priest of the Church of Eng- 
land old, slightly crippled, retired from active service, married but with no 

children. ' I have a small but sufficient income, so that I want nothing of anyone. 
The occupation of my old age and leisure time is family history, and whenever 
I hear of a stiange Dingley I want to know who he is. I trust you will pardon 
my intrusion and also any informality in the address of my letter. I have no 
Idea of your christian name, nor do I know what style or title may be your due. 
Hoping to hear from you, believe me, yours very truly, 

Samuel Richard Dingley. 

To this letter Congressman Dingley replied with cordial thanks, also convey- 
ing to his kind English family-friend all the information in his possession touch- 
ing the Dingley family in America. Replying to Mr. Dingley's letter the English 
rector, February 17, 1S96. sent a second letter to Congressman Dingley contain- 
ing much of the information which is given in these pages. The editor of this 
work is therefore deeply indebted to this English rector for valuable informa- 
tion concerning the early history of the Dingley family. 

(9) 



Marshfleld churdiyard dating back to the seventeenth and eighteenth century, 
bear the name of Dingley, there is nothing to Indicate the maiden name of John's 
wife or the date of their marriage. 

John and Sarah Dingley had five cliildi-en — two sons and three daughters: 
John Jr., who died in boyhood, in 1655; Mary, who died in 1655; Sarah, who mar- 
ried William Ford and who died in 1727; and Hannah, who married Josias Keen. 

It is of historical interest both to the Dingleys and to all New England, 
to know that Mary Dingley, daughter of John Dingley, played an important 
part in the early history of the Plymouth colony. There are no more sweet and 
tender stories of the early Pilgrim days than appear in Jane Austin's "Betty 
Alden." called the first horn daughter of the Pilgrims. 

Miles Standish. one of the heroes of that period, had lost his beloved daugh- 
ter Lora; and Betty Alden was chosen to comfort the wounded soldier: and to 
Myles she recounted in tender language the last words of Lora, which were: 

" 'Tis Mary and not Sally that will comfort him best. She'll be a daughter 
to him in a place next to mine. Tell him so." 

Myles covered his face again, and for some moments Betty sat in respect- 
ful silence, then, moving nearer, laid a light touch upon the shoulder heaving 
under its mighty struggle for self-control. 

"Not in Lora's place, dear sir," said she softly. "No one can take that e'en 
if she would, and Mary Dingley would not if she could. I know her well, and a 
milder, gentler, sweeter maid no longer lives on earth. She is one who will 
ever bear your grief in mind, yet never speak of it; one who will give you a 
daughter's duty and tendance, yet never press you for a daughter's freedom; 
one who will love you as much as you will let her, yet never be nettled at 
thought you do not love her as you might. She is as fond of Josiah as woman 
can be of man. yet modest and meek and shamefast as a maid should ever be. 
Oh, sir, she is a girl among a thousand I do assure you, and if you will open 
house and heart to her you shall never, never repent of it." 

The stern Myles had forbidden his son Josiah to bring his sweetheart, Mary 
Dingley, home, but his iron will and heart were softened by the tender words of 
Betty, and the love-match between Josiah Standish and Mary Dingley was 
agi'eed to and blessed. 

The following from the pen of Jane Austin beautifully describes the scene of 
this early romance in which Mary Dingley became the bride of Josiah Standish, 
uniting the families of Standish and Dingley: 

"The lime tree has shed not only flowers but fruit, and the bees are adding 
to their clover and clethra honey a last deposit from the latest hollyhocks and 
golden rod. The apples lie in fragi'ant piles beneath the orchard trees, or in a 
less worthy heap beside the cider mill; the maize and the pumpkins gleam in 
merry gold, exulting over the withered foliage that in their non-age flaunted 
above their heads; the barns are bursting, and the cattle sleek with plenteous 
corn; it is the jocund time of year when mother earth spreads an abundant 
board and calls her children to eat and give thanks to their creator and hers. 

"The waters of Duxbury Bay. placid and gleaming with the hazy sunlight 
of the Indian summer, reflects the sails of a dozen or more boats lazily gliding 
in from Plymouth, from Marshfleld, from Scituate, and even from Barnstable 
and Sandwich, for the children of the Pilgrims have not yet outgrown the fam- 
ily love and interest that bound their fathers in so close a tie, and the Robin- 
sons, children of the good pastor, who so loved and so cruelly misjudged our 
Captain, have come from the Cape to the wedding of his son. bringing with 
them little Mercy, to whom Standish left '£3 to her whom I tenderly love for her 
grandfathers sake.' 

"Yes this is the wedding day of Josiah Standish and Mary Dingley, whose 
parents have generously consented to bring their daughter to Duxbury and let 
the marriage take place in her future home as the captain had requested; 
and now that he has given his consent, the old man gives his heart to the plan, 
and sends his boat with John Haward or Hobomok. laden with Invitations to the 
old friends whom in these latter days he has almost churlishly avoided." 

(10) 




gtibiaiff ii(it(apiilt-iafr5itf5iratiaftottlata| 
^oniim itBillmi %uflfi' lomx iicritatd 
S'.mnni Vfm noiio VwMs tla paiata 
itt- O'm • < ■ qaaltr ■ qtialtr ■« ■ qnaltr ■■! • Hilt ilia I 
•T\mm Wio ■ Jrfns mo fui mmor rlio ^ 



RESIDENCE OF REV. SAMUEL DINGLET. GLOUCESTER. ENGLAND. 

BRASS OF MARGARET DTNELET. 

SEAT OF DINGLEY FAMILY IN ENGLAND— MAIN ENTRANCE. 

CORNER OF TOWER. 



Then Jane Austin tells of the simple ceremony; 

"The brief and bald civil service soon was said, the hearty salutes bestowed, 
and the sturdy hand-shaking over; then Governor Bradford, with an air at once 
paternal and courtly, led the bride to the head of the principal table and the 
fe2ist, upon which the skill of a select committee of old friends has expended 
itself, began. 

"But at last all was over; the hunter's moon whose culmination had fixed 
the date of the wedding, hung glorious in Heaven, shedding almost the light of 
day; the neighbor's horses were saddled and pillioned, and the boats of those 
who came from farther afield were manned and ready," etc. 

Thus Mary Dingley and Josiah, son of Captain Myles Standlsh, were mar- 
ried, but the joy of that day was turned into sorrow. Mary (Dingley) Stan- 
dish died seven months after her wedding day; and it is she who is the dear 
daughter-in-law. beside whose body, together with that of his dear daughter 
Lora. Captain Myles Standish directed in his will he should be buried. 1 

Jacob Dingley. of Marshfield. only son of John living to manhood (born 
In 1642 and died in 1691) succeeded to the occupancy of the homestead, having 
married Elizabeth Newton. They had eight children— two sons and six daugh- 
ters; Mary, born in 1667, who died unmarried; Joseph, born in 1672, who left no 
sons; Hannah, born in 1675, who married Michael Ford; Alice, born in 167S, who 
married Joseph Adams; Elizabeth, born in 16S1. who mai-ried Philip Delana; 
Sarah, born in 1684, who married Elnathan Fish; Abigail, born in 16S7, who mar- 
ried Robert Waterman; and John, born in 1670, who is the common ancestor of 
all the Dingleys in the United States. 

John Dingley, second son of Jacob and grandson of the first John (born in 
1670, died in 1763), married Sarah Porter January 27, 1702. she having been born 
in 16S0. They had six children — two sons and four daughters: Jacob, born Octo- 
ber 31st, 1703; John, born August 13th. 1706; who married Keziah Thomas; Sarah, 
born in 1709, who married Joseph Hewett; Martha, born in 1713; Ann, born in 
1716, who married Jacob Pillsbury; and Elizabeth, born in 1723, who married John 
Sherman. 

John Dingley, the father, died December 12. 1763, age almost ninety-four, his 
wife, Sarah, having died March 3, 1741, aged sixty-one. 

John Dingley, the son, remained on the ancestral homestead and married 
Keziah Thomas. He died in 1779. and his wife a year earlier. They had six 
children, three daughters and three sons; John, who died young; Thomas, born 
in 1731; and Jabcz. born in 1736. Jabez settled on the homestead where his 
grandson, Isaac S. Dingley, resided for many j-ears. Thomas removed to Hal- 
lowell, Maine. 

Jacob Dingley of Duxbury, the oldest son of John and Sarah Porter Dingley 
(born in 1703. died in 1792), married Mary Holmes, and settled in the northern 
part of Duxbury, near the Marshfield line. They had six children, three sons 
and three daughters: Abner, born January 21, 1732, who married Ruth Bryant; 
Mary, born in 1735, who married Simeon Cook; Sarah, born in 1742, Abigail, born 
in 1745; Jacob, born February 25, 1727; and Joseph, born November 28, 1729. 

Jacob Dingley died December 4, 1792, at the age of 89, and his wife, Mary, In 
1797, at the age of ninety-seven. 

Abner Dingley, son of Jacob, had a son, Amasa, born in 1760, and graduated 
at Harvard college in 1785, who settled as a physician in New York City, and 

1— There were two families of Standish— Standish of Standish, and Standish 
of Duxbury— both originally from the same stock, and both in Lancashire. Such 
families as the Standishes of Duxbury and the Dingleys of Charlton were apart 
from the common run of men. and would be more or less in communication with 
each other all over the country. If they did not know each other personally be- 
fore they went to America they knew of each other. They would be so in touch 
with each other that I have no doubt the projects of Miles Standish were heard 
of at Charlton. 

The marriage of Standish of Duxbury and the daughter of a Dingley of 
Charlton would be distinctly fitting. That John Dingley was a farmer and a 
blacksmith was no more than saying he was an emigrant. Even now many well 
born men qualify themselves for emigration by learning a handcraft or two.— 
fRev. Samuel R. Dingley.] 

(11) 



died of yellow fever; and also a son Abner, born in 1761; Natlianial B., born in 
1764; and Charles. The son Abner removed to Weston, New York with his sons, 
Mason, Warren and Amasa; and Abner and Nathanial B. removed to Winslow, 
Maine. Joseph, son of Jacob, had two sons, Abner and Joseph. 

Jacob Dingley 2nd, of Duxbury, son of Jacob and Mary Holmes Dingley (born 
in 1727 and died probably about 1770), married first Desire Phillips by whom he 
had William, born in 1749 and several other children. His second wife was 
Susannah Fuller, by whom he had Elkanah, who died at sea; Levi, who married 
Hannah Peterson, and removed to Harpswell, Maine, probably about 1758; 
Jacob; Desire; Susannah; Ezra; John, who married Lydia Peterson and re- 
moved to Bowdoin, Maine; and Mary. Jacob Dingley's third wife was Alethea 
Fullerton Ford, by whom he had Joseph and Abner. Abner died early and 
Joseph had three children, Joseph, Hannah and Esther. 

William Dingley, son of Jacob and Desire Phillips Dingley (born in 1749, 
died in 1812), married Sarah Jordan. 



<12) 



CHAPTER IV. 

William Dingley, the first of the family to locate in Maine, and the great- 
grandfather of Nelson Dingley Jr., moved from Duxbury, Massachusetts, to 
Cape Elizabeth, Maine, about 1773. The town of Cape Elizabeth was only eight 
years old, having been set off from Falmouth (now Portland) in 1765. He was 
only twenty-four years old when he located here. He had inherited from his 
ancestors and acquired through experience a hatred of England and a love for 
the new republic that was struggling for existence. The very year he moved 
from Duxbury, Massachusetts, to the new Maine colony of Cape Elizabeth, the 
famous "Boston Tea-party" was held. Two years later, when William was 
twenty-six, "The midnight ride of Paul Revere," immortalized by the poet 
Longfellow (a native of Portland, Maine) had fired his patriotic heart. 

The battle of Lexington sounded the note of alarm throughout the colony. 
News of this conflict reached Falmouth and Cape Elizabeth on the 20th of April; 
and on the 21st, these towns sent out a strong company. Every man was ready 
to pledge his life, his fortune, and his sacred honor, in defense of the liberties 
of America. 

William Dingley took part in these patriotic proceedings, and helplessly 
witnessed the burning of Falmouth by the British October 17th, 1775. Promptly 
at nine o'clock the signal of attack was given and the red flag of British ven- 
geance was unfurled. It was a beautiful autumnal morning, with a cloudless 
sky, a gentle breeze and an invigorating atmosphere. Falmouth was beauti- 
fully situated on the southern slope of a hill facing the bay. It was the largest 
and richest town in the state. There were four hundred dwelling houses, each 
with its garden. There were churches, a library, and several public buildings. 
For nine hours the British stormed and shelled the doomed city. The torch was 
applied and the place became a roaring volcano. It was an awful spectacle. 
Four hundred and fourteen buildings were destroyed and the city laid in ashes. 
It was a most atrocious crime committed to punish the inhabitants of Fal- 
mouth for daring to thwart the British monopoly of manufactures and trade. 

Thus William Dingley could not help being an ardent patriot. He was a 
loyal supporter of George Washington; and when a call was made for troops to 
defend the coast of Maine, companies were raised at Falmouth, Elizabeth and 
Boothbay. The dreadful conflict continued. The unfortunate settlers in the 
towns along the shore were tortured and killed by the British. The coast was 
ravaged by the cruel and blood thirsty red-coats. This led many settlers to 
push further back into the wilderness, and the interior towns of Maine were 
established. Lord Cornwallis, on the 27th of October, 17S1, surrendered at York- 
town and the revolution was over. 

William Dingley was then thirty-two years old. He had taken an active and 
honorable part in the struggle for freedom; and with a stout heart and strong 
hand he started out to make his own way in this new republic of which he was 
an humble but loyal citizen. He was married at Cape Elizabeth to Sarah Jor- 
dan, and to them were born eight children; Jeremiah, born at Cape Elizabeth, 
January 14, 1779; William, born in 1776; Abigail, who married James Jordan of 

(13) 



Lewiston; Polly, who married Samuel Wagg of Danville, one of the earliest 
settlers in that section; Lucy, who married John Penley, a descendant of Cap- 
tain John Penley and for several years a selectman of Danville; Esther, who 
married David Crockett of Danville; and Sarah and Susannah, who successively 
married Matthias Vickery Jr., of Danville. (Matthias Vickery Sr., is remem- 
bered as a very religious man, and in 1S03 he was appointed on a committee of 
three in the town of Danville "to expend $60 voted by the town for the support 
of gospel preachers"). Matthias Jr., married Sarah Dingley who bore him eight 
children. Of the two sons, only one, Jeremiah, lived to perpetuate the family 
name. 

Sarah Jordan, the good and faithful wife of William Dingley, came from a 
family of patriots. They originally settled on Cape Elizabeth opposite Fal- 
mouth. Humphrey Jordan served honorably in the war of the revolution and in 
the war of 1812 James Jordan, brother of Humphrey, married Polly, daughter 
of William and Sarah Jordan Dingley. 

William Dingley lived on Cape Elizabeth ten years after the treaty of Paris 
was signed and the revolutionary army was disbanded. In 1793 at the age of 
forty-tour he moved his family to the town of Danville (now Auburn, Andros- 
coggin, then Cumberland county), and took up a farm in the southeasterly part 
of that town. 

When William Dingley moved to Danville or what was formerly known as 
Pejepscot, the prolonged litigation over boundaries was not settled; in fact the 
town of Pejepscot was not incorporated by the general court of Massachusetts 
until 1814, two years after William died; and the name was not changed to 
Danville until 1819, seven years after his death. 

The early records of this town relate almost exclusively to the making of 
highways. In 1802, nine years after William located in Danville the first com- 
mittees were appointed to lay out roads. In the building and repairing of these 
roads home labor was employed; and in this work of internal improvement Wil- 
liam was very active. 

The Province of Maine had been a county of Massachusetts since 1652 under 
the name of Yorkshire. Two delegates were sent to the general court. The peo- 
ple of the province had consented to this in order that they might obtain better 
protection against the Indians. But now that the Indian wars were over, 
movements were set on foot for a separation. These movements were carried 
on intermittently for more than a score of years; but the citizens of Pejepscot 
took a rather languid interest, if we may judge of the number of them who 
came out to vote on this ciuestion. In 1807 no votes were cast in favor of 
separation. On another occasion thirty votes, and on still another sixty-seven 
votes were cast for separation. 

The citizens of this town first took part in national affairs in 1808, fifteen 
years after William Dingley located there. He was fifty-nine years old and be- 
ing an ardent Federalist, was opposed to the administration of President Jef- 
ferson. The town was agitated over the embargo, and Squire Giddings wrote in 
his diary: "The curse of non-intercourse and embargo measures are felt in 
every family and continue in prospect with other calamities. May God in His 
mercy cause what is best to take place." 

William died in September, 1812, at the age of sixty-three, three months 
after war had been declared with England, and two months before the people 
of his town had elected a Democrat to the .general court of Massachusetts by a 
majority of six and approved of the war. 



(14) 




DIXCiLEY HOMESTEAD, DURHAM. MAINE 

MR. DINGEEY'S MOTHER. MR. DINGLEY^S FATHER. 

LAMBERT HOMESTEAD. DURHAM. MAINE. \VHERE NELSiJ.X DINGLEY 

JR. WAS BORN. 



CHAPTER V. 

The story of the early settlement of what la now the state of Maine, Is one 
of suffering and hardship. Hostile Indians and malaria from the White Pine 
Swamps were foes difflcult to overcome. But these pioneers were made of 
hardy stuff; and as the years rolled by tliey partook more and more of the 
rugged qualities of the land and climate. The rivers were the highways. Not 
even a line of spotted trees indicated a land-tract. On the hanks and margins 
of the watercourses were found the pioneer homes — simple structures of logs 
reared from the butts of ancient trees fallen by the pioneer's axe on the spot 
■where they were cut down for a clearing. The walls were covered with bark or 
thatched. The inclosed earth was excavated for a cellar. The excavation was 
then planked over with riven logs of pine; and a trap-door in the center of the 
flooring led to the cellar, while a prlmative ladder afforded the ascent to the 
garret above. In one corner of the log-walled room was an immense fireplace. 
The back and one side was built of stone, while a wooden post set the opposite 
jamb, supporting a horizontal beam for a mantelpiece. On the hearth was an 
ample store of wood, while a blazing fire illuminated the whole interior. Here 
the sturdy pioneers reared their families and laid the foundation of a grand and 
noble state. 

The lumber and fur trades were valuable and largely extended. Money was 
scarce; commerce was barter. The cotton and linen goods used were largely, 
if not wholly, the productions of the mothers and daughters at the home fire- 
side, while the tanned hides of the deer, moose, etc., formed an important factor 
In making the clothing of the men. Industry, temperance and economy were 
the leading characteristics of this generation. In those rough pioneer homes 
dwelt a virtuous and Godly people. They trusted In an all-wise Providence. 
Trials and unlocked for calamities overtook them but their sublime faith was 
not shaken. In 1785 a freshet swept away all their bridges. In 1791 they were 
visited by an incursion of grasshoppers that ate the corn and potatoes to the 
ground. In many fields not one bushel of potatoes was raised. The winters 
were long and severe. But year after year these pioneers toiled on. 

Among the early settlers was William Dingley who, as has already been 
stated, moved from Cape Elizabeth to Danville (now Auburn). Maine, in 1793. 
He took up his abode on a farm in the southeasterly part of that town, on the 
banks of the Androscoggin river at a point still known as Dingley's Ferry. Dan- 
ville at that time had few settlers. John Merrill located in the westerly part In 
1778; True Woodbury a few years later; and James Wagg was living in 17S0 on 
the farm on the river road still occupied by his descendants. William Dingley 
took up the life of a pioneer, and joined with his neighbors (the nearest prob- 
ably five miles) in clearing the forests, tilling the soil and educating his child- 
ren. They all lived in log cabins and suffered the handships incident to trans- 
forming the forest into farms. Plows could not be used because of stumps 
and logs. The implement most frequently used was a rude hoe of great weight 
made by the nearest blacksmith. They had no carts. Manure when used was 
handled with wooden shovels and carried to the fields in hods. 

(15) 



Hay and other crops were dragged to the farms on ox-sleds or else "poled 
in" by hand. Their heavy scythes were fastened to straight sticks or perhaps 
to a crooked alder cut in the swamp. Indian corn was their staple food. Their 
meet was the flesh of the deer and moose, then abundant. Other wild animals 
of less desirable character were not uncommon. Bears weighing two hundred 
pounds were frequently killed within a stone's throw of the log cabin. Besides 
Indian corn their food was bean porridge, bannocks and salt pork. There were 
no table cloths, knives or forks, cups or saucers. Wooden bowls and wooden 
spoons were, besides fingers, the prevailing eating utensils. Settles were used in 
place of chairs. But William Dingley of Danville, Maine, was a sturdy char- 
acter. He came of sturdy stock. 

He was of the sixth generation of Dingleys, resident in this country; and he 
doubtless moved to Maine from the old homestead in Duxbury, Massachusets, to 
occupy the land he had taken in settlement of government paper paid out to 
revolutionary soldiers. This paper had depreciated so much that "a bushel of 
it would not buy a breakfast." The only means of giving an equivalent was in 
the unappropriated lands in the several commonwealths. Massachusetts had 
plenty of wild lands in the district of Maine and to her surviving soldiers she 
gave this opportunity of settling "State Lands" where they could establish 
homes of their own. 

Life in Danville from 1793 to 1S12, was primitive and yet wholesome and 
healthful. Both the men and women possessed great strength of body as well 
as of mind. They were fitting progenitors of the noble sons and daughters who 
in subsequent years made Maine famous in history. The men of Danville wore 
trousers of tow cloth in summer, and woolen cloth, deer or moose hide in the 
colder weather. Their coats were of similar material; while for shirts linen 
was the staple article. Wool was rare for a long time, because the bears and 
wolves killed the sheep; but flax grew freely, and thus linen was plentiful. The 
women had learned to w-eave on the great hand looms, and so they wove their 
coarse tow and the finer flax into thick cloths for the wear of men and boys and 
into sheets and towels for family use, while they jiroduced a finer cloth woven 
in colored checks for their own and their daughters' wear on Sundays and so- 
cial occasions. "Spinning bees" and "wool breakings" were held for spinning 
and carding. When the work was done the men, both young and old, came in; 
and the affair usually closed with simple dances and merry plays. 

The dress of the women was largely of home-made materials of finer quality 
and finish than that of the men. 

The constant strain of effort in clearing up this new country, affected in 
a marked degree the social life of the people. Holidays of other than religious 
observance, were practically unknown. Festivals of any sort were rare indeed. 
However neighborhood gatherings for social intercourse, were frequent. "Rais- 
ing bees," "Quilting bees," and "Husking bees" were especially popular. These 
were usually held moonlight evenings, and the tender and loving hearts of 
the youths and maidens were frequently given to each other on these romantic 
occasions. Perhaps the comely daughters of William Dingley — Abigail, Polly, 
Lucy, Esther, Sarah and Susannah, lost their hearts and found their happiness 
at some of these bees. 

Informal social visits of neighbor upon neighbor were not infrequent; and 
the good wives would spend an afternoon with each other and stay to tea, car- 
rying perhaps with them their own cups and saucers, and their wheels and dis- 
staffs or other implements, that the hours might be improved: for these good 
women were never idle. The town story-tellers spun their yarns and at nine 
o'clock sharp, good-nights were said, for in those days the rule was: 
Early to bed and early to rise 
Make a man healthy, wealthy and wise. 

Such was the life prevailing at Danville when William Dingley lived there 
with his good wife Sarah. Their lives were full of toil and hardship; but the 
earnestness and persistency of purpose which helped them conquer the wilder- 
ness, descended to their children and their children's children and gave to them 
the qualities that make noble men and women. From these hard conditions 
came the physical, mental and moral sturdiness and the self-reliance that char- 
acterized the life of Nelson Dingley Jr. 

William Dingley and his wife Sarah lie buried on the banks of the Andros- 

.(16) 



coggin river, near the site of their old home. Their six daughters married hap- 
pily and well, and lived near by. Their second son, Jeremiah, perpetuated the 
family name. 



(17) 



CHAPTER VI. 

Jeremiah, otherwise known as "Squire" Dingley, the second and only sur- 
viving son of William Dingley, was twenty-six years old when he took unto 
himself a wife. May 12, 1805, he married Lucy Garcelon, and settled on the old 
homestead at the Ferry on the banks of the Androscoggin river. Andrew R. 
Glddings, Job Lane and Benning Wentworth were the selectment of the town. 
(John Jordan, a relative of Sarah Jordan, wife of William Dingley, was a select- 
man at Danville several years, first in 1S04.) Benning Wentworth was clerk. 
The state of Maine, which had developed wonderfully for ten years, now had a 
population of about 155,000. Waterville, where Nelson Dingley Jr. spent much 
of his student life forty-five years later, had been incorporated two years be- 
fore. Lewiston, where Jeremiah Dingley Sr. found his first wife Lucy, was ten 
years old. In this year Oxford county, the home of many of Maine's most dis- 
tinguished sons, was organized. Jeremiah was thirty-three years old when wai 
was declared against Great Britain in June, 1812. He, like his honored father, 
was an ardent patriot, a stern gentleman of the old school and a conservative 
but public-spirited citizen. He was deeply interested in the development of the 
country and took an active part in politics. The war of 1812 over, Danville took 
part in the great demonstrations of joy that swept over the whole country. The 
great political question of the hour was the proposition to separate Maine from 
Massachusetts. After several trials, in 1819, the general court of Massachusetts 
formally declared the district of Maine ready to assume the duties and respon- 
sibilities of statehood. March 3, 1820, the district of Maine became the state of 
Maine; and two years later Jeremiah Dingley was first elected to the board of 
selectment of Danville. He was forty-three years old and reckoned one of the 
shrewdest and soundest men in that section. He was thus honored by his fel- 
low-townsmen for eight years successively. 

Squire Dingley was a blacksmith, and like all his neighbors, and ancestors, 
a farmer. Of the 148 heads of families in 1820, 145 were farmers. The men and 
the women toiled from sunrise to sunset. They journeyed on horseback; the 
pillions for ladies' seats. 

Lucy, the first wife of Jeremiah, was the daughter of Rev. James Garcelon of 
Lewiston. one of the selectmen of that town in its early days. They lived hap- 
pily on the old homestead at the ferry and had ten children — five sons and five 
daughter.? — Jordan, born April 2, 1806. who married Jane Gilpatrick; Julia A., 
born July 16, 1807, who married Socrates Dow; Nelson, born November, 15, 1809. 
who married Jane Lambert; James, born January 7, 1811, who married Betsey 
Blethen as his first wife, and widow Howard as his second; William, born 
March 27, 1814, who married Maria Blethen: Nancy, born June 13, 1816, who mar- 
ried William Brewster; Lucy, born August 18, 1819, who married Isaac Lambert; 
Jeremiah Jr., born April 13, 1822, who married Minerva Williams as his first wife 
and Ruth P. McKenney as his second wife; Sarah Elizabeth, born August 9. 
1824, and Susan G., born April 3, 1828, who married Cornelius Stackpole. 

Their third child (born November 15. 1809) was named Nelson and was the 
lather of Nelson Dingley Jr. All the sons married well and happily, and lived 

(18) 




MRS. SALOME DINGLEY. WIFE OF NELSON DINGLEY JR. 



to be honored and respected citizens. James was a selectman in 1843 and later. 
Jeremiah Jr., subsequently lived in Auburn, became prominent in politics and 
business, was a loyal and ardent supported of his nephew, Nelson Dingley Jr., 
and in February, 1899, one month after the death of his honored relative, 
passed from this life leaving a good name and a large fortune. The daughters 
of Jeremiah Sr. all but Sarah Elizabeth, married well and left their mark oit 
the history of this community. 

Squire Dingley spent the most useful years of his life (1820-1850) during an 
interesting period of Maine's history. The state was developing rapidly; the 
capitol was located at Augusta in 1832; the government was being formed, and 
trade and commerce were extending. 

The Aroostook war to settle the boundary between Maine and Canada, 
aroused the people of Danville. Politics ran high; and on all national ques- 
tions Squire Dingley and his sons were always against the extension of slavery 
and in favor of a strong central government. Wendell Phillips, William Lloyd 
Garrison and Henry Clay were the idols of Squire Dingley. 

He was a blacksmith and a farmer, as were also nearly all of his ancestors. 
He resided on the ferry homestead till his marriage to the Widow Jordan in. 
1837, his first wife Ducy Garcelon having died August 6. 1S31. With his second 
wife he removed to Durham, the adjoining town south on the banks of the An- 
droscoggin river. Here he lived for many years, finally removing to Auburn, 
Maine, opposite Lewlston, where he died February 14, 1869, at the age of ninety 
years. 

Nelson Dingley, the third child of Squire Dingley, was born at the old home- 
stead in Danville. He was brought up by his good mother Lucy as all children 
were then brought up — to work. He received a baptismal name of Nelson 
from England's great naval hero, who had but recently lost his life in the bat- 
tle of Trafalgar. His mother died while he was young; but her noble and am- 
bitious soul had inspired Nelson to acquire all the advantages the times af- 
forded. He was reared on the farm with only the usual opportunities for 
schooling afforded by the country schools. He was the architect of his own for- 
tune, beginning life, as he has so often said, with a capital of 50c, and, as the 
long life and consistent proof of industry showed, won his way to success in 
every enterprise in life which he undertook. His first venture of his own was 
at the age of nineteen, when, a mere boy off the farm, he traveled with a stock 
of goods, by team, over a large part of the state of Maine, making his venture 
profitable, both in experience and in money. He was a typical Yankee, sharp 
in a trade and self-reliant. 

In 1831, when he was twenty-two years old, he married Jane Lambert, daugh- 
ter of Isaac and Mary Strout Lambert of Durham. 

Jane Lambert was also twenty-two years of age. She was a smart, active 
girl, with dark brown hair and keen eyes. She devoted her summers to teach- 
ing school. She had a strong character and was energetic and ambitious and 
educated far beyond her day. She came of good old Revolutionary stock, her 
grandfather being Captain Joshua Strout, a native of Cape Elizabeth and a 
pioneer in Royalsborough (Durham) since 1771. Her mother, Mary, a daughter 
of the Knightly Captain, married Isaac Lambert an early settler in Durham, 
one of the devout christians of the town, one of the founders of the first Baptist 
church in that place, and chosen and ordained its first deacon. 

In 1852, Nelson Dingley Jr. in his diary thus wrote of his grandfather 
Lambert : 

"My grandfather Lambert was one of those stern old Puritans who settled 
in the country when it was an almost unbroken wilderness. By his own hands 
he had acquired a respectable property, and in the language of the world was 
well-to-do. Brought up in all the rigidity of early New England customs, he had 
an honest horror of everything pertaining to fashion and luxuries. His Bible was 
his guide and rule of action; and a living honestly acquired was his ultima thule 
of happiness." 

Thus in Jane Lambert was united the sturdy and aggressive qualities of a 
soldier and the sweet and lofty attributes of a devout follower of the Nazarine. 

Jane Lambert was a remarkable woman and many stories are even now told 
in Durham of her exceptional qualities. 

(19) 



The devoted young couple, Nelson Dingley and Jane Lambert Dingley, took 
up their abode in the town of Durham in 1S31, in the old Lambert homestead, and 
gave to each other that sweet mutual support and confidence that marked their 
entire wedded lite. She was a loving wife and a devoted mother; he was a lov- 
ing husband and a proud father. 

Of his parents Nelson Dingley Jr. wrote in 1852 thus: 

"Under the staid Puritanic rule my mother lived, eai-ly taught that each one 
was required to labor with his own hands; that industry was the indispensable 
requisite for this world, she had always done whatever was to be done. She had 
spent no time in the fashionable frivolities of this day, but practically qualified 
herself to enter on life's sea. Labor was no disgrace to her mind but an enjoy- 
ment for our natures. TVith few advantages she had stored her mind with 
knowledge, rather above the average for those days. She drank deep enough of 
the fountain to feel its value, to encourage her children. Her life passed 
smoothly, w'ith no angry waves; in the same spirit she had linked her destiny 
with another — the spirit of self-reliance. Under about the same influence my 
father was educated. Work was an element of every day lesson. Under the In- 
fluence of God-fearing parents his mind was formed. Of a stern, persevering 
nature, he triumphed over the difficulties of life, and sailed smoothly over the 
waste of waters. By his own exertions he rapidly rose both in the estimation of 
his neighbors and in property. Kind and affectionate almost to a fault he was 
respected by all, lived happy, surrounded by all the blessings of life, and I trust 
will die happy and be gathered at the right hand of God." 

In 1832 Durham, Maine, was a thriving town. The tide of business seemed to 
flow in that direction, and many thought it would sometime be a large city. As 
a manufacturing town it ranked with the leading communities in the state. Saw 
and grist mills were on every stream. A steam saw mill, a tannery, a chair fac- 
tory, a shipyard, made the town lively and interesting and gave pr,_ mise of a 
great future. 

To this place Nelson Dingley Sr. moved. He abandoned farming and set up 
a general store. This was popularly known as "Dingley's Store." and here 
gathered all the local politicians and farmers to discuss the latest questions of 
tlie day and spin yarns more or less truthful. It was a typical country store, 
with an old red-hot stove blazing in the winter and a number of barrels and 
boxes utilized as resting places for loafers and flies, in the summer tim.e. Na- 
tional, state and local politics, as well as temperance w-ere discussed. Nelson 
Dingley Sr., was an ardent Whig and a strong defender of the Maine liquor law. 
Durham and Dingley's store were famous for miles around. 

Here Nelson Dingley Jr. was born February 15, 1S32. The leading men of the 
town were James Strout, Jonathan Strout, Jacob Strout, (all relatives of Jane 
Lambert Dingley, wife of Nelson Dingley Sr.), James Newell, Jacob Herrick, 
David Douglass, and William Newell Jr. The Dingleys and the Lamberts were 
Baptists at this time; and in 1S3S, seven years after Nelson Dingley Sr. moved 
away from Durham, the first Baptist church was organized there. Some of the 
men and women on the first roll of membership were: Isaac Lambert (father 
of Jane Lambert Dingley), Jeremiah Dingley (father of Nelson Dingley Sr.), 
William Dingley, brother of Jeremiah Dingley: Isaac Lambert Jr., Mary Lam- 
bert, Lucy Lambert and Maria Dingley. In 1S51, this church was at the height 
of its prosperity: but soon after began to decline. Of the last four deacons, two 
were Isaac Lambert and William Dingley, while William Dingley was superin- 
tendent of the Sunday school. 

Durham probably takes its name from the county of that name in England, 
once the residence of the royal family. The name Roylsborough was given to this 
new township laid out in 1768, because Col. Isaac Royall who emigrated from 
England in 1781 and settled in Medford. Massachussets, was one of the proprie- 
tors. The town is located on the west bank of the Androscoggin river. The 
surface of the land is undulating, with a slope in the north towards the river. 
In the early days before the white man trod these shores the wigwams of the 
Indians dotted the banks of the Androscoggin. The Anasagunticooks. or An- 
droscoggin Indians, as they were subsequently called, had an encampment at 
Brunswick, a few miles below Durham. During King Philip's war in 1675 and '76 
they frequently met here to plan their cruel and barbarous attacks. King Wil- 
liam's war followed and the natives of the Androscoggin exhibited so much 

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FRANK L. DINGLET. BROTHER OF NELSON DINGLET JR. 



ferocity, that the government of Massachusetts sent out Major Church to cap- 
ture or kill Woronibee, the Sagamore who succeeded the cruel Tarumkin. 
AVorumbee's fort was on the upper Androscoggin. Church says in his history of 
this campaign that "we marched that day above the middle falls (Lisbon Falls) 
about twenty miles." His route must have been directly through what is now 
the site of Durham. 

Many years have passed since the last wandering Anasagunticook occupied 
the valley of this river where they were once so numerous, and the name is now- 
known only in history. 

After the close of the war of 1S12 intemperance increased alarmingly in the 
district of Maine. It was no uncommon thing to see all the members of a re- 
spectable family more or less under the influence of liquor. After the state was 
organized in 1S20 the people took alarm, and steps were taken to check the grow- 
ing evil. In nearly every town itinerant preachers talked on the curse of rum. 
Temperance revivals were held and teinperance societies with the motto "Tem- 
perance, Humanity and Progress," were formed in every town. The town of 
Durham took an active part in this movement, and here Nelson Dingley and 
Jane Lambert Dingley instilled into their children the foundation principles of 
temperance. The proud wife and mother, inspired by this wave of temperance, 
made her sons valiant knights in the long fight against this great evil. The 
movement resulted, in 1S46, in the first law prohibiting the manufacture and sale 
of intoxicating liciuors. The part Jane Lambert Dingley's eldest son took in this 
great drama, is told elsewhere in this work. 

Two sons were born to Kelson and Jane Lambert Dingley — Nelson Jr., born 
in Durham, Maine, February 15, 1S32; and Fi-ank L., born in Unity, Maine, Feb- 
ruary 7, 1S40. 

Jane Lambert Dingley, the loving and devoted mother of Nelson Dingley Jr., 
the distinguished statesman, departed this life December 2, ISTl, age sixty-two 
years. Of this event Congressman Dingley penned the following, which was pub- 
lished in the Lewiston Journal of December 3, ISVl: 

"Thanksgiving day her children and her grandchildren, as were their cus- 
tom, assembled at the parental home which was ever made sweet and attrac- 
tive by her presence. Gathered around the Thanksgiving table which she had 
so bountifully supplied, all united in thanks to the Giver of all good, and par- 
ticipated with her in all the enjoyment of the family reunion. Not one of us 
thought as we separated on that night that it was the last time we should all 
ever meet again on earth." 

After describing the scene of her death he continues: 

"Her children had been summoned, but when we arrived our mother was 
dead. Her face wore the same pleasing expression it was wont to wear in life 
and it was not till we kissed the lips whose touch from infant years had ever 
been so sweet to ours, that we could believe our blessed mother was no longer 
here. 

"Dearest mother, no more shall we meet thee on earth. When our life work is 
done we hope to meet thee in that blessed land of which you so often spoke, and 
in the presence of that iSaviour in whom you trusted. Till then, we, thy children, 
and our dear father, who deeply mourns the loss of a loving and devoted wife, 
have the precious legacy of thy sainted memory. The memory of thy tender 
love and unwearied care, thy uncounted deeds of affection, thy ever faithful 
counsel, thy kind remembrance of those in affliction, and thy deeds of charity 
and sympathy— crowds upon us with its wonted smile. You will be missed in 
the circle in which you moved, but above all in that home which for so many 
years your presence made radiant with joy, and most of all by the bereaved hus- 
band and children. 

"Dearest mother, "farewell, till we, too, are called." 
- Nelson Dingley Sr. lived an active and honorable life. In 1S33 he moved with 
his wife and infant child to Parkman in Picataquis county, Maine. A little 
farm; afterwards a store and a hotel: a few acres extending into more; patient 
days full of hard work often extending late into the evening hours: the zealous 
consecrated labor for his little family and the ambition to get on in the world— 
these repeat the biography of this New Englander, zealous chiefly because he 
desired his children to have a larger life than his own could ever be. 

Here they lived until the autumn of 1S38, when he removed to Unity in 
Waldo county, Maine. Here he opened a general store and also engaged in 

(21) 



farming- until 1854 when he removed to Auburn, Maine. In 1853 he was elected 
to the state senate as a Whig in a strongly Democratic county. 

In Auburn Nelson Dingley's life was all that the lite ot any active man of 
position, character and business reputation should be. He was never idle for a 
single hour. He was a man of keen judgment and rare integrity. He was 
active, honest, industrious, sagacious, helpful, thoughtful, considerate and kind. 
Endowed with the kindliest of humor, noted for his jest and joke, he never in- 
jured the feelings of others. 

He took a keen and active Interest In passing events until the last, and was 
proud of the accomplishments of his distinguished son. His home life was 
singularly calm and peaceful. He viewed all things from the high level of a 
Christian manhood. 

He passed from life August 3, 1897, at the home of his second son, Frank L. 
Dingley, in Auburn, Maine. He lies buried on the bank of the Androscoggin 
river beside his devoted wife and his distinguished son. 

It will thus be seen that Nelson Dingley Jr. came of exceptionally good 
stock, his ancestors dating back to the 12th century when the family name first 
appears in the parish of Dingley in Northamptonshire, England. The Dingleys 
in England and America appear to have been honest, sturdy people. They have 
in each generation played an important part in history; but under the divine dis- 
pensation of God, it was left for Nelson Dingley Jr. seven hundred years after 
the earliest recorded history of the Dingley family name, to make the name of 
Dingley famous throughout the civilized world. 1 

1 — Much of the biographical matter in these chapters relating to the Ding- 
leys in America is obtained from an autobiography of Nelson Dingley Jr., writ- 
ten and publishc I by him in 1874. The dedication of this little volume on its 
title page is as follows: 

"To my Dear Father, whose life Is still graciously spared, and the memory 
of my Dear Mother, who has passed to that better land where 1 hope to join her 
when my lite-work is done." 

Miss M. A. Thomas of Marshfield, Massachusetts, furnished Congressman 
Dingley at that time with some interesting data concerning his family, much ot 
•which is given in these pages. 



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GAROELON'S FERRY. ANDROSCOGi i I X i;i\'El:. 

LAST RESTING PLACE OF NELSON DINGLEY JR., AUBURN. 

OLD DINGLEY" BURYING GROX^ND, DURHAM. 



LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 



006 732 384 1 ' ii 





